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622011269
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JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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BCT 53 Eb
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9789027271747
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002
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BCT
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1874-0081
Benjamins Current Topics
53
01
Nonmanuals in Sign Language
01
bct.53
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/bct.53
1
B01
Annika Herrmann
Herrmann, Annika
Annika
Herrmann
University of Göttingen
2
B01
Markus Steinbach
Steinbach, Markus
Markus
Steinbach
University of Göttingen
01
eng
203
v
197
LAN009000
v.2006
CFZ
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GEST
Gesture Studies
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SIGN
Signed languages
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
In addition to the hands, sign languages make extensive use of nonmanual articulators such as the body, head, and face to convey linguistic information. This collected volume focuses on the forms and functions of nonmanuals in sign languages. The articles discuss various aspects of specific nonmanual markers in different sign languages and enhance the fact that nonmanuals are an essential part of sign language grammar. Approaching the topic from empirical, theoretical, and computational perspectives, the book is of special interest to sign language researchers, typologists, and theoretical as well as computational linguists that are curious about language and modality. The articles investigate phenomena such as mouth gestures, agreement, negation, topicalization, and semantic operators, and discuss general topics such as language and modality, simultaneity, computer animation, and the interfaces between syntax, semantics, and prosody.<br />Originally published in <i>Sign Language & Linguistics</i> 14:1 (2011).
05
For sign language linguists, this is a very welcome addition to the growing literature on the subject. For general linguists (and for gesture researchers) it can also serve as an introduction to the breadth of the subject.
Michael W. Morgan, in: LINGUIST List 25.2309, May 26, 2014
04
09
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Articles
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6
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Article
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Nonmanuals in sign languages
1
A01
Annika Herrmann
Herrmann, Annika
Annika
Herrmann
University of Göttingen
2
A01
Markus Steinbach
Steinbach, Markus
Markus
Steinbach
10
01
JB code
bct.53.03chu
7
46
40
Article
3
01
Syntax and prosodic consequences in ASL
Evidence from multiple WH-questions
1
A01
Sarah Churng
Churng, Sarah
Sarah
Churng
University of Washington
01
This study investigates three different multiple wh-question types in American Sign Language (ASL). While the three are strikingly similar, subtle but systematic differences in their prosody make them semantically distinct. I derive these distinctions from their syntax, via extensions of Koopman and Szabolcsi’s (2000) remnant movement and Sportiche’s (1988) stranded movement, and I propose that multiple wh-questions in ASL involve Parallel Merge structures of the kind proposed by Citko (2005). I also present new generalizations to characterize their prosody, whereby A-bar movement gives rise to prosodic breaks and ‘prosodic resets’.
10
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JB code
bct.53.04gok
47
72
26
Article
4
01
Negation in Turkish Sign Language
The syntax of nonmanual markers
1
A01
Kadir Gökgöz
Gökgöz, Kadir
Kadir
Gökgöz
Purdue University
01
This paper presents a detailed description of manual and nonmanual markers (NMMs) in negative sentences in Turkish Sign Language (TİD). It has been argued that TİD has a manual dominant pattern for negation with a backward head tilt being the major NMM in negative sentences. By contrast, in this paper I argue that, when it comes to negation, TİD is not a strictly manual dominant language. I will consider spreading of NMMs such as headshake, brow-lowering, and brow-raising and argue that these spreading NMMs play a syntactic role in TİD negative sentences. They mark the syntactic domain of negation, either through c-command, a spec-head-relation or both. In addition, I offer a generative analysis of the syntax of negation in TİD based on the syntactic background provided for TİD and the distributional patterns of NMMs.
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bct.53.05hos
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90
18
Article
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Eye gaze and verb agreement in German Sign Language
A first glance
1
A01
Jana Hosemann
Hosemann, Jana
Jana
Hosemann
University of Göttingen
01
Eye gaze as a nonmanual component of sign languages has not yet been investigated in much detail. The idea that eye gaze may function as an agreement marker was brought forward by Bahan (1996) and Neidle et al. (2000), who argued that eye gaze is an independent agreement marker occurring with all three verb types (plain verbs, spatial verbs, and agreeing verbs) in American Sign Language (ASL). Thompson et al. (2006) conducted an eye-tracking experiment to investigate the interdependency between eye gaze and ASL verb agreement in depth. Their results indicate that eye gaze in ASL functions as an agreement marker only when accompanying manual agreement, marking the object in agreeing verbs and the locative argument in spatial verbs. They conclude that eye gaze is <i>part</i> of an agreement circumfix. Subsequently, I conducted an eye-tracking experiment to investigate the correlation of eye gaze and manual agreement for verbs in German Sign Language (DGS). The results differ from Thompson et al.’s, since eye gaze with agreeing verbs in the DGS data did not occur as systematically as in ASL. Nevertheless, an analysis of verb duration and the spreading of a correlating eye gaze suggests that there is a dependency relation between eye gaze and manual agreement.
10
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JB code
bct.53.06lew
91
110
20
Article
6
01
Mouth gestures in British Sign Language
A case study of tongue protrusion in BSL narratives
1
A01
Donna Lewin
Lewin, Donna
Donna
Lewin
University College London
2
A01
Adam C. Schembri
Schembri, Adam C.
Adam C.
Schembri
La Trobe University
01
This article investigates the claim that tongue protrusion (‘th’) acts as a nonmanual adverbial morpheme in British Sign Language (BSL) (Brennan 1992; Sutton-Spence & Woll 1999) drawing on narrative data produced by two deaf native signers as part of the European Cultural Heritage Online (ECHO) corpus. Data from ten BSL narratives have been analysed to observe the frequency and form of tongue protrusion. The results from this preliminary investigation indicate tongue protrusion occurs as part of the phonological formation of lexical signs (i.e., ‘echo phonology’, see Woll 2001), as well as a separate meaningful unit that co-occurs (sometimes as part of constructed action) with classifier constructions and lexical verb signs. In the latter cases, the results suggest ‘th’ sometimes appears to function as an adverbial morpheme in BSL, but with a greater variety of meanings than previously suggested in the BSL literature. One use of the adverbial appears similar to a nonmanual signal in American Sign Language described by Liddell (1980), although the form of the mouth gesture in our BSL data differs from what is reported in Liddell’s work. Thus, these findings suggest the mouth gesture ‘th’ in BSL has a broad range of functions. Some uses of tongue protrusion, however, remain difficult to categorise and further research with a larger dataset is needed.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.07sze
111
142
32
Article
7
01
Nonmanual markings for topic constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language
1
A01
Felix Y.B. Sze
Sze, Felix Y.B.
Felix Y.B.
Sze
The Chinese University of Hong Kong
01
Across sign languages, topic constructions are marked by nonmanual features such as a brow raise and head tilt. This study investigates whether a topic constituent is marked nonmanually in Hong Kong Sign Language. Spontaneous and elicited data show that the majority of ‘scene-setting’ topics, which provide a temporal, spatial or individual framework for the proposition in the sentence, are accompanied with a brow raise and a specific head/body position different from the rest of the sentence. In contrast, ‘aboutness’ topics that represent what a sentence is about are neither marked by nonmanuals consistently nor separated intonationally from the rest of the sentence. Grammatical objects fronted to the sentence-initial position are not marked nonmanually, either. The findings suggest that there are cross-linguistic differences with respect to the functions of nonmanuals in the information structuring of sign languages.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.08wil
143
173
31
Article
8
01
Nonmanuals, semantic operators, domain marking, and the solution to two outstanding puzzles in ASL
1
A01
Ronnie B. Wilbur
Wilbur, Ronnie B.
Ronnie B.
