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7500817
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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201608250415
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eng
01
EUR
123006969
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
CILT 291 Eb
15
9789027291837
06
10.1075/cilt.291
13
2007038182
DG
002
02
01
CILT
02
0304-0763
Current Issues in Linguistic Theory
291
01
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2005
Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Utrecht, 8–10 December 2005
01
cilt.291
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.291
1
B01
Sergio Baauw
Baauw, Sergio
Sergio
Baauw
Utrecht University
2
B01
Frank Drijkoningen
Drijkoningen, Frank
Frank
Drijkoningen
Utrecht University
3
B01
Manuela Pinto
Pinto, Manuela
Manuela
Pinto
Utrecht University
01
eng
352
viii
338
LAN009000
v.2006
CF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
The conference series Going Romance is the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages, where ideas about language and linguistics and about Romance languages are put in an interactive perspective, giving space to both universality and Romance-internal variation. The current volume features a selection of 18 articles (out of 28) that were presented during the 19th meeting at Utrecht University, December 8-10, 2005. Included in this volume are four papers that were presented by invited speakers: Belletti, Delais-Roussarie & Rialland, Notley & Van der Linden & Hulk, and Ordóñez; these reflect both issues discussed in the general session as well as themes of the workshop on acquisition. A number of reknown Romance linguists (Saltarelli, di Sciullo, Zubizarreta) also contributed to the volume. In general, contributions bear on a variety of topics in the field of morphology, syntax, semantics and pragmatics and include the perspective from acquisition.
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10
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JB code
cilt.291.03alc
1
18
18
Article
1
01
The quirky case of participial clauses
The
quirky case of participial clauses
1
A01
Asier Alcázar
Alcázar, Asier
Asier
Alcázar
2
A01
Mario Saltarelli
Saltarelli, Mario
Mario
Saltarelli
01
Adverbial participial clauses exhibit quirky case properties. The internal argument of a transitive verb may bear accusative or nominative morphological case in Romance. Unlike gerundivals, these clauses lack T and v*, among other heads, undermining a standard case licensing approach. We propose that absolutes are VPs that value the case of their internal argument. Other alternatives like a morphological default/inherent case fail to capture the paradigm in Romance. Our approach finds independent support in data from Medieval and Renaissance Italian, an accusative system, as well as the ergative system of Basque.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.04bel
19
38
20
Article
2
01
Answering strategies: A view from acquisition
1
A01
Adriana Belletti
Belletti, Adriana
Adriana
Belletti
01
Different languages adopt different grammatical options - SV, VS orders, (reduced) clefts - to answer the same question on the identification of the subject. The answering strategies are detected through speakers’ grammaticality judgements and through acquisition data, specially adult L2 acquisition. The direct relevance of acquisition data in raising and help clarifying theoretical issues is meant to be among the contributions of the article. The different answering strategies, analyzed in cartographic terms as involving either the VPperipheral internal focus position or focalization in situ, are all in principle available in different languages, provided that no formal condition is violated in the interaction with other properties, the crucial one being the null-subject vs non null-subject nature of the language. The different answering strategies are in place early on in first language monolingual acquisition. Speculative hypotheses on economy and the characterization of development, are put forth on the reason(s) why a strategy should prevail over the others, in compliance with formal conditions.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.05cab
39
58
20
Article
3
01
Transfer in periphrastic causatives in L2 English and L2 Spanish
1
A01
Mónica Cabrera
Cabrera, Mónica
Mónica
Cabrera
2
A01
María Luisa Zubizarreta
Zubizarreta, María Luisa
María Luisa
Zubizarreta
01
This paper reports the results of a bidirectional study on the L2 acquisition of English and Spanish periphrastic causatives by adult learners. It is argued that different L1 grammatical properties are transferred at different levels of L2 proficiency. At earlier stages, L2 learners focus on L1 word order properties. However, at the advanced proficiency stage, L1 distinctions between causation types encoded by certain periphrastic causatives seem to be more at play. It is claimed that the L2 data is more consistent with a view of transfer as a developmentally constrained process.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.06cos
59
72
14
Article
4
01
Clitic omission, null objects or both in the acquisition of European Portuguese?
1
A01
João Costa
Costa, João
João
Costa
2
A01
Maria Lobo
Lobo, Maria
Maria
Lobo
01
Previous studies have established a correlation between early clitic omission and the existence of past participle agreement, explainable with a maturational constraint – the UCC. Since Portuguese doesn’t show past participle agreement, it is expected that Portuguese children will produce clitics early on. I order to find out whether this correlation holds for Portuguese, an experimental study was conducted reproducing Schaeffer’s (1997) and adapting it to particular properties of Portuguese – the availability of null objects and variability of clitic position. The results of this study suggest that Portuguese children do omit clitics, apparently contradicting previous studies. Since clitic omission lasts until later than in other languages, we hypothesize that the explanation may rely on complexity factors.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.07del
73
98
26
Article
5
01
Metrical structure, tonal association and focus in French
1
A01
Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie
Delais-Roussarie, Elisabeth
Elisabeth
Delais-Roussarie
2
A01
Annie Rialland
Rialland, Annie
Annie
Rialland
01
The main purpose of this paper is to show that focus is a pivot in tune-text association, which plays a central role for the anchoring of intonational tones. This paper also presents the main characteristics of the French prosodic system. The first section provides an overview of French metrical structure. The second section introduces intonational tones and profiles. Any utterance has a "Nuclear Contour" made up of three elements (T* T* T%), where T = H or L tone. It is the ‘center’ of the intonational profile and the source of copying processes. The third section concerns focus and intonation. It shows how the Nuclear Contour is mapped from right to left from the right edge of the focus domain. A sub-section is devoted to two types of cleft sentences: i) canonical clefts, and ii) broad-focus clefts. We argue in favor of a model in which the metrical grid provides prominent points for tonal association while focus divides the text into domains with specific intonational characteristics.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.08di
99
114
16
Article
6
01
On affixal scope and affix-root ordering in Italian
1
A01
Anna Maria Di Sciullo
Di Sciullo, Anna Maria
Anna Maria
Di Sciullo
01
I raise the question why different sorts of affixes occupy different canonical positions in morphological expressions, and focus on Italian. I show that the semantic scope between affixes and the precedence relations between affixes and roots follow from Asymmetry Theory (Di Sciullo 2005). First, I define the properties of morphological derivations and morphological domains. Second, I provide evidence that the affixal scope, legible at LF, is derived by the operations of the morphology applying under asymmetric Agree. Finally, I show that the ordering of affixes with respect to roots, legible at PF, follows from the position of affixes in their minimal trees, given a linearization operation that applies to the units of morphological domains.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.09gon
115
130
16
Article
7
01
Scope economy in positive polarity: Extreme degree quantification
1
A01
Raquel González-Rodríguez
González-Rodríguez, Raquel
Raquel
González-Rodríguez
01
This paper focuses on degree expressions, such as <i>extremadamente</i>‘extremely’, which cannot occur in negