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123006969 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 291 Eb 15 9789027291837 06 10.1075/cilt.291 13 2007038182 DG 002 02 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 291 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2005</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Utrecht, 8–10 December 2005</Subtitle> 01 cilt.291 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.291 1 B01 Sergio Baauw Baauw, Sergio Sergio Baauw Utrecht University 2 B01 Frank Drijkoningen Drijkoningen, Frank Frank Drijkoningen Utrecht University 3 B01 Manuela Pinto Pinto, Manuela Manuela Pinto Utrecht University 01 eng 352 viii 338 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The conference series Going Romance is the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages, where ideas about language and linguistics and about Romance languages are put in an interactive perspective, giving space to both universality and Romance-internal variation. The current volume features a selection of 18 articles (out of 28) that were presented during the 19th meeting at Utrecht University, December 8-10, 2005. Included in this volume are four papers that were presented by invited speakers: Belletti, Delais-Roussarie &#38; Rialland, Notley &#38; Van der Linden &#38; Hulk, and Ordóñez; these reflect both issues discussed in the general session as well as themes of the workshop on acquisition. A number of reknown Romance linguists (Saltarelli, di Sciullo, Zubizarreta) also contributed to the volume. In general, contributions bear on a variety of topics in the field of morphology, syntax, semantics and pragmatics and include the perspective from acquisition. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.291.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248060.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248060.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.291.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.291.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.291.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.291.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.291.03alc 1 18 18 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The quirky case of participial clauses</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">quirky case of participial clauses</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Asier Alcázar Alcázar, Asier Asier Alcázar 2 A01 Mario Saltarelli Saltarelli, Mario Mario Saltarelli 01 Adverbial participial clauses exhibit quirky case properties. The internal argument of a transitive verb may bear accusative or nominative morphological case in Romance. Unlike gerundivals, these clauses lack T and v*, among other heads, undermining a standard case licensing approach. We propose that absolutes are VPs that value the case of their internal argument. Other alternatives like a morphological default/inherent case fail to capture the paradigm in Romance. Our approach finds independent support in data from Medieval and Renaissance Italian, an accusative system, as well as the ergative system of Basque. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.04bel 19 38 20 Article 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Answering strategies: A view from acquisition</TitleText> 1 A01 Adriana Belletti Belletti, Adriana Adriana Belletti 01 Different languages adopt different grammatical options - SV, VS orders, (reduced) clefts - to answer the same question on the identification of the subject. The answering strategies are detected through speakers’ grammaticality judgements and through acquisition data, specially adult L2 acquisition. The direct relevance of acquisition data in raising and help clarifying theoretical issues is meant to be among the contributions of the article. The different answering strategies, analyzed in cartographic terms as involving either the VPperipheral internal focus position or focalization in situ, are all in principle available in different languages, provided that no formal condition is violated in the interaction with other properties, the crucial one being the null-subject vs non null-subject nature of the language. The different answering strategies are in place early on in first language monolingual acquisition. Speculative hypotheses on economy and the characterization of development, are put forth on the reason(s) why a strategy should prevail over the others, in compliance with formal conditions. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.05cab 39 58 20 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Transfer in periphrastic causatives in L2 English and L2 Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Mónica Cabrera Cabrera, Mónica Mónica Cabrera 2 A01 María Luisa Zubizarreta Zubizarreta, María Luisa María Luisa Zubizarreta 01 This paper reports the results of a bidirectional study on the L2 acquisition of English and Spanish periphrastic causatives by adult learners. It is argued that different L1 grammatical properties are transferred at different levels of L2 proficiency. At earlier stages, L2 learners focus on L1 word order properties. However, at the advanced proficiency stage, L1 distinctions between causation types encoded by certain periphrastic causatives seem to be more at play. It is claimed that the L2 data is more consistent with a view of transfer as a developmentally constrained process. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.06cos 59 72 14 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitic omission, null objects or both in the acquisition of European Portuguese?</TitleText> 1 A01 João Costa Costa, João João Costa 2 A01 Maria Lobo Lobo, Maria Maria Lobo 01 Previous studies have established a correlation between early clitic omission and the existence of past participle agreement, explainable with a maturational constraint – the UCC. Since Portuguese doesn’t show past participle agreement, it is expected that Portuguese children will produce clitics early on. I order to find out whether this correlation holds for Portuguese, an experimental study was conducted reproducing Schaeffer’s (1997) and adapting it to particular properties of Portuguese – the availability of null objects and variability of clitic position. The results of this study suggest that Portuguese children do omit clitics, apparently contradicting previous studies. Since clitic omission lasts until later than in other languages, we hypothesize that the explanation may rely on complexity factors. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.07del 73 98 26 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Metrical structure, tonal association and focus in French</TitleText> 1 A01 Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie Delais-Roussarie, Elisabeth Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie 2 A01 Annie Rialland Rialland, Annie Annie Rialland 01 The main purpose of this paper is to show that focus is a pivot in tune-text association, which plays a central role for the anchoring of intonational tones. This paper also presents the main characteristics of the French prosodic system. The first section provides an overview of French metrical structure. The second section introduces intonational tones and profiles. Any utterance has a "Nuclear Contour" made up of three elements (T* T* T%), where T = H or L tone. It is the ‘center’ of the intonational profile and the source of copying processes. The third section concerns focus and intonation. It shows how the Nuclear Contour is mapped from right to left from the right edge of the focus domain. A sub-section is devoted to two types of cleft sentences: i) canonical clefts, and ii) broad-focus clefts. We argue in favor of a model in which the metrical grid provides prominent points for tonal association while focus divides the text into domains with specific intonational characteristics. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.08di 99 114 16 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On affixal scope and affix-root ordering in Italian</TitleText> 1 A01 Anna Maria Di Sciullo Di Sciullo, Anna Maria Anna Maria Di Sciullo 01 I raise the question why different sorts of affixes occupy different canonical positions in morphological expressions, and focus on Italian. I show that the semantic scope between affixes and the precedence relations between affixes and roots follow from Asymmetry Theory (Di Sciullo 2005). First, I define the properties of morphological derivations and morphological domains. Second, I provide evidence that the affixal scope, legible at LF, is derived by the operations of the morphology applying under asymmetric Agree. Finally, I show that the ordering of affixes with respect to roots, legible at PF, follows from the position of affixes in their minimal trees, given a linearization operation that applies to the units of morphological domains. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.09gon 115 130 16 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Scope economy in positive polarity: Extreme degree quantification</TitleText> 1 A01 Raquel González-Rodríguez González-Rodríguez, Raquel Raquel González-Rodríguez 01 This paper focuses on degree expressions, such as <i>extremadamente</i>‘extremely’, which cannot occur in negative sentences, thus patterning with Positive Polarity Items (PPIs). I describe the properties of these constructions and offer an analysis that accounts for their incompatibility with negation. Contrary to the standard syntactic view on polarity items, I propose that these PPIs remain in the structural position where they are merged, without checking any positive feature by movement or Agree against certain higher functional projection. Their incompatibility with negation is due to the fact that these constructions denote extreme degree quantification, affirming emphatically the degree to which a property is held. The proposed analysis explains the distribution of these PPIs in negative sentences, as well as the differences between the elements studied and other positive items, establishing a distinction between triggers of positive polarity and positive polarity items. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.10goo 131 148 18 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The acquisition of aspect in L2 Portuguese and Spanish. Exploring native / non-native performance differences</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">acquisition of aspect in L2 Portuguese and Spanish. Exploring native / non-native performance differences</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 C. Elizabeth Goodin-Mayeda Goodin-Mayeda, C. Elizabeth C. Elizabeth Goodin-Mayeda 2 A01 Jason Rothman Rothman, Jason Jason Rothman 01 This study investigates the possibility of native-like ultimate attainment by analyzing L2 knowledge of aspect as seen in the Preterit/Imperfect contrast of highly successful English L2 learners of Portuguese and Spanish. Building on innovative work by Montrul &#38; Slabakova (2003) and Slabakova &#38; Montrul (2003), we test knowledge of semantic entailments associated with the acquisition of [+/- perfective] features checked in higher AspP. Additionally, we investigate the possibility of a specific pattern of associated target-deviant L2 performance. We hypothesize that L2 performance can be affected by explicit positive evidence (pedagogical rules) despite otherwise demonstrable native-like competence. Indeed, the data reveal a pattern of target-deviant performance noted only in three specific contexts, all of which can be linked to traditional instruction: (a) with particular stative verbs not used in the Preterit (b) when preceded by certain adverbial phrases (<i>e.g.</i>,<i>siempre</i>) and (c) so-called semantic shifting verbs (<i>e.g.</i>, <i>sabía </i>vs. <i>supe</i>). 