219-7677 10 7500817 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 201608250348 ONIX title feed eng 01 EUR
575006813 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 275 Eb 15 9789027293398 06 10.1075/cilt.275 13 2006045892 DG 002 02 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 275 01 CILT 275-276 New Perspectives on Romance Linguistics <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">New Perspectives on Romance Linguistics</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Vol. I: Morphology, Syntax, Semantics, and Pragmatics. Selected papers from the 35th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Austin, Texas, February 2005</Subtitle> 01 cilt.275 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.275 1 B01 Chiyo Nishida Nishida, Chiyo Chiyo Nishida University of Texas, Austin 2 B01 Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil Montreuil, Jean-Pierre Y. Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil University of Texas, Austin 01 eng 304 xiv 288 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.PRAG Pragmatics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This is the first of two volumes emanating from the <i>Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages </i>held at the University of Texas at Austin in February 2005. It features the keynote address delivered by Denis Bouchard on exaptation and linguistic explanation, as well as seventeen contributions by emerging and internationally recognized scholars of Spanish, French, Italian, as well as Rumanian. While the emphasis bears on formal analyses, the coverage is remarkably broad, as topics range from morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics and language acquisition. Each article seeks to represent a new perspective on these topics and a variety of frameworks and concepts are exploited: distributive morphology, entailment theory, grammaticalization, information structure, left-periphery, polarity lattice, spatial individuation, thematic hierarchy, etc. This volume will challenge anyone interested in current issues in theoretical Romance Linguistics. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.275.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027247896.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027247896.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.275.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.275.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.275.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.275.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.275.01ack Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acknowledgements</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.275.02int Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.275.03ara 1 1 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A Polarity-Sensitive Disjunction</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Polarity-Sensitive Disjunction</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">Spanish <i>ni &#8230; ni</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Raúl Aranovich Aranovich, Raúl Raúl Aranovich 01 This paper argues that in Spanish negative phrases of the form “<i>ni</i> XP <i>ni</i> XP” 'neither XP nor XP', <i>ni</i> is a polarity-sensitive disjunction. Following the widening/strengthening account of polarity sensitivity in Heim (1984), Kadmon and Landman (1993), and others, it is argued that <i>ni</i>-XPs have a restricted distribution because they can only satisfy their requirement of pragmatic strengthening in the scope of negation. This analysis fulfills a prediction made by Krifka's (1992) Polarity Lattice approach regarding the existence of polarity-sensitive disjunctions. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.04bok 13 1 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Taking a Closer Look at Romance VN Compounds</TitleText> 1 A01 Reineke Bok-Bennema Bok-Bennema, Reineke Reineke Bok-Bennema 2 A01 Brigitte Kampers-Manhe Kampers-Manhe, Brigitte Brigitte Kampers-Manhe 01 Romance compounds of the type <i>essuie-glace</i> (“windshield wiper”) have been analyzed in the past as nominalizations of VPs (DiSciullo&#38;Williams,1987, Lieber,1992 a.o.). We take this analysis as our point of departure. Given the actual insights into the architecture of VP it is natural to wonder whether the nominalization involves the whole VP, i.e. vP, or only its internal shell (VP). We present a number of arguments in favor of the former option. We also show that the vP hypothesis allows for a fine-grained analysis that does justice to the complete semantics of the compounds. Within this analysis the element responsible for the nominalization fulfils a role very similar to the complementizer of relatives in the Vergnaud/Kayne approach to the latter. One further issue we address concerns the relation between Romance VN-compounds and English forms such as <i>screensaver</i>. At the end of our paper we evaluate the insights the proposed analysis offers into the relationship between morphology and syntax. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.05bou 27 1 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Beyond Descriptivism</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Exaptation and Linguistic Explanation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Denis Bouchard Bouchard, Denis Denis Bouchard 01 I present two views on what is unique to human language. Hauser, Chomsky &#38; Fitch (2002) hypothesize that the crucial property is a recursive system which links the Sensory-Motor system and the Conceptual-Intentional system. I assume that the distinctive property is that human language has signs: whereas an animal call is an immediate reflex response to a perceptual stimulation, a sign has a nonimmediate and potentially unlimited <i>signifié</i>. This expressive power comes from the arbitrariness of the sign, which has its source in the nature of the two substances involved: as Saussure compellingly argued, there is nothing in the nature of the perceptual substance or the conceptual substance to have any particular pairing. Recursion is a by-product of some of these substantive properties. This model has the advantage that it derives several other novel traits of language which appear to be unconnected in the HCF model. My model also leads to more explanatory analyses of basic syntactic constructions, as illustrated by five key constructions. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.06cam 51 1 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Do Subjects Have a Place in Spanish?