Wilbur
Purdue University
01
This paper provides an analysis of certain nonmanuals from a semantic perspective with respect to the different types of semantic operators they are associated with. The categories of operators include simple/monadic and tripartite/dyadic. This semantic analysis will explain different phonological spreading among upper face/head nonmanuals: negative headshake, brow lowering, and structurally varied use of brow raise. Negative headshake and [+wh]-question brow lowering spread over their c-command domain. However, brow raise does not spread over its c-command domain, and its spreading domain is harder to characterize. The operator analysis provides a coherent explanation for the spreading domain. This distinction underlies a new analysis of the derived sign understand′, and helps resolve two puzzling issues related to its use: (1) why it has brow raise; and (2) what position it occupies in CP. This solution offers additional evidence in support of the claim that ASL has the spec,CP on the left.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.09wol
175
194
20
Article
9
01
Linguistics as structure in computer animation
Toward a more effective synthesis of brow motion in American Sign Language
1
A01
Rosalee Wolfe
Wolfe, Rosalee
Rosalee
Wolfe
DePaul University
2
A01
Peter Cook
Cook, Peter
Peter
Cook
Columbia College Chicago
3
A01
John C. McDonald
McDonald, John C.
John C.
McDonald
Bowling Green State University
4
A01
Jerry Schnepp
Schnepp, Jerry
Jerry
Schnepp
01
Computer-generated three-dimensional animation holds great promise for synthesizing utterances in American Sign Language (ASL) that are not only grammatical, but well-tolerated by members of the Deaf community. Unfortunately, animation poses several challenges stemming from the necessity of grappling with massive amounts of data. However, the linguistics of ASL may aid in surmounting the challenge by providing structure and rules for organizing animation data. An exploration of the linguistic and extralinguistic behavior of the brows from an animator’s viewpoint yields a new approach for synthesizing nonmanuals that differs from the conventional animation of anatomy and instead offers a different approach for animating the effects of interacting levels of linguistic function. Results of formal testing with Deaf users have indicated that this is a promising approach.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.10ind
195
197
3
Article
10
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20130620
2013
John Benjamins B.V.
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027202727
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
jbe-platform.com
09
WORLD
21
01
00
85.00
EUR
R
01
00
71.00
GBP
Z
01
gen
00
128.00
USD
S
745011268
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
BCT 53 Hb
15
9789027202727
13
2013015230
BB
01
BCT
02
1874-0081
Benjamins Current Topics
53
01
Nonmanuals in Sign Language
01
bct.53
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/bct.53
1
B01
Annika Herrmann
Herrmann, Annika
Annika
Herrmann
University of Göttingen
2
B01
Markus Steinbach
Steinbach, Markus
Markus
Steinbach
University of Göttingen
01
eng
203
v
197
LAN009000
v.2006
CFZ
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GEST
Gesture Studies
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SIGN
Signed languages
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
In addition to the hands, sign languages make extensive use of nonmanual articulators such as the body, head, and face to convey linguistic information. This collected volume focuses on the forms and functions of nonmanuals in sign languages. The articles discuss various aspects of specific nonmanual markers in different sign languages and enhance the fact that nonmanuals are an essential part of sign language grammar. Approaching the topic from empirical, theoretical, and computational perspectives, the book is of special interest to sign language researchers, typologists, and theoretical as well as computational linguists that are curious about language and modality. The articles investigate phenomena such as mouth gestures, agreement, negation, topicalization, and semantic operators, and discuss general topics such as language and modality, simultaneity, computer animation, and the interfaces between syntax, semantics, and prosody.<br />Originally published in <i>Sign Language & Linguistics</i> 14:1 (2011).
05
For sign language linguists, this is a very welcome addition to the growing literature on the subject. For general linguists (and for gesture researchers) it can also serve as an introduction to the breadth of the subject.