10 01 JB code cilt.291.11gua 149 164 16 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Mechanisms of scope resolution in child Italian</TitleText> 1 A01 Andrea Gualmini Gualmini, Andrea Andrea Gualmini 01 This paper presents the results of an experiment investigating children’s interpretation of the Italian indefinite <i>qualche </i>and negation in the two arguments of the universal quantifier. The findings show that Italianspeaking children’s interpretation of <i>qualche </i>in sentences containing negation is not limited to surface scope interpretations. The findings presented in the paper, together with the findings from English available in the literature, are used to evaluate alternative models of scope resolution in child language. A critique of the account offered by Musolino and Lidz (2006) is presented and an alternative account proposed by Hulsey et al. (2004) is reviewed. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.12gut 165 184 20 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">When scope meets modality: The scope of indefinites in subjunctive environments</TitleText> 1 A01 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach 01 In this paper, the claim that subjunctive mood affects the referential possibilities of Spanish indefinite DPs is reexamined. A host of new data is considered with the goal of framing the issue in the context of current debates on the semantics of these terms. It is also shown that purely-semantic accounts cannot explain why relative clauses seem to behave as stronger blocking environments than other structurally-similar domains. The proper explanation lies at the syntax/semantics interface and explores how restrictions on the derivation of relative clauses prevent certain indexing possibilities. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.13jou 185 200 16 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Listen to the sound of salience: Multichannel syntax of Q particles</TitleText> 1 A01 Mélanie Jouitteau Jouitteau, Mélanie Mélanie Jouitteau 01 I claim that the linguistic message that realizes syntax is multichannel. The syntax-PF interface is the interface of syntax with all the sensorimotor systems available to humans, including, for oral languages, minimal vocalic productions, intonation, hand movement and body gestures. I show that the realization of syntactic structure consists of (i) segmental oral morphemes, (ii) non-segmental oral morphemes (intonation), and (iii) nonoral morphemes (segmental or not; hand movements, upper body gestures and face movements). In particular, the latter predicts the use of non-oral morphemes in <i>oral </i>languages, since the speakers of oral languages have it available in their sensorimotor system. I focus on the CP domain of oral languages, and show that its functional projections can be realized by either (i), (ii) and (iii). The empirical body of this article concentrates on the multichannel Q particles in French, Atlantic French and British English. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.14kra 201 212 12 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Instability and age effects at the lexicon-syntax interface</TitleText> 1 A01 Tihana Kraš Kraš, Tihana Tihana Kraš 01 This paper addresses the instability of the lexicon-syntax interface in bilingual L1 and L2 acquisition, as well as the effects of the age of first exposure to the L2 on the ultimate attainment of this interface. The phenomenon under scrutiny is auxiliary selection with intransitive verbs in Italian, whose orderly gradience is captured by the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy. Child and adult Croatian advanced/near-native L2 speakers, Croatian-Italian simultaneous bilinguals and Italian L1 speakers performed an acceptability-judgment task. Bilingual L1 and L2 speakers proved to be sensitive to the gradience in auxiliary selection with intransitive verbs, but to have less determinate intuitions than monolingual L1 speakers, which is interpreted as evidence for the instability of the lexicon-syntax interface in non-monolingual development. In addition, adult L2 speakers proved to be less sensitive to the gradience than child L2 speakers, pointing to an interaction between the age of first exposure to the L2 and the acquisition of the lexicon-syntax interface. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.15kun 213 228 16 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the ambiguity of N-words in French</TitleText> 1 A01 Masakazu Kuno Kuno, Masakazu Masakazu Kuno 01 This paper argues that n-words in French are ambiguous between negative quantifiers and bipolar items, which are a type of polar sensitive items that must occur in the contexts that license both negative and positive polarity items. The ambiguity thesis is basically in line with Herbuger’s (2001) analysis of n-words in Spanish, but diverts from it in that she argues them to be lexically ambiguous between negative quantifiers and negative polarity items. I will show that the difference between n-words in French and n-words in Spanish falls out from the difference with respect to the structural position of sentential negation. Also, I will suggest a way of deriving the semantic ambiguity of n-words from a single underlying lexical entry. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.16not 229 258 30 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cross-linguistic influence in bilingual children: The case of dislocation</TitleText> 1 A01 Anna Notley Notley, Anna Anna Notley 2 A01 Elisabeth van der Linden Linden, Elisabeth van der Elisabeth van der Linden 3 A01 Aafke Hulk Hulk, Aafke Aafke Hulk 01 Serratrice et al. (2004) propose to extend Hulk &#38; Müller’s (2000, 2001) hypothesis on cross-linguistic influence in early child bilingualism to include cases of influence after instantiation of the C-system (i.e. at a later stage of development). In the present article, we explore whether such an extension can successfully account for the use of dislocation, a topicmarking device, in French-English and French-Dutch bilingual children. On the one hand, our results support the extended formulation of the model: we find cross-linguistic influence in the bilingual data as predicted. On the other hand, certain aspects of our results cannot be sufficiently accounted for under the extended formulation. We discuss several other factors which may interact with those cited in Hulk &#38; Müller’s model, such as input frequency, transparency of syntactic-pragmatic mapping, complexity of syntactic structures, and Chomskyian economy, which may need to be considered in future research on cross-linguistic influence. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.17ord 259 280 22 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cartography of postverbal subjects in Spanish and Catalan</TitleText> 1 A01 Francisco Ordóñez Ordóñez, Francisco Francisco Ordóñez 01 Subjects in post-verbal position in Romance have been assumed to be in <i>an in situ </i>Spec VP position in many recent analyses in their V S O order (Motapayane1995, Ordóñez 1998, Costa 2000, Alexiadou &#38; Anagnostopoulou 2001, Cardinaletti 2001). In this paper, we will give arguments for an alternative view in which post-verbal subjects in this order are moved to at least to an Spec positions above VP, which I will call SubjP, and below the final landing site of verbs in TP. Arguments in favor of this characterization come from the comparison of Catalan and Spanish, which differ minimally in patterns of subject inversion with respect to quantifiers, adverbs and restructuring contexts. This work presents new evidence that a richer inflectional structure in the postverbal field leads to a more parsimonious account for parametric difference in patterns of subject distribution in closely related languages. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.18pan 281 298 18 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Mismatches between phonology and syntax in French DP acquisition</TitleText> 1 A01 Maren Pannemann Pannemann, Maren Maren Pannemann 2 A01 Fred Weerman Weerman, Fred Fred Weerman 01 Children are known to produce non-adult-like structures, leaving out functional elements as determiners for instance. A number of previous studies account for determiner omission by assuming that the D-layer is not available at the onset of acquisition. However, these models are forced to postulate structures that conflict with the referential properties of bare nouns in child language. The goal of this paper is to account for the non-adult-like omissions in children’s speech while at the same time adhering continuity between child and adult grammar. We argue that the D-layer is available in very early stages. However, the correspondence between phonological items and their syntactic representations is not yet target-like. These mismatches explain the observed differences between child and adult speech. It follows from our approach that DP-structure is acquired item-by-item rather than rule-based. This view is supported by the results of a case study in French L1-acquisition. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.19rot 299 320 22 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Pragmatic solutions for syntactic problems: Understanding some L2 syntactic errors in terms of discourse-pragmatic deficits</TitleText> 1 A01 Jason Rothman Rothman, Jason Jason Rothman 01 Contemporary research in generative second language (L2) acquisition has attempted to address observable target-deviant aspects of L2 grammars within a UG-continuity framework (e.g. Lardiere 2000; Schwartz 2003; Sprouse 2004; Prévost &#38; White 1999, 2000). With the aforementioned in mind, the independence of pragmatic and syntactic development, independently observed elsewhere (e.g. Grodzinsky &#38; Reinhart 1993; Lust et al. 1986; Pacheco &#38; Flynn 2005; Serratrice, Sorace &#38; Paoli 2004), becomes particularly interesting. In what follows, I examine the resetting of the Null-Subject Parameter (NSP) for English learners of L2 Spanish. I argue that insensitivity to associated discoursepragmatic constraints on the discursive distribution of overt/null subjects accounts for what appear to be particular errors as a result of syntactic deficits. It is demonstrated that despite target-deviant performance, the majority must have native-like syntactic competence given their knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (Montalbetti 1984), a principle associated with the Spanish-type setting of the NSP. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.20san 321 334 14 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A poverty-of-the-stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">poverty-of-the-stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Ana Lúcia Santos Santos, Ana Lúcia Ana Lúcia Santos 01 The co-existence in European Portuguese of Null Complement Anaphora and of VP ellipsis licensed by main verbs poses a learnability problem and ultimately provides a poverty-of-the stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis. If the identification constraint operating on ellipsis derives from innate principles and if the acquisition of VP ellipsis depends on the acquisition of V-to-I movement, we should expect VP ellipsis to be acquired as early as V-to-I. The analysis of a new spontaneous production corpus of the acquisition of EP shows that children produce VP ellipsis as early as 1;6 in simple contexts such as answers to yes-no questions. This is evidence for early V-to-I but it is also evidence for a very early ability to deal with the syntax – discourse interface, in case Merchant’s (2001) approach of the identification conditions on ellipsis is adopted. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.21ind 335 338 4 Miscellaneous 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20071121 2007 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027248060 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 115.00 EUR R 01 00 97.