</TitleText> 1 A01 José Camacho Camacho, José José Camacho 01 Overt preverbal subjects in Spanish have been claimed to be in an adjoined, peripheral layer of the clause and in IP-layer. Part of the motivation for the different analyses stems from mixed A and A-bar properties they display. I argue that subjects do not appear in a single, unique position, but rather in several functional projections along the extended verbal projection. Consequently, different A and A-bar properties are expected. In some cases, the properties of those projections will be determined in the course of the derivation: if a verb raises to a certain projection, it will render this projection active for agreement purposes and trigger movement of the subject to its specifier. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.07dep 67 1 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the Conceptual Role of Number</TitleText> 1 A01 Viviane Déprez Déprez, Viviane Viviane Déprez 01 Bouchard (2002) proposes that the syntactic position of number — on N or D — affects three aspects of nominal syntax: adjective-order, nounomission and Bare Argument Nominals (BAN). This paper shows that number position incorrectly predicts these nominal properties in some languages, i.e. the French-based Creoles, and argues that better results obtain if the conceptual role of number is taken into account. Number interacts with two distinct processes in language: <i>Quantization </i>and <i>Individuation</i>. Number position matters only for languages with <i>Number Individuation</i>. Accordingly, not all languages that mark number primarily on D have equivalent properties and some are correctly predicted to freely allow BAN. The current paper has three parts. First Bouchard’s proposal, its empirical shortcomings, and the syntax of Haitian Creole (HC) number are discussed. Second, the conceptual role of number is outlined. Third, the author’s proposal is shown to predict the syntactic properties Bouchard noted and to remedy the shortcomings. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.08edm 83 1 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The Diachronic Development of a French Indefinite Pronoun</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Diachronic Development of a French Indefinite Pronoun</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">Comparing <i>Chacun</i> to <i>Auncun</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Amanda Edmonds Edmonds, Amanda Amanda Edmonds 01 Both Modern French quantifiers and the Modern French Determiner Phrase have been the focus of numerous analyses. The current study is a diachronic contribution to this literature, focusing on the development of one universal quantifier—<i>chacun</i> “each”—from 1100 through 1925. Old and Middle French <i>chacun</i> fulfilled a variety of syntactic functions: It was used as a pronoun, a modifier, and was found in emphatic constructions with the indefinite article (<i>un chacun</i> “a each”). By the 16th<sup> </sup>century, this surface heterogeneity gave way and pronominal <i>chacun</i> dominated. On the basis of the diachronic evidence, I first consider the possibility of extending an existing analysis of a different quantifier, <i>aucun </i>“none, not any,” to <i>chacun</i>. After arguing against this extension, I suggest that, contrary to appearances, a unified syntactic structure underlies the Old and Middle French <i>chacun</i>, and that this single construction gave rise to two modern syntactic structures. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.09fer 97 1 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A Syntactic Analysis of Italian Deverbal-Nouns</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Syntactic Analysis of Italian Deverbal-Nouns</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Franca Ferrari-Bridgers Ferrari-Bridgers, Franca Franca Ferrari-Bridgers 01 In this paper, I argue that in Italian de-verbal noun formation is a syntactic process due to the merger of a nominal head with a specific set of IP’s functional projections. Looking at the meaning of each de-verbal noun type and at the morphological properties of its verbal base, I determine the nature of the IP’s functional projections involved in the nominal formation. The main goal of the analysis is to show that that semantic and morphological differences across the large variety of Italian de-verbal nouns are reducible to syntactic differences. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.10gra 113 1 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">V-N Compounds In Italian</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A Case Of Agreement in Word Formation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Martina Gracanin-Yuksek Gracanin-Yuksek, Martina Martina Gracanin-Yuksek 01 In this paper I discuss patterns of word-internal agreement. I examine Italian V-N compounds of the type <i>grattacielo</i> (scrape sky = “skyscraper”), suggesting that their morphological behavior can be accounted for if we assume that processes of agreement similar to those at the level of sentence-syntax take place below the word level. V-N compounds that contain feminine nouns of class <i>–a</i>: <i>casa, case </i>(“house, houses”) under pluralization show <i>feminine </i>morphology (<i>-e</i>), even though they are syntactically <i>masculine: </i>take masculine determiners and form derivatives as simple masculine nouns do. Yet, the masculine plural inflection (<i>-i</i>) is not allowed:<br /> <br /><i>il carica-batteria</i><i></i><br />the-MASC charge-battery<br />“the battery charger”<br /> <br /><i>I carica-batteriE / *carica-batteriI</i><br />the-MASC charge-batteries<i></i><br />“the battery chargers”<i></i><br /> <br />I show that this surprising appearance of feminine inflection is expected if agreement, viewed as as the operation of “feature sharing” (Frampton et al, 2000; Pesetsky &#38; Torrego, 2004), takes place between the pieces of the structure. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.11gut 127 1 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A Reinterpretation of Quirky Subjects and Related Phenomena in Spanish</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Reinterpretation of Quirky Subjects and Related Phenomena in Spanish</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Rodrigo Gutièrrez-Bravo Gutièrrez-Bravo, Rodrigo Rodrigo Gutièrrez-Bravo 01 A number of verb classes in Spanish display oblique arguments that occupy the preverbal position otherwise typical of transitive subjects. Based on this observation, a number of works have suggested that these oblique arguments are a kind of quirky subject, similar (though not identical) to the quirky subjects of Icelandic. In this paper I provide evidence against these analyses. I show that Spanish preverbal obliques have none of the defining characteristics of quirky (or non-nominative) subjects. I also show that phenomena where Spanish and Icelandic seem to be similar are in fact unrelated and depend on entirely different grammatical conditions. I conclude by showing that the word order facts observed with these oblique arguments are unrelated to subjecthood. Rather, I show that unmarked word order in Spanish is regulated by the thematic roles of the arguments of the verb and not by subject properties. Hence, there are cases where an oblique argument occupies the preverbal position because its theta-role ranks higher in the Thematic Hierarchy than that of the grammatical subject.<i></i> 10 01 JB code cilt.275.12lam 143 1 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cognitive Constraints on Assertion Scope</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Case of Spoken French <i>Parce que</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Knud Lambrecht Lambrecht, Knud Knud Lambrecht 2 A01 Julia Bordeaux Bordeaux, Julia Julia Bordeaux 3 A01 Robert Reichle Reichle, Robert Robert Reichle 01 Cross-linguistic studies have shown that various adverbial subordinating conjunctions can also function to introduce independent assertions. In the domain of causal conjunctions, there is a striking cross-linguistic trend for subordinating ‘because’ to supersede the corresponding coordinating conjunction. This study presents a corpus-based analysis of the use of French <i>parce que</i> in spoken discourse. It looks at the full array of uses of <i>parce que</i> and analyzes them within the information-structure framework of Lambrecht 1994. It shows that <i>parce que</i> clauses are always focal, whereas the main clause can be either focal or topical. If it is topical, the two clauses can be prosodically integrated into a single unit. If it is focal, the two clauses must be separated by some kind of break, allowing the hearer to reinterpret the matrix proposition as a presupposed topic before the causal proposition is processed. This obligatory break can be formally realized by overt lexical material or by a pause, following an utterance-final falling intonation contour on p. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.13dra 155 1 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02"><i>Avant que</i>- or <i>Avant de</i>-Clauses</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">When Presupposition Gives Way to an &#8216;Assertive Construction&#8217;</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anne Le Draoulec Draoulec, Anne Le Anne Le Draoulec 01 The paper aims at challenging the way in which certain constructions are regularly considered to be ‘presupposition triggers’. More precisely, the study focuses on the temporal clauses introduced by <i>avant que </i>or<i> avant de</i> in French (the equivalent of <i>before</i> in English). It explores arguments for the hypothesis that in some cases, <i>avant que</i> or (much more often) <i>avant de</i> may break away from the domain of<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal"> </b><i>presupposition</i>, and play the role of temporal succession connectors between two <i>asserted</i> clauses. Such a construction (designated as the ‘assertive construction’) is related to the ‘<i>quand</i> inverse’ (“inverse <i>when</i>”) construction, both requiring a postposed temporal clause. The remarkable property associated with <i>quand</i> inverse – creation of a surprise effect – is lacking in the case of the assertive construction with <i>avant que/de</i>: however, it is put in evidence that the later can also give rise to specific semantic effects. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.14mac 69 1 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Null Directional Prepositions in Romanian and Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Jonathan E. MacDonald MacDonald, Jonathan E. Jonathan E. MacDonald 01 This paper is concerned with non-reflexive non-argumental clitic pronouns of Spanish and reflexive non-argumental clitic pronouns of Romanian. These two clitics pattern together when contrasted with reflexive non-argumental clitic pronouns of Spanish with respect to the following properties: 1. the ability to elicit a telic interpretation of the predicate; 2. the ability to express an on/with entailment; 3. the ability to express temporary relations; 4. the ability to prevent idiomatic interpretation; and 5. the ability to be modified by adjectival secondary predicates. Considering these properties, it is shown that Spanish reflexives pattern with goal PPs (e.g. <i>to</i>)<i> </i>and that Spanish non-reflexives and Romanian reflexives pattern with directional PPs (e.g. <i>toward</i>). Based on these patterns, it is argued that each of these clitics is introduced as the complement of a null preposition that merges as a complement of the verb; the low merger of the null PP accounts for properties 4. and 5. Variation comes from the presence or absence of the properties in 1.-3 on the null prepositions themselves. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.15mar 187 1 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A Unified Account for the Additive and the Scalar Uses of Italian <i>Neppure</i></TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Unified Account for the Additive and the Scalar Uses of Italian <i>Neppure</i></TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Alda Mari Mari, Alda Alda Mari 2 A01 Lucia M. Tovena Tovena, Lucia M. Lucia M. Tovena 01 In this paper we present a unified analysis of the negative concord item of Italian <i>neppure</i>. This item has an additive and a scalar interpretation corresponding to too and even of English. Our claim is that, under both of these interpretations, <i>neppure</i> presents a class or series as closed. The way to establish this closure is different in these two cases: in the first one the class is closed extensionally by enumeration of its members. Under the second neppure closes the series intensionally by providing a criterion of membership and the closing elements (its associate). To establish this result in relation with the scalar use of neppure, we use Rooth's (1985) theory of presupposition with focus. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.16mcc 201 1 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Default Morphology in Second Language Spanish</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Missing Inflection or Underspecified Inflection?