Michael W. Morgan, in: LINGUIST List 25.2309, May 26, 2014
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/bct.53.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027202727.jpg
04
03
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027202727.tif
06
09
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https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/bct.53.hb.png
07
09
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https://benjamins.com/covers/125/bct.53.png
25
09
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27
09
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10
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JB code
bct.53.01art
Section header
1
01
Articles
10
01
JB code
bct.53.02her
1
6
6
Article
2
01
Nonmanuals in sign languages
1
A01
Annika Herrmann
Herrmann, Annika
Annika
Herrmann
University of Göttingen
2
A01
Markus Steinbach
Steinbach, Markus
Markus
Steinbach
10
01
JB code
bct.53.03chu
7
46
40
Article
3
01
Syntax and prosodic consequences in ASL
Evidence from multiple WH-questions
1
A01
Sarah Churng
Churng, Sarah
Sarah
Churng
University of Washington
01
This study investigates three different multiple wh-question types in American Sign Language (ASL). While the three are strikingly similar, subtle but systematic differences in their prosody make them semantically distinct. I derive these distinctions from their syntax, via extensions of Koopman and Szabolcsi’s (2000) remnant movement and Sportiche’s (1988) stranded movement, and I propose that multiple wh-questions in ASL involve Parallel Merge structures of the kind proposed by Citko (2005). I also present new generalizations to characterize their prosody, whereby A-bar movement gives rise to prosodic breaks and ‘prosodic resets’.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.04gok
47
72
26
Article
4
01
Negation in Turkish Sign Language
The syntax of nonmanual markers
1
A01
Kadir Gökgöz
Gökgöz, Kadir
Kadir
Gökgöz
Purdue University
01
This paper presents a detailed description of manual and nonmanual markers (NMMs) in negative sentences in Turkish Sign Language (TİD). It has been argued that TİD has a manual dominant pattern for negation with a backward head tilt being the major NMM in negative sentences. By contrast, in this paper I argue that, when it comes to negation, TİD is not a strictly manual dominant language. I will consider spreading of NMMs such as headshake, brow-lowering, and brow-raising and argue that these spreading NMMs play a syntactic role in TİD negative sentences. They mark the syntactic domain of negation, either through c-command, a spec-head-relation or both. In addition, I offer a generative analysis of the syntax of negation in TİD based on the syntactic background provided for TİD and the distributional patterns of NMMs.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.05hos
73
90
18
Article
5
01
Eye gaze and verb agreement in German Sign Language
A first glance
1
A01
Jana Hosemann
Hosemann, Jana
Jana
Hosemann
University of Göttingen
01
Eye gaze as a nonmanual component of sign languages has not yet been investigated in much detail. The idea that eye gaze may function as an agreement marker was brought forward by Bahan (1996) and Neidle et al. (2000), who argued that eye gaze is an independent agreement marker occurring with all three verb types (plain verbs, spatial verbs, and agreeing verbs) in American Sign Language (ASL). Thompson et al. (2006) conducted an eye-tracking experiment to investigate the interdependency between eye gaze and ASL verb agreement in depth. Their results indicate that eye gaze in ASL functions as an agreement marker only when accompanying manual agreement, marking the object in agreeing verbs and the locative argument in spatial verbs. They conclude that eye gaze is <i>part</i> of an agreement circumfix. Subsequently, I conducted an eye-tracking experiment to investigate the correlation of eye gaze and manual agreement for verbs in German Sign Language (DGS). The results differ from Thompson et al.’s, since eye gaze with agreeing verbs in the DGS data did not occur as systematically as in ASL. Nevertheless, an analysis of verb duration and the spreading of a correlating eye gaze suggests that there is a dependency relation between eye gaze and manual agreement.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.06lew
91
110
20
Article
6
01
Mouth gestures in British Sign Language
A case study of tongue protrusion in BSL narratives
1
A01
Donna Lewin
Lewin, Donna
Donna
Lewin
University College London
2
A01
Adam C. Schembri
Schembri, Adam C.
Adam C.