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 173.00 USD S 498005946 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 291 Hb 15 9789027248060 13 2007038182 BB 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 291 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2005</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Utrecht, 8–10 December 2005</Subtitle> 01 cilt.291 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.291 1 B01 Sergio Baauw Baauw, Sergio Sergio Baauw Utrecht University 2 B01 Frank Drijkoningen Drijkoningen, Frank Frank Drijkoningen Utrecht University 3 B01 Manuela Pinto Pinto, Manuela Manuela Pinto Utrecht University 01 eng 352 viii 338 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The conference series Going Romance is the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages, where ideas about language and linguistics and about Romance languages are put in an interactive perspective, giving space to both universality and Romance-internal variation. The current volume features a selection of 18 articles (out of 28) that were presented during the 19th meeting at Utrecht University, December 8-10, 2005. Included in this volume are four papers that were presented by invited speakers: Belletti, Delais-Roussarie &#38; Rialland, Notley &#38; Van der Linden &#38; Hulk, and Ordóñez; these reflect both issues discussed in the general session as well as themes of the workshop on acquisition. A number of reknown Romance linguists (Saltarelli, di Sciullo, Zubizarreta) also contributed to the volume. In general, contributions bear on a variety of topics in the field of morphology, syntax, semantics and pragmatics and include the perspective from acquisition. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.291.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248060.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248060.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.291.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.291.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.291.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.291.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.291.03alc 1 18 18 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The quirky case of participial clauses</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">quirky case of participial clauses</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Asier Alcázar Alcázar, Asier Asier Alcázar 2 A01 Mario Saltarelli Saltarelli, Mario Mario Saltarelli 01 Adverbial participial clauses exhibit quirky case properties. The internal argument of a transitive verb may bear accusative or nominative morphological case in Romance. Unlike gerundivals, these clauses lack T and v*, among other heads, undermining a standard case licensing approach. We propose that absolutes are VPs that value the case of their internal argument. Other alternatives like a morphological default/inherent case fail to capture the paradigm in Romance. Our approach finds independent support in data from Medieval and Renaissance Italian, an accusative system, as well as the ergative system of Basque. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.04bel 19 38 20 Article 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Answering strategies: A view from acquisition</TitleText> 1 A01 Adriana Belletti Belletti, Adriana Adriana Belletti 01 Different languages adopt different grammatical options - SV, VS orders, (reduced) clefts - to answer the same question on the identification of the subject. The answering strategies are detected through speakers’ grammaticality judgements and through acquisition data, specially adult L2 acquisition. The direct relevance of acquisition data in raising and help clarifying theoretical issues is meant to be among the contributions of the article. The different answering strategies, analyzed in cartographic terms as involving either the VPperipheral internal focus position or focalization in situ, are all in principle available in different languages, provided that no formal condition is violated in the interaction with other properties, the crucial one being the null-subject vs non null-subject nature of the language. The different answering strategies are in place early on in first language monolingual acquisition. Speculative hypotheses on economy and the characterization of development, are put forth on the reason(s) why a strategy should prevail over the others, in compliance with formal conditions. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.05cab 39 58 20 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Transfer in periphrastic causatives in L2 English and L2 Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Mónica Cabrera Cabrera, Mónica Mónica Cabrera 2 A01 María Luisa Zubizarreta Zubizarreta, María Luisa María Luisa Zubizarreta 01 This paper reports the results of a bidirectional study on the L2 acquisition of English and Spanish periphrastic causatives by adult learners. It is argued that different L1 grammatical properties are transferred at different levels of L2 proficiency. At earlier stages, L2 learners focus on L1 word order properties. However, at the advanced proficiency stage, L1 distinctions between causation types encoded by certain periphrastic causatives seem to be more at play. It is claimed that the L2 data is more consistent with a view of transfer as a developmentally constrained process. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.06cos 59 72 14 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitic omission, null objects or both in the acquisition of European Portuguese?</TitleText> 1 A01 João Costa Costa, João João Costa 2 A01 Maria Lobo Lobo, Maria Maria Lobo 01 Previous studies have established a correlation between early clitic omission and the existence of past participle agreement, explainable with a maturational constraint – the UCC. Since Portuguese doesn’t show past participle agreement, it is expected that Portuguese children will produce clitics early on. I order to find out whether this correlation holds for Portuguese, an experimental study was conducted reproducing Schaeffer’s (1997) and adapting it to particular properties of Portuguese – the availability of null objects and variability of clitic position. The results of this study suggest that Portuguese children do omit clitics, apparently contradicting previous studies. Since clitic omission lasts until later than in other languages, we hypothesize that the explanation may rely on complexity factors. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.07del 73 98 26 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Metrical structure, tonal association and focus in French</TitleText> 1 A01 Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie Delais-Roussarie, Elisabeth Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie 2 A01 Annie Rialland Rialland, Annie Annie Rialland 01 The main purpose of this paper is to show that focus is a pivot in tune-text association, which plays a central role for the anchoring of intonational tones. This paper also presents the main characteristics of the French prosodic system. The first section provides an overview of French metrical structure. The second section introduces intonational tones and profiles. Any utterance has a "Nuclear Contour" made up of three elements (T* T* T%), where T = H or L tone. It is the ‘center’ of the intonational profile and the source of copying processes. The third section concerns focus and intonation. It shows how the Nuclear Contour is mapped from right to left from the right edge of the focus domain. A sub-section is devoted to two types of cleft sentences: i) canonical clefts, and ii) broad-focus clefts. We argue in favor of a model in which the metrical grid provides prominent points for tonal association while focus divides the text into domains with specific intonational characteristics. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.08di 99 114 16 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On affixal scope and affix-root ordering in Italian</TitleText> 1 A01 Anna Maria Di Sciullo Di Sciullo, Anna Maria Anna Maria Di Sciullo 01 I raise the question why different sorts of affixes occupy different canonical positions in morphological expressions, and focus on Italian. I show that the semantic scope between affixes and the precedence relations between affixes and roots follow from Asymmetry Theory (Di Sciullo 2005). First, I define the properties of morphological derivations and morphological domains. Second, I provide evidence that the affixal scope, legible at LF, is derived by the operations of the morphology applying under asymmetric Agree. Finally, I show that the ordering of affixes with respect to roots, legible at PF, follows from the position of affixes in their minimal trees, given a linearization operation that applies to the units of morphological domains. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.09gon 115 130 16 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Scope economy in positive polarity: Extreme degree quantification</TitleText> 1 A01 Raquel González-Rodríguez González-Rodríguez, Raquel Raquel González-Rodríguez 01 This paper focuses on degree expressions, such as <i>extremadamente</i>‘extremely’, which cannot occur in negative sentences, thus patterning with Positive Polarity Items (PPIs). I describe the properties of these constructions and offer an analysis that accounts for their incompatibility with negation. Contrary to the standard syntactic view on polarity items, I propose that these PPIs remain in the structural position where they are merged, without checking any positive feature by movement or Agree against certain higher functional projection. Their incompatibility with negation is due to the fact that these constructions denote extreme degree quantification, affirming emphatically the degree to which a property is held. The proposed analysis explains the distribution of these PPIs in negative sentences, as well as the differences between the elements studied and other positive items, establishing a distinction between triggers of positive polarity and positive polarity items. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.10goo 131 148 18 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The acquisition of aspect in L2 Portuguese and Spanish. Exploring native / non-native performance differences</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">acquisition of aspect in L2 Portuguese and Spanish. Exploring native / non-native performance differences</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 C. Elizabeth Goodin-Mayeda Goodin-Mayeda, C. Elizabeth C. Elizabeth Goodin-Mayeda 2 A01 Jason Rothman Rothman, Jason Jason Rothman 01 This study investigates the possibility of native-like ultimate attainment by analyzing L2 knowledge of aspect as seen in the Preterit/Imperfect contrast of highly successful English L2 learners of Portuguese and Spanish. Building on innovative work by Montrul &#38; Slabakova (2003) and Slabakova &#38; Montrul (2003), we test knowledge of semantic entailments associated with the acquisition of [+/- perfective] features checked in higher AspP. Additionally, we investigate the possibility of a specific pattern of associated target-deviant L2 performance. We hypothesize that L2 performance can be affected by explicit positive evidence (pedagogical rules) despite otherwise demonstrable native-like competence. Indeed, the data reveal a pattern of target-deviant performance noted only in three specific contexts, all of which can be linked to traditional instruction: (a) with particular stative verbs not used in the Preterit (b) when preceded by certain adverbial phrases (<i>e.g.</i>,<i>siempre</i>) and (c) so-called semantic shifting verbs (<i>e.g.</i>, <i>sabía </i>vs. <i>supe</i>). 