</Subtitle> 1 A01 Corrine McCarthy McCarthy, Corrine Corrine McCarthy 01 Morphological variability is a persistent and systematic phenomenon whose source is the subject of current debate in second language theory. In this paper, I argue that variability is not equivalent to missing inflection, as defaults are typically incorrectly inflected for tense and person-number agreement. Data from the spontaneous production of 11 advanced and intermediate speakers of Spanish show that nonfinite defaults are rare, contrary to the expectations of the Missing Surface Inflection Hypothesis. Furthermore, default morphology is systematic: 3<sup>rd</sup> person acts as a default in non-3<sup>rd</sup> contexts, present-tense in past contexts, and singular in plural contexts—the reverse of these does not occur. I propose an underspecification-based theory, coupled with independently-derived markedness criteria, that predicts the morphemes that are adopted as defaults. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.17per 213 1 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Early Object Omission in Child French and English</TitleText> 1 A01 Ana Teresa Pérez-Leroux Pérez-Leroux, Ana Teresa Ana Teresa Pérez-Leroux 2 A01 Mihaela Pirvulescu Pirvulescu, Mihaela Mihaela Pirvulescu 3 A01 Yves Roberge Roberge, Yves Yves Roberge 01 We examine the syntactic nature of object omissions in child language with a study comparing French and English-speaking children’s elicited production. We adopt a theoretical approach to transitivity where interactions between modules of the grammar create a rich and flexible system of null objects in French (category N or <i>pro</i>); whereas a language like English contains only the former. The different complexity in the input predicts acquisitional differences between the two languages. Children heard stories with an individuated object referent (<i>What did X do with y?)</i> and stories that did not individuate an object referent (<i>What did X do?)</i>. Results show that French children had substantially higher rates of omissions in both illicit and optional null object contexts than either French adults or English speaking children. We propose that French children, faced with a variety of null objects in the input, retain the minimal null N, overextending it beyond adult distribution. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.18pir 229 1 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Agreement Paradigms Across Moods and Tenses</TitleText> 1 A01 Mihaela Pirvulescu Pirvulescu, Mihaela Mihaela Pirvulescu 01 This article investigates the verbal agreement paradigms of the subjunctive and the imperative across Romance languages. The starting observation is that these paradigms seem to be always identical to an indicative agreement paradigm. The proposed generalization is the following: the morphological realization of agreement in subjunctive and imperative verbs is a consequence of the syntactic status of Tense in these two moods. This is illustrated with a morphological analysis of Romanian verbal agreement affixes. Syntactically, Tense is unspecified in subjunctives and absent in imperatives. This analysis makes specific prediction for the subjunctive and imperative morphology across languages. Subjunctive agreement paradigms a) will never show specific Tense-conditioned morphological operations and b) will not have a specific Tense affix. For imperatives, it is expected that a) morphological operations will never make appeal to a Tense feature in this mood; b) no Tense morpheme should appear in imperatives. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.19rus 247 1 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Italian <i>Volerci</i></TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Lexical Verb or Functional Head?</Subtitle> 1 A01 Cinzia Russi Russi, Cinzia Cinzia Russi 01 Based on a detailed reconstruction of the evolution of Old Italian <i>bisogna </i>“must/be necessary”, Benincà and Poletto (1994, 1997) propose that this verb underwent a process of grammaticalization through which it changed from full verb into a functional head expressing deontic necessity. This paper investigates the hypothesis that an analogous process of grammaticalization concerns the verb <i>volerci </i>“take (intr.)/be necessary” (&#60; modal <i>volere</i> “want”). The main goal of the paper is then to determine whether <i>volerci </i>can still be considered a lexical verb or it is more accurately categorized as a functional head <i>á la par</i> with <i>bisogna</i>. A careful comparison between <i>volerci</i> and Modern Italian <i>bisogna</i> reveals that the two verbs do not display similar morphosyntactic behavior; rather, <i>volerci</i> is characterized by the same structural properties as Old Italian <i>bisogna</i>. The strong morphosyntactic parallel between Old Italian <i>bisogna</i> and <i>volerci</i> leads to conclude that, although <i>volerci </i>has undergone grammaticalization to some degree, it has not lost the ability to project arguments, i.e., it has not become (yet) a modal functional element and is still a lexical verb. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.20tor 263 1 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Restructuring of Reverse Psychological Predicate</TitleText> 1 A01 Almeida Jacqueline Toribio Toribio, Almeida Jacqueline Almeida Jacqueline Toribio 2 A01 Carlos Nye Nye, Carlos Carlos Nye 01 The target of investigation in the present study is the class of psychological predicates exemplified by<i> gustar</i>; this class demonstrates unique mapping properties that render it especially problematical and perplexing for English speakers acquiring Spanish as a second language and likewise vulnerable to alteration in contact and contracting varieties of Spanish. In the experiment reported herein, heritage Spanish speakers are shown to accept and produce particular non-target psychological predicate constructions. Their behavior is interpreted as revealing two 'optimization' strategies-Map the animate argument to the structural subject position and the inanimate argument to the structural object; and dedicate the preverbal position to the structural subject-which render the mapping more transparent. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.21sub 279 1 Miscellaneous 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20060831 2006 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027247896 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 110.00 EUR R 01 00 92.