712004627 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code BJL 18 Pb 15 9789027226785 BC 01 BJL 02 0774-5141 Belgian Journal of Linguistics 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Adpositions of Movement</TitleText> 01 bjl.18 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/bjl.18 1 B01 Hubert Cuyckens Cuyckens, Hubert Hubert Cuyckens K.U. Leuven 2 B01 Walter De Mulder De Mulder, Walter Walter De Mulder Universiteit Antwerpen 3 B01 Tanja Mortelmans Mortelmans, Tanja Tanja Mortelmans Universiteit Antwerpen 01 eng 331 viii 323 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 As of Volume 9 (1994/95) John Benjamins Publishing Company is the official publisher of the Belgian Journal of Linguistics, the annual publication of the Linguistic Society of Belgium. Each volume is topical and includes selected papers from the international meetings organised by the LSB.<br /> 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/bjl.18.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027226785.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027226785.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/bjl.18.pb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/bjl.18.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/bjl.18.pb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/bjl.18.pb.png 10 01 JB code bjl.18.01par Section header 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part One &#8212; Syntactic Issues</TitleText> 10 01 JB code bjl.18.02cuy i 1 Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 1 A01 Hubert Cuyckens Cuyckens, Hubert Hubert Cuyckens 2 A01 Walter De Mulder De Mulder, Walter Walter De Mulder 3 A01 Tanja Mortelmans Mortelmans, Tanja Tanja Mortelmans 10 01 JB code bjl.18.03aya 3 27 25 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The Layered Internal Structure of Spatial PPs</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Layered Internal Structure of Spatial PPs</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Seiki Ayano Ayano, Seiki Seiki Ayano Mie University 01 The principal goal of this paper is to show that spatial PPs in English and Dutch have a layered internal structure. In these languages, we find PP constructions containing multiple Ps, which can be analyzed as having a layered PP structure. That is, [+locational] PP headed by lexical P is embedded in [±directional] <i>p</i>P headed by functional <i>p</i>. Following van Riemsdijk (1990) and Emonds (2001), I further propose that in English, both [+locational] P and [±directional] <i>p </i>are head-initial, while in Dutch, the former is head-initial and the latter, head-final. This layered PP analysis has two desirable consequences for Dutch spatial PPs. First, it can account for the preposition-postposition alternation. This alternation is explained when we assume that an unambiguously [+directional] postpositional phrase is derived by the head-initial [+locational] P moving to adjoin to the morphologically covert [+directional] <i>p </i>which is head-final. Second, given this internal structure of Dutch spatial PPs and the Head Movement Constraint (Travis 1984), a contrast between the availability and unavailability of P-to-V incorporation can be readily accounted for. In [-directional] phrases, the preposition cannot undergo movement to adjoin to V since it cannot adjoin to the intermediate head, i.e., the morphologically covert [-directional] <i>p</i>. In contrast, the [+locational] P within a [+directional] <i>p</i>P can undergo incorporation into V because it can adjoin to the morphologically covert [+directional] <i>p </i>on its way to V. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.04cap 29 57 29 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The Particularity of Particles, or Why They Are Not Just ‘Intransitive Prepositions’</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Particularity of Particles, or Why They Are Not Just ‘Intransitive Prepositions’</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Bert Cappelle Cappelle, Bert Bert Cappelle Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Campus Kortrijk 01 Although the distinction between verb-preposition combinations (e.g., <i>They fought over the money</i>) and <i>prima facie </i>similar transitive verb-particle combinations (e.g., <i>They handed over the money</i>) is well known, some grammarians have taken the view that particles are in fact a sort of prepositions all the same, namely, intransitive ones. While this view is not faulty in itself, I do not subscribe to any of three related claims, namely (i) that directional particles and full directional PPs have the same syntactic distribution, (ii) that directional particles are shortened versions of full PPs, and (iii) that the use of a directional particle only differs from the use of a formally related full directional PP in leaving the reference object (i.e., the ‘landmark’ in Cognitive Grammar terms) understood. I argue that, since even <i>directional </i>particles can be quite different from their prepositional counterparts, it follows that we should consider <i>all </i>particles as a class distinct from prepositions. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.05mel 59 85 27 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Some Observations on the Syntax of Adpositions of Movement</TitleText> 1 A01 Ludo Melis Melis, Ludo Ludo Melis Katholieke Universiteit Leuven 01 This paper discusses the internal structure of adpositional phrases and provides evidence for the view that, even when analyzing one single language, distinct syntactic patterns need to be set up in order to cope adequately with the data. The focus of the paper is on prepositions of movement in French. It is shown that, for a the case at hand, at least six patterns need te be distinguished. Section 1 presents the standard view of prepositions as the lexical head of a PP; in section 2, it is shown that this view is appropriate for handling most instances of prepositions of movement. The remainder of this paper discusses various cases where the standard view does not hold. Section 3 deals with two instances where prepositions of movement do not have the properties of a head, namely, when they function as case markers or as co-heads to the noun. Sections 4–6 treat three additional patterns; they involve the use of prepositions as nonsubordinating interpositions, as particles tightly linked to the higher predicate, and as specifiers of another preposition. The final section (7) will present a number of conclusions that may be drawn from these observations. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.06ung 87 113 27 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Locative Complements of Verbs of Movement in Czech</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Some Typical Structures and Their Interpretation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Marta Ungermanová Ungermanová, Marta Marta Ungermanová Université de Marne-la-Vallée 01 This paper describes the syntactic properties of three types of locative complements in Czech that are compatible with verbs of movement. The distinction between these complements (each with its own interpretation) is made in the first place on the basis of several formal criteria (in particular, involving the rich Czech morphology), and, in addition, on semantic criteria. It is examined whether there exists sufficient correspondence between these criteria, and in particular, to what extent they can satisfactorily classify locative complements into essential and circumstantial ones. It is shown that there is no clear-cut distinction between these two categories of locative complements with Czech movement verbs. Furthermore, the syntactic role of the locative complements is shown to depend mainly on the verb, but also on other elements of the sentence. Finally, on the basis of several examples, it is argued that, on the one hand, the form of the complement does not predict its syntactic role and interpretation and, on the other hand, that two different forms can share the same syntactic role and interpretation. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.07van 115 143 29 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Pronominal Adverbs Containing Adpositions of Direction in Dutch</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Formation and Splitting</Subtitle> 1 A01 Ingrid Van Canegem-Ardijns Van Canegem-Ardijns, Ingrid Ingrid Van Canegem-Ardijns FWO-Vlaanderen & Katholieke Universiteit Leuven 2 A01 William Van Belle Van Belle, William William Van Belle Katholieke Universiteit Leuven 01 In Dutch, adpositional arguments and adjuncts which are semantically close to the verb easily form pronominal adverbs made up of an adverb like <i>er </i>‘there’ or <i>daar </i>‘there’ and an adposition (e.g., <i>erin </i>[there.in], <i>daarop </i>[there.on]). Such a semantically close relation typically exists between the verb and objects or adjuncts of direction and place: direction and place narrowly delimit the type of action or situation described by the verb. Moreover, even though there is a wide range of adpositions that can follow the verb to express direction or place, the choice of the adposition is dependent on the verb meaning. This justifies the easiness with which objects and adjuncts of direction and place pronominalize. Pronominal adverbs corresponding to <i>objects </i>of direction and place differ, however, from those corresponding to <i>adjuncts </i>of direction and place, in that the former are more likely to occur as <i>separate </i>forms. The explanatory motivation, it is shown in this paper, is that the adposition (i.e., the second part) of a pronominal adverb of an object of direction or place needs to immediately precede the verbal end group, in accordance with the inherence principle. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.08tho 145 166 22 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On ‘Syntactic’ versus ‘Semantic’ Telicity</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Evidence from <i>In</i> and <i>On</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Emma Thomas Thomas, Emma Emma Thomas University of Essex 01 This paper argues that the distribution of the prepositions <i>in </i>and <i>on </i>suggests that they are unable to express direction and can only indicate the goal in certain specific contexts, often those in which the direction is expressed by the verb. This analysis of <i>in </i>and <i>on </i>is in direct contradiction to previous analyses of PP that have assumed that these prepositions can be both locative and directional. The significance of the distribution of <i>in </i>and <i>on </i>for analyses of the syntax of PP is discussed. Distributional facts suggest that while <i>into </i>and <i>onto </i>must be regarded as prepositions of movement and PP as an independent domain of telicity, <i>in </i>and <i>on </i>are not themselves prepositions of movement but rather can only have a goal interpretation in certain specific circumstances. An alternative account of PP is put forward whereby <i>in </i>and <i>on </i>are the surface manifestations of a syntactically atelic PP and, in those contexts where they are able to indicate the goal, this must be due to factors external to PP, probably to particular combinations of semantic features at the interpretive interface or in some cases to pragmatic or contextual factors. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.09tse 167 194 28 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Directionality and the Complementation of Dutch Adpositions</TitleText> 1 A01 Jesse Tseng Tseng, Jesse Jesse Tseng CNRS, Loria (UMR 7503), Nancy 01 The syntactic realization of Dutch PPs is the result of an interaction of several factors. These include: the form of the complement (full NP or pronoun) and its semantics (animate or inanimate), the spatial semantics of the PP (directional or locative), and idiosyncratic lexical properties associated with particular prepositions. This paper presents a non-transformational approach to Dutch PP syntax that assumes multiple lexical entries for each adposition to produce the wide variety of PP structures observed. The lexical entries are systematically organized in an inheritance hierarchy with two major binary dimensions of variation, POSITION (preposition vs. postposition) and DIRECTIONALITY (directional vs. non-directional), with further partitions for different complement types (involving animacy and various possibilities for pronominalization). After showing how the proposed system accounts for the internal syntactic structure of Dutch adpositional phrases, the paper turns to some issues of external PP syntax, in particular the P-stranding phenomena found in Dutch. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.10par Section header 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part Two &#8212; Semantic Issues</TitleText> 10 01 JB code bjl.18.11alt 197 223 27 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Catalan Adpositions of ‘Movement’ as Aspectual Particles</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02"> <i>Cap (a)</i> and <i>Fins (a</i>)</Subtitle> 1 A01 Nuria Alturo Alturo, Nuria Nuria Alturo Universitat de Barcelona 01 This paper describes the aspectual uses of two Catalan prepositions: <i>cap (a) </i>‘toward, by’ and <i>fins (a) </i>‘up to, as far as’. Against some accounts of these prepositions in the literature, I claim that their basic meaning is not associated with motion, but with non-dynamic notions such as ‘orientation’ and ‘bounding’. Particularly, I argue that the preposition <i>cap (a) </i>expresses ‘orientation toward a reference point’, whereas <i>fins (a) </i>expresses ‘final boundary’. These senses license the aspectual uses of these prepositions, which, with some restrictions, contribute to express situation types in sentences. In their aspectual uses, <i>cap (a) </i>and <i>fins (a) </i>convey that the speaker has conceptualized a particular situation either as a discrete or as a non-discrete entity. In the first case, he/she has applied summary scanning; in the second, he/she has used dimensional scanning. <i>Fins (a) </i>imposes a final boundary on a situation and, thus, it favors a discrete interpretation of the situation that is being described. In contrast, <i>cap (a) </i>does not conceptualize final bounding, thus favoring a non-discrete interpretation. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.12bor 225 246 22 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02"> <i>Vers </i>and <i>Contre</i></TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Two Ways of Expressing Spatial Direction in French</Subtitle> 1 A01 Andrée Borillo Borillo, Andrée Andrée Borillo Université Toulouse-Le Mirail 01 Among their different uses, the prepositions <i>vers </i>‘toward’ and <i>contre </i>‘against’ can both express the spatial relation of orientation or direction between two entities (figure and ground), although they provide two different ways of presenting this relation. This study tries to show how these two prepositions operate in French and what differences they convey with regard to the interpretation of the spatial relation they encode. <i>Vers </i>and <i>contre </i>are found in similar types of syntactic construction involving the same subsets of verbs, mostly directional motion verbs. But it appears that <i>contre </i>involves a particular way of dealing with spatial direction as it generally expresses a physical tension between two forces (force and counterforce) opposing each other, sometimes with just a counterbalance effect but quite often resulting in rough contact (and even violent impact). <i>Contre </i>can then be taken as a more specialized preposition than <i>vers</i>, as it brings in some specific features concerning tension, opposition, and even aggressiveness. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.13eva 247 270 24 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Rethinking English ‘Prepositions of Movement’</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Case of <i>To </i>and <i>Through</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Vyvyan Evans Evans, Vyvyan Vyvyan Evans University of Sussex 2 A01 Andrea E. Tyler Tyler, Andrea E. Andrea E. Tyler Georgetown University 01 In this paper, we argue against the view that prepositions designate motion. We make the case for prepositions such as <i>to </i>and <i>through </i>being associated with spatial properties in addition to a functional element. The functional element arises as a consequence of our daily interaction with the spatial configuration associated with the particular preposition. While <i>to </i>is associated with a spatial configuration in which a TR is oriented in the direction of a LM, its functional element is that of the LM constituting the TR’s goal. Due to the integration of spatial and functional elements with sentential context, particularly motion verbs, a movement reading is derived. Previous scholars have assumed this is due to the preposition itself. With regard to <i>through</i>, its semantics are associated with a spatial configuration involving contiguous locations from one side of a bounded LM to the other. The functional element is that of path, which, while correlating with motion, is distinct from it. The notion of motion which often arises in sentences involving <i>through </i>is due to the integration of the spatial and functional character of <i>through </i>with other sentential prompts for movement such as motion verbs. In essence, we argue for carefully articulating the nature of conventional content associated with prepositions, including both spatio-geometric and functional content, and for teasing apart distinct and distinguishable (albeit related) concepts such as orientation, path, trajectory, goal, and motion. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.14iba 271 298 28 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Polysemy in Basque Locational Cases</TitleText> 1 A01 Iraide Ibarretxe-Antuñano Ibarretxe-Antuñano, Iraide Iraide Ibarretxe-Antuñano Universidad de Zaragoza 01 Basque, a language spoken on both sides of the western Pyrenees, has rich lexical and grammatical resources for expressing space. It has five different locational cases and over thirty locational postpositions, mostly spatial nouns which can take any of the locational casesuffixes. The five locational cases of Basque are locative -<i>n</i>, ablative -<i>ti(k)</i>, allative -<i>ra(t)</i>, terminative allative -<i>raino</i>, and directional allative -<i>rantz</i>. Most accounts of locational cases are good sources for descriptive as well as etymological information. However, when it comes to explaining and understanding conceptualizations of space and motion in Basque, these studies do not offer any insights. They usually provide a list of different grammatical and semantic usages, but no explanation for their motivation, their internal structure and organization, or their linguistic realization. These three issues will be the main focus of this paper. Taking Cognitive Linguistics as my theoretical framework, I will argue that the different polysemous senses, spatial and non-spatial, of Basque locational cases can be understood as complex lexical networks organized around central spatial prototypical meanings. These prototypical meanings are structured by means of image schemas and their role bindings. The other senses of locational cases are motivated semantic extensions deriving from the prototypical spatial senses and linked to them by means of compositional polysemy and cognitive mechanisms such as metaphor. 10 01 JB code bjl.18.15mee 299 322 24 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Motion, Path, and Aspect</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Case of the German Path Adpositions <i>Über</i> and <i>Durch</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Birgitta Meex Meex, Birgitta Birgitta Meex Lessius Hogeschool, Antwerpen 01 Previous research has revealed that polysemy patterns observed in spatial adpositions may correlate systematically with differences in the aspectual perspective that the speaker takes on the spatial event as a whole. Given the close interaction in the sentential context of the spatial adposition, the verb, the case marking, and the functional properties of the trajector and landmark, I claim that the perspectivization of a spatial event depends on the conceptualization of every single internal conceptual entity making up that event as a whole. In this paper, I want to explore the systematic general regularities that underlie and structure the path concepts conventionally associated with German <i>durch </i>‘through’ and <i>über </i>‘over’. After a brief presentation of the cognitive construal operations that are at work in German adpositions, I propose three different, yet interrelated Gestalts of path, which are schematic with respect to the path concepts specified by <i>durch </i>and <i>über </i>alike. They are <i>incomplete traversal</i>, <i>complete traversal</i>, and <i>obstacle/boundary traversal</i>. It is shown that these three schematic Gestalts vary substantially with respect to the aspectual properties of the complex motion events to which they belong. 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20050422 2004 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 01 240 mm 02 160 mm 08 600 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 5 24 01 02 JB 1 00 80.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 84.80 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 24 02 02 JB 1 00 67.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 24 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 120.00 USD