Schembri
La Trobe University
01
This article investigates the claim that tongue protrusion (‘th’) acts as a nonmanual adverbial morpheme in British Sign Language (BSL) (Brennan 1992; Sutton-Spence & Woll 1999) drawing on narrative data produced by two deaf native signers as part of the European Cultural Heritage Online (ECHO) corpus. Data from ten BSL narratives have been analysed to observe the frequency and form of tongue protrusion. The results from this preliminary investigation indicate tongue protrusion occurs as part of the phonological formation of lexical signs (i.e., ‘echo phonology’, see Woll 2001), as well as a separate meaningful unit that co-occurs (sometimes as part of constructed action) with classifier constructions and lexical verb signs. In the latter cases, the results suggest ‘th’ sometimes appears to function as an adverbial morpheme in BSL, but with a greater variety of meanings than previously suggested in the BSL literature. One use of the adverbial appears similar to a nonmanual signal in American Sign Language described by Liddell (1980), although the form of the mouth gesture in our BSL data differs from what is reported in Liddell’s work. Thus, these findings suggest the mouth gesture ‘th’ in BSL has a broad range of functions. Some uses of tongue protrusion, however, remain difficult to categorise and further research with a larger dataset is needed.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.07sze
111
142
32
Article
7
01
Nonmanual markings for topic constructions in Hong Kong Sign Language
1
A01
Felix Y.B. Sze
Sze, Felix Y.B.
Felix Y.B.
Sze
The Chinese University of Hong Kong
01
Across sign languages, topic constructions are marked by nonmanual features such as a brow raise and head tilt. This study investigates whether a topic constituent is marked nonmanually in Hong Kong Sign Language. Spontaneous and elicited data show that the majority of ‘scene-setting’ topics, which provide a temporal, spatial or individual framework for the proposition in the sentence, are accompanied with a brow raise and a specific head/body position different from the rest of the sentence. In contrast, ‘aboutness’ topics that represent what a sentence is about are neither marked by nonmanuals consistently nor separated intonationally from the rest of the sentence. Grammatical objects fronted to the sentence-initial position are not marked nonmanually, either. The findings suggest that there are cross-linguistic differences with respect to the functions of nonmanuals in the information structuring of sign languages.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.08wil
143
173
31
Article
8
01
Nonmanuals, semantic operators, domain marking, and the solution to two outstanding puzzles in ASL
1
A01
Ronnie B. Wilbur
Wilbur, Ronnie B.
Ronnie B.
Wilbur
Purdue University
01
This paper provides an analysis of certain nonmanuals from a semantic perspective with respect to the different types of semantic operators they are associated with. The categories of operators include simple/monadic and tripartite/dyadic. This semantic analysis will explain different phonological spreading among upper face/head nonmanuals: negative headshake, brow lowering, and structurally varied use of brow raise. Negative headshake and [+wh]-question brow lowering spread over their c-command domain. However, brow raise does not spread over its c-command domain, and its spreading domain is harder to characterize. The operator analysis provides a coherent explanation for the spreading domain. This distinction underlies a new analysis of the derived sign understand′, and helps resolve two puzzling issues related to its use: (1) why it has brow raise; and (2) what position it occupies in CP. This solution offers additional evidence in support of the claim that ASL has the spec,CP on the left.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.09wol
175
194
20
Article
9
01
Linguistics as structure in computer animation
Toward a more effective synthesis of brow motion in American Sign Language
1
A01
Rosalee Wolfe
Wolfe, Rosalee
Rosalee
Wolfe
DePaul University
2
A01
Peter Cook
Cook, Peter
Peter
Cook
Columbia College Chicago
3
A01
John C. McDonald
McDonald, John C.
John C.
McDonald
Bowling Green State University
4
A01
Jerry Schnepp
Schnepp, Jerry
Jerry
Schnepp
01
Computer-generated three-dimensional animation holds great promise for synthesizing utterances in American Sign Language (ASL) that are not only grammatical, but well-tolerated by members of the Deaf community. Unfortunately, animation poses several challenges stemming from the necessity of grappling with massive amounts of data. However, the linguistics of ASL may aid in surmounting the challenge by providing structure and rules for organizing animation data. An exploration of the linguistic and extralinguistic behavior of the brows from an animator’s viewpoint yields a new approach for synthesizing nonmanuals that differs from the conventional animation of anatomy and instead offers a different approach for animating the effects of interacting levels of linguistic function. Results of formal testing with Deaf users have indicated that this is a promising approach.
10
01
JB code
bct.53.10ind
195
197
3
Article
10
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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2013
John Benjamins B.V.
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