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 165.00 USD S 407005257 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 275 Hb 15 9789027247896 13 2006045892 BB 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 275 01 CILT 275-276 New Perspectives on Romance Linguistics <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">New Perspectives on Romance Linguistics</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Vol. I: Morphology, Syntax, Semantics, and Pragmatics. Selected papers from the 35th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Austin, Texas, February 2005</Subtitle> 01 cilt.275 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.275 1 B01 Chiyo Nishida Nishida, Chiyo Chiyo Nishida University of Texas, Austin 2 B01 Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil Montreuil, Jean-Pierre Y. Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil University of Texas, Austin 01 eng 304 xiv 288 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.PRAG Pragmatics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This is the first of two volumes emanating from the <i>Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages </i>held at the University of Texas at Austin in February 2005. It features the keynote address delivered by Denis Bouchard on exaptation and linguistic explanation, as well as seventeen contributions by emerging and internationally recognized scholars of Spanish, French, Italian, as well as Rumanian. While the emphasis bears on formal analyses, the coverage is remarkably broad, as topics range from morphology, syntax, semantics, pragmatics and language acquisition. Each article seeks to represent a new perspective on these topics and a variety of frameworks and concepts are exploited: distributive morphology, entailment theory, grammaticalization, information structure, left-periphery, polarity lattice, spatial individuation, thematic hierarchy, etc. This volume will challenge anyone interested in current issues in theoretical Romance Linguistics. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.275.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027247896.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027247896.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.275.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.275.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.275.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.275.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.275.01ack Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acknowledgements</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.275.02int Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.275.03ara 1 1 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A Polarity-Sensitive Disjunction</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Polarity-Sensitive Disjunction</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">Spanish <i>ni &#8230; ni</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Raúl Aranovich Aranovich, Raúl Raúl Aranovich 01 This paper argues that in Spanish negative phrases of the form “<i>ni</i> XP <i>ni</i> XP” 'neither XP nor XP', <i>ni</i> is a polarity-sensitive disjunction. Following the widening/strengthening account of polarity sensitivity in Heim (1984), Kadmon and Landman (1993), and others, it is argued that <i>ni</i>-XPs have a restricted distribution because they can only satisfy their requirement of pragmatic strengthening in the scope of negation. This analysis fulfills a prediction made by Krifka's (1992) Polarity Lattice approach regarding the existence of polarity-sensitive disjunctions. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.04bok 13 1 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Taking a Closer Look at Romance VN Compounds</TitleText> 1 A01 Reineke Bok-Bennema Bok-Bennema, Reineke Reineke Bok-Bennema 2 A01 Brigitte Kampers-Manhe Kampers-Manhe, Brigitte Brigitte Kampers-Manhe 01 Romance compounds of the type <i>essuie-glace</i> (“windshield wiper”) have been analyzed in the past as nominalizations of VPs (DiSciullo&#38;Williams,1987, Lieber,1992 a.o.). We take this analysis as our point of departure. Given the actual insights into the architecture of VP it is natural to wonder whether the nominalization involves the whole VP, i.e. vP, or only its internal shell (VP). We present a number of arguments in favor of the former option. We also show that the vP hypothesis allows for a fine-grained analysis that does justice to the complete semantics of the compounds. Within this analysis the element responsible for the nominalization fulfils a role very similar to the complementizer of relatives in the Vergnaud/Kayne approach to the latter. One further issue we address concerns the relation between Romance VN-compounds and English forms such as <i>screensaver</i>. At the end of our paper we evaluate the insights the proposed analysis offers into the relationship between morphology and syntax. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.05bou 27 1 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Beyond Descriptivism</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Exaptation and Linguistic Explanation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Denis Bouchard Bouchard, Denis Denis Bouchard 01 I present two views on what is unique to human language. Hauser, Chomsky &#38; Fitch (2002) hypothesize that the crucial property is a recursive system which links the Sensory-Motor system and the Conceptual-Intentional system. I assume that the distinctive property is that human language has signs: whereas an animal call is an immediate reflex response to a perceptual stimulation, a sign has a nonimmediate and potentially unlimited <i>signifié</i>. This expressive power comes from the arbitrariness of the sign, which has its source in the nature of the two substances involved: as Saussure compellingly argued, there is nothing in the nature of the perceptual substance or the conceptual substance to have any particular pairing. Recursion is a by-product of some of these substantive properties. This model has the advantage that it derives several other novel traits of language which appear to be unconnected in the HCF model. My model also leads to more explanatory analyses of basic syntactic constructions, as illustrated by five key constructions. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.06cam 51 1 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Do Subjects Have a Place in Spanish?</TitleText> 1 A01 José Camacho Camacho, José José Camacho 01 Overt preverbal subjects in Spanish have been claimed to be in an adjoined, peripheral layer of the clause and in IP-layer. Part of the motivation for the different analyses stems from mixed A and A-bar properties they display. I argue that subjects do not appear in a single, unique position, but rather in several functional projections along the extended verbal projection. Consequently, different A and A-bar properties are expected. In some cases, the properties of those projections will be determined in the course of the derivation: if a verb raises to a certain projection, it will render this projection active for agreement purposes and trigger movement of the subject to its specifier. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.07dep 67 1 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the Conceptual Role of Number</TitleText> 1 A01 Viviane Déprez Déprez, Viviane Viviane Déprez 01 Bouchard (2002) proposes that the syntactic position of number — on N or D — affects three aspects of nominal syntax: adjective-order, nounomission and Bare Argument Nominals (BAN). This paper shows that number position incorrectly predicts these nominal properties in some languages, i.e. the French-based Creoles, and argues that better results obtain if the conceptual role of number is taken into account. Number interacts with two distinct processes in language: <i>Quantization </i>and <i>Individuation</i>. Number position matters only for languages with <i>Number Individuation</i>. Accordingly, not all languages that mark number primarily on D have equivalent properties and some are correctly predicted to freely allow BAN. The current paper has three parts. First Bouchard’s proposal, its empirical shortcomings, and the syntax of Haitian Creole (HC) number are discussed. Second, the conceptual role of number is outlined. Third, the author’s proposal is shown to predict the syntactic properties Bouchard noted and to remedy the shortcomings. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.08edm 83 1 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The Diachronic Development of a French Indefinite Pronoun</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Diachronic Development of a French Indefinite Pronoun</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">Comparing <i>Chacun</i> to <i>Auncun</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Amanda Edmonds Edmonds, Amanda Amanda Edmonds 01 Both Modern French quantifiers and the Modern French Determiner Phrase have been the focus of numerous analyses. The current study is a diachronic contribution to this literature, focusing on the development of one universal quantifier—<i>chacun</i> “each”—from 1100 through 1925. Old and Middle French <i>chacun</i> fulfilled a variety of syntactic functions: It was used as a pronoun, a modifier, and was found in emphatic constructions with the indefinite article (<i>un chacun</i> “a each”). By the 16th<sup> </sup>century, this surface heterogeneity gave way and pronominal <i>chacun</i> dominated. On the basis of the diachronic evidence, I first consider the possibility of extending an existing analysis of a different quantifier, <i>aucun </i>“none, not any,” to <i>chacun</i>. After arguing against this extension, I suggest that, contrary to appearances, a unified syntactic structure underlies the Old and Middle French <i>chacun</i>, and that this single construction gave rise to two modern syntactic structures. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.09fer 97 1 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A Syntactic Analysis of Italian Deverbal-Nouns</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Syntactic Analysis of Italian Deverbal-Nouns</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Franca Ferrari-Bridgers Ferrari-Bridgers, Franca Franca Ferrari-Bridgers 01 In this paper, I argue that in Italian de-verbal noun formation is a syntactic process due to the merger of a nominal head with a specific set of IP’s functional projections. Looking at the meaning of each de-verbal noun type and at the morphological properties of its verbal base, I determine the nature of the IP’s functional projections involved in the nominal formation. The main goal of the analysis is to show that that semantic and morphological differences across the large variety of Italian de-verbal nouns are reducible to syntactic differences. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.10gra 113 1 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">V-N Compounds In Italian</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A Case Of Agreement in Word Formation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Martina Gracanin-Yuksek Gracanin-Yuksek, Martina Martina Gracanin-Yuksek 01 In this paper I discuss patterns of word-internal agreement. I examine Italian V-N compounds of the type <i>grattacielo</i> (scrape sky = “skyscraper”), suggesting that their morphological behavior can be accounted for if we assume that processes of agreement similar to those at the level of sentence-syntax take place below the word level. V-N compounds that contain feminine nouns of class <i>–a</i>: <i>casa, case </i>(“house, houses”) under pluralization show <i>feminine </i>morphology (<i>-e</i>), even though they are syntactically <i>masculine: </i>take masculine determiners and form derivatives as simple masculine nouns do. Yet, the masculine plural inflection (<i>-i</i>) is not allowed:<br /> <br /><i>il carica-batteria</i><i></i><br />the-MASC charge-battery<br />“the battery charger”<br /> <br /><i>I carica-batteriE / *carica-batteriI</i><br />the-MASC charge-batteries<i></i><br />“the battery chargers”<i></i><br /> <br />I show that this surprising appearance of feminine inflection is expected if agreement, viewed as as the operation of “feature sharing” (Frampton et al, 2000; Pesetsky &#38; Torrego, 2004), takes place between the pieces of the structure. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.11gut 127 1 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A Reinterpretation of Quirky Subjects and Related Phenomena in Spanish</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Reinterpretation of Quirky Subjects and Related Phenomena in Spanish</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Rodrigo Gutièrrez-Bravo Gutièrrez-Bravo, Rodrigo Rodrigo Gutièrrez-Bravo 01 A number of verb classes in Spanish display oblique arguments that occupy the preverbal position otherwise typical of transitive subjects. Based on this observation, a number of works have suggested that these oblique arguments are a kind of quirky subject, similar (though not identical) to the quirky subjects of Icelandic. In this paper I provide evidence against these analyses. I show that Spanish preverbal obliques have none of the defining characteristics of quirky (or non-nominative) subjects. I also show that phenomena where Spanish and Icelandic seem to be similar are in fact unrelated and depend on entirely different grammatical conditions. I conclude by showing that the word order facts observed with these oblique arguments are unrelated to subjecthood. Rather, I show that unmarked word order in Spanish is regulated by the thematic roles of the arguments of the verb and not by subject properties. Hence, there are cases where an oblique argument occupies the preverbal position because its theta-role ranks higher in the Thematic Hierarchy than that of the grammatical subject.