10 01 JB code cilt.291.11gua 149 164 16 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Mechanisms of scope resolution in child Italian</TitleText> 1 A01 Andrea Gualmini Gualmini, Andrea Andrea Gualmini 01 This paper presents the results of an experiment investigating children’s interpretation of the Italian indefinite <i>qualche </i>and negation in the two arguments of the universal quantifier. The findings show that Italianspeaking children’s interpretation of <i>qualche </i>in sentences containing negation is not limited to surface scope interpretations. The findings presented in the paper, together with the findings from English available in the literature, are used to evaluate alternative models of scope resolution in child language. A critique of the account offered by Musolino and Lidz (2006) is presented and an alternative account proposed by Hulsey et al. (2004) is reviewed. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.12gut 165 184 20 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">When scope meets modality: The scope of indefinites in subjunctive environments</TitleText> 1 A01 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach 01 In this paper, the claim that subjunctive mood affects the referential possibilities of Spanish indefinite DPs is reexamined. A host of new data is considered with the goal of framing the issue in the context of current debates on the semantics of these terms. It is also shown that purely-semantic accounts cannot explain why relative clauses seem to behave as stronger blocking environments than other structurally-similar domains. The proper explanation lies at the syntax/semantics interface and explores how restrictions on the derivation of relative clauses prevent certain indexing possibilities. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.13jou 185 200 16 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Listen to the sound of salience: Multichannel syntax of Q particles</TitleText> 1 A01 Mélanie Jouitteau Jouitteau, Mélanie Mélanie Jouitteau 01 I claim that the linguistic message that realizes syntax is multichannel. The syntax-PF interface is the interface of syntax with all the sensorimotor systems available to humans, including, for oral languages, minimal vocalic productions, intonation, hand movement and body gestures. I show that the realization of syntactic structure consists of (i) segmental oral morphemes, (ii) non-segmental oral morphemes (intonation), and (iii) nonoral morphemes (segmental or not; hand movements, upper body gestures and face movements). In particular, the latter predicts the use of non-oral morphemes in <i>oral </i>languages, since the speakers of oral languages have it available in their sensorimotor system. I focus on the CP domain of oral languages, and show that its functional projections can be realized by either (i), (ii) and (iii). The empirical body of this article concentrates on the multichannel Q particles in French, Atlantic French and British English. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.14kra 201 212 12 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Instability and age effects at the lexicon-syntax interface</TitleText> 1 A01 Tihana Kraš Kraš, Tihana Tihana Kraš 01 This paper addresses the instability of the lexicon-syntax interface in bilingual L1 and L2 acquisition, as well as the effects of the age of first exposure to the L2 on the ultimate attainment of this interface. The phenomenon under scrutiny is auxiliary selection with intransitive verbs in Italian, whose orderly gradience is captured by the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy. Child and adult Croatian advanced/near-native L2 speakers, Croatian-Italian simultaneous bilinguals and Italian L1 speakers performed an acceptability-judgment task. Bilingual L1 and L2 speakers proved to be sensitive to the gradience in auxiliary selection with intransitive verbs, but to have less determinate intuitions than monolingual L1 speakers, which is interpreted as evidence for the instability of the lexicon-syntax interface in non-monolingual development. In addition, adult L2 speakers proved to be less sensitive to the gradience than child L2 speakers, pointing to an interaction between the age of first exposure to the L2 and the acquisition of the lexicon-syntax interface. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.15kun 213 228 16 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the ambiguity of N-words in French</TitleText> 1 A01 Masakazu Kuno Kuno, Masakazu Masakazu Kuno 01 This paper argues that n-words in French are ambiguous between negative quantifiers and bipolar items, which are a type of polar sensitive items that must occur in the contexts that license both negative and positive polarity items. The ambiguity thesis is basically in line with Herbuger’s (2001) analysis of n-words in Spanish, but diverts from it in that she argues them to be lexically ambiguous between negative quantifiers and negative polarity items. I will show that the difference between n-words in French and n-words in Spanish falls out from the difference with respect to the structural position of sentential negation. Also, I will suggest a way of deriving the semantic ambiguity of n-words from a single underlying lexical entry. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.16not 229 258 30 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cross-linguistic influence in bilingual children: The case of dislocation</TitleText> 1 A01 Anna Notley Notley, Anna Anna Notley 2 A01 Elisabeth van der Linden Linden, Elisabeth van der Elisabeth van der Linden 3 A01 Aafke Hulk Hulk, Aafke Aafke Hulk 01 Serratrice et al. (2004) propose to extend Hulk &#38; Müller’s (2000, 2001) hypothesis on cross-linguistic influence in early child bilingualism to include cases of influence after instantiation of the C-system (i.e. at a later stage of development). In the present article, we explore whether such an extension can successfully account for the use of dislocation, a topicmarking device, in French-English and French-Dutch bilingual children. On the one hand, our results support the extended formulation of the model: we find cross-linguistic influence in the bilingual data as predicted. On the other hand, certain aspects of our results cannot be sufficiently accounted for under the extended formulation. We discuss several other factors which may interact with those cited in Hulk &#38; Müller’s model, such as input frequency, transparency of syntactic-pragmatic mapping, complexity of syntactic structures, and Chomskyian economy, which may need to be considered in future research on cross-linguistic influence. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.17ord 259 280 22 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cartography of postverbal subjects in Spanish and Catalan</TitleText> 1 A01 Francisco Ordóñez Ordóñez, Francisco Francisco Ordóñez 01 Subjects in post-verbal position in Romance have been assumed to be in <i>an in situ </i>Spec VP position in many recent analyses in their V S O order (Motapayane1995, Ordóñez 1998, Costa 2000, Alexiadou &#38; Anagnostopoulou 2001, Cardinaletti 2001). In this paper, we will give arguments for an alternative view in which post-verbal subjects in this order are moved to at least to an Spec positions above VP, which I will call SubjP, and below the final landing site of verbs in TP. Arguments in favor of this characterization come from the comparison of Catalan and Spanish, which differ minimally in patterns of subject inversion with respect to quantifiers, adverbs and restructuring contexts. This work presents new evidence that a richer inflectional structure in the postverbal field leads to a more parsimonious account for parametric difference in patterns of subject distribution in closely related languages. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.18pan 281 298 18 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Mismatches between phonology and syntax in French DP acquisition</TitleText> 1 A01 Maren Pannemann Pannemann, Maren Maren Pannemann 2 A01 Fred Weerman Weerman, Fred Fred Weerman 01 Children are known to produce non-adult-like structures, leaving out functional elements as determiners for instance. A number of previous studies account for determiner omission by assuming that the D-layer is not available at the onset of acquisition. However, these models are forced to postulate structures that conflict with the referential properties of bare nouns in child language. The goal of this paper is to account for the non-adult-like omissions in children’s speech while at the same time adhering continuity between child and adult grammar. We argue that the D-layer is available in very early stages. However, the correspondence between phonological items and their syntactic representations is not yet target-like. These mismatches explain the observed differences between child and adult speech. It follows from our approach that DP-structure is acquired item-by-item rather than rule-based. This view is supported by the results of a case study in French L1-acquisition. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.19rot 299 320 22 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Pragmatic solutions for syntactic problems: Understanding some L2 syntactic errors in terms of discourse-pragmatic deficits</TitleText> 1 A01 Jason Rothman Rothman, Jason Jason Rothman 01 Contemporary research in generative second language (L2) acquisition has attempted to address observable target-deviant aspects of L2 grammars within a UG-continuity framework (e.g. Lardiere 2000; Schwartz 2003; Sprouse 2004; Prévost &#38; White 1999, 2000). With the aforementioned in mind, the independence of pragmatic and syntactic development, independently observed elsewhere (e.g. Grodzinsky &#38; Reinhart 1993; Lust et al. 1986; Pacheco &#38; Flynn 2005; Serratrice, Sorace &#38; Paoli 2004), becomes particularly interesting. In what follows, I examine the resetting of the Null-Subject Parameter (NSP) for English learners of L2 Spanish. I argue that insensitivity to associated discoursepragmatic constraints on the discursive distribution of overt/null subjects accounts for what appear to be particular errors as a result of syntactic deficits. It is demonstrated that despite target-deviant performance, the majority must have native-like syntactic competence given their knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (Montalbetti 1984), a principle associated with the Spanish-type setting of the NSP. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.20san 321 334 14 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A poverty-of-the-stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">poverty-of-the-stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Ana Lúcia Santos Santos, Ana Lúcia Ana Lúcia Santos 01 The co-existence in European Portuguese of Null Complement Anaphora and of VP ellipsis licensed by main verbs poses a learnability problem and ultimately provides a poverty-of-the stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis. If the identification constraint operating on ellipsis derives from innate principles and if the acquisition of VP ellipsis depends on the acquisition of V-to-I movement, we should expect VP ellipsis to be acquired as early as V-to-I. The analysis of a new spontaneous production corpus of the acquisition of EP shows that children produce VP ellipsis as early as 1;6 in simple contexts such as answers to yes-no questions. This is evidence for early V-to-I but it is also evidence for a very early ability to deal with the syntax – discourse interface, in case Merchant’s (2001) approach of the identification conditions on ellipsis is adopted. 10 01 JB code cilt.291.21ind 335 338 4 Miscellaneous 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20071121 2007 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 775 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 28 20 01 02 JB 1 00 115.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 121.90 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 20 02 02 JB 1 00 97.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 20 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 173.00 USD