<i></i> 10 01 JB code cilt.275.12lam 143 1 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cognitive Constraints on Assertion Scope</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Case of Spoken French <i>Parce que</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Knud Lambrecht Lambrecht, Knud Knud Lambrecht 2 A01 Julia Bordeaux Bordeaux, Julia Julia Bordeaux 3 A01 Robert Reichle Reichle, Robert Robert Reichle 01 Cross-linguistic studies have shown that various adverbial subordinating conjunctions can also function to introduce independent assertions. In the domain of causal conjunctions, there is a striking cross-linguistic trend for subordinating ‘because’ to supersede the corresponding coordinating conjunction. This study presents a corpus-based analysis of the use of French <i>parce que</i> in spoken discourse. It looks at the full array of uses of <i>parce que</i> and analyzes them within the information-structure framework of Lambrecht 1994. It shows that <i>parce que</i> clauses are always focal, whereas the main clause can be either focal or topical. If it is topical, the two clauses can be prosodically integrated into a single unit. If it is focal, the two clauses must be separated by some kind of break, allowing the hearer to reinterpret the matrix proposition as a presupposed topic before the causal proposition is processed. This obligatory break can be formally realized by overt lexical material or by a pause, following an utterance-final falling intonation contour on p. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.13dra 155 1 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02"><i>Avant que</i>- or <i>Avant de</i>-Clauses</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">When Presupposition Gives Way to an &#8216;Assertive Construction&#8217;</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anne Le Draoulec Draoulec, Anne Le Anne Le Draoulec 01 The paper aims at challenging the way in which certain constructions are regularly considered to be ‘presupposition triggers’. More precisely, the study focuses on the temporal clauses introduced by <i>avant que </i>or<i> avant de</i> in French (the equivalent of <i>before</i> in English). It explores arguments for the hypothesis that in some cases, <i>avant que</i> or (much more often) <i>avant de</i> may break away from the domain of<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal"> </b><i>presupposition</i>, and play the role of temporal succession connectors between two <i>asserted</i> clauses. Such a construction (designated as the ‘assertive construction’) is related to the ‘<i>quand</i> inverse’ (“inverse <i>when</i>”) construction, both requiring a postposed temporal clause. The remarkable property associated with <i>quand</i> inverse – creation of a surprise effect – is lacking in the case of the assertive construction with <i>avant que/de</i>: however, it is put in evidence that the later can also give rise to specific semantic effects. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.14mac 69 1 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Null Directional Prepositions in Romanian and Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Jonathan E. MacDonald MacDonald, Jonathan E. Jonathan E. MacDonald 01 This paper is concerned with non-reflexive non-argumental clitic pronouns of Spanish and reflexive non-argumental clitic pronouns of Romanian. These two clitics pattern together when contrasted with reflexive non-argumental clitic pronouns of Spanish with respect to the following properties: 1. the ability to elicit a telic interpretation of the predicate; 2. the ability to express an on/with entailment; 3. the ability to express temporary relations; 4. the ability to prevent idiomatic interpretation; and 5. the ability to be modified by adjectival secondary predicates. Considering these properties, it is shown that Spanish reflexives pattern with goal PPs (e.g. <i>to</i>)<i> </i>and that Spanish non-reflexives and Romanian reflexives pattern with directional PPs (e.g. <i>toward</i>). Based on these patterns, it is argued that each of these clitics is introduced as the complement of a null preposition that merges as a complement of the verb; the low merger of the null PP accounts for properties 4. and 5. Variation comes from the presence or absence of the properties in 1.-3 on the null prepositions themselves. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.15mar 187 1 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A Unified Account for the Additive and the Scalar Uses of Italian <i>Neppure</i></TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Unified Account for the Additive and the Scalar Uses of Italian <i>Neppure</i></TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Alda Mari Mari, Alda Alda Mari 2 A01 Lucia M. Tovena Tovena, Lucia M. Lucia M. Tovena 01 In this paper we present a unified analysis of the negative concord item of Italian <i>neppure</i>. This item has an additive and a scalar interpretation corresponding to too and even of English. Our claim is that, under both of these interpretations, <i>neppure</i> presents a class or series as closed. The way to establish this closure is different in these two cases: in the first one the class is closed extensionally by enumeration of its members. Under the second neppure closes the series intensionally by providing a criterion of membership and the closing elements (its associate). To establish this result in relation with the scalar use of neppure, we use Rooth's (1985) theory of presupposition with focus. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.16mcc 201 1 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Default Morphology in Second Language Spanish</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Missing Inflection or Underspecified Inflection?</Subtitle> 1 A01 Corrine McCarthy McCarthy, Corrine Corrine McCarthy 01 Morphological variability is a persistent and systematic phenomenon whose source is the subject of current debate in second language theory. In this paper, I argue that variability is not equivalent to missing inflection, as defaults are typically incorrectly inflected for tense and person-number agreement. Data from the spontaneous production of 11 advanced and intermediate speakers of Spanish show that nonfinite defaults are rare, contrary to the expectations of the Missing Surface Inflection Hypothesis. Furthermore, default morphology is systematic: 3<sup>rd</sup> person acts as a default in non-3<sup>rd</sup> contexts, present-tense in past contexts, and singular in plural contexts—the reverse of these does not occur. I propose an underspecification-based theory, coupled with independently-derived markedness criteria, that predicts the morphemes that are adopted as defaults. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.17per 213 1 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Early Object Omission in Child French and English</TitleText> 1 A01 Ana Teresa Pérez-Leroux Pérez-Leroux, Ana Teresa Ana Teresa Pérez-Leroux 2 A01 Mihaela Pirvulescu Pirvulescu, Mihaela Mihaela Pirvulescu 3 A01 Yves Roberge Roberge, Yves Yves Roberge 01 We examine the syntactic nature of object omissions in child language with a study comparing French and English-speaking children’s elicited production. We adopt a theoretical approach to transitivity where interactions between modules of the grammar create a rich and flexible system of null objects in French (category N or <i>pro</i>); whereas a language like English contains only the former. The different complexity in the input predicts acquisitional differences between the two languages. Children heard stories with an individuated object referent (<i>What did X do with y?)</i> and stories that did not individuate an object referent (<i>What did X do?)</i>. Results show that French children had substantially higher rates of omissions in both illicit and optional null object contexts than either French adults or English speaking children. We propose that French children, faced with a variety of null objects in the input, retain the minimal null N, overextending it beyond adult distribution. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.18pir 229 1 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Agreement Paradigms Across Moods and Tenses</TitleText> 1 A01 Mihaela Pirvulescu Pirvulescu, Mihaela Mihaela Pirvulescu 01 This article investigates the verbal agreement paradigms of the subjunctive and the imperative across Romance languages. The starting observation is that these paradigms seem to be always identical to an indicative agreement paradigm. The proposed generalization is the following: the morphological realization of agreement in subjunctive and imperative verbs is a consequence of the syntactic status of Tense in these two moods. This is illustrated with a morphological analysis of Romanian verbal agreement affixes. Syntactically, Tense is unspecified in subjunctives and absent in imperatives. This analysis makes specific prediction for the subjunctive and imperative morphology across languages. Subjunctive agreement paradigms a) will never show specific Tense-conditioned morphological operations and b) will not have a specific Tense affix. For imperatives, it is expected that a) morphological operations will never make appeal to a Tense feature in this mood; b) no Tense morpheme should appear in imperatives. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.19rus 247 1 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Italian <i>Volerci</i></TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Lexical Verb or Functional Head?</Subtitle> 1 A01 Cinzia Russi Russi, Cinzia Cinzia Russi 01 Based on a detailed reconstruction of the evolution of Old Italian <i>bisogna </i>“must/be necessary”, Benincà and Poletto (1994, 1997) propose that this verb underwent a process of grammaticalization through which it changed from full verb into a functional head expressing deontic necessity. This paper investigates the hypothesis that an analogous process of grammaticalization concerns the verb <i>volerci </i>“take (intr.)/be necessary” (&#60; modal <i>volere</i> “want”). The main goal of the paper is then to determine whether <i>volerci </i>can still be considered a lexical verb or it is more accurately categorized as a functional head <i>á la par</i> with <i>bisogna</i>. A careful comparison between <i>volerci</i> and Modern Italian <i>bisogna</i> reveals that the two verbs do not display similar morphosyntactic behavior; rather, <i>volerci</i> is characterized by the same structural properties as Old Italian <i>bisogna</i>. The strong morphosyntactic parallel between Old Italian <i>bisogna</i> and <i>volerci</i> leads to conclude that, although <i>volerci </i>has undergone grammaticalization to some degree, it has not lost the ability to project arguments, i.e., it has not become (yet) a modal functional element and is still a lexical verb. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.20tor 263 1 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Restructuring of Reverse Psychological Predicate</TitleText> 1 A01 Almeida Jacqueline Toribio Toribio, Almeida Jacqueline Almeida Jacqueline Toribio 2 A01 Carlos Nye Nye, Carlos Carlos Nye 01 The target of investigation in the present study is the class of psychological predicates exemplified by<i> gustar</i>; this class demonstrates unique mapping properties that render it especially problematical and perplexing for English speakers acquiring Spanish as a second language and likewise vulnerable to alteration in contact and contracting varieties of Spanish. In the experiment reported herein, heritage Spanish speakers are shown to accept and produce particular non-target psychological predicate constructions. Their behavior is interpreted as revealing two 'optimization' strategies-Map the animate argument to the structural subject position and the inanimate argument to the structural object; and dedicate the preverbal position to the structural subject-which render the mapping more transparent. 10 01 JB code cilt.275.21sub 279 1 Miscellaneous 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20060831 2006 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 08 690 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 25 24 01 02 JB 1 00 110.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 116.60 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 24 02 02 JB 1 00 92.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 24 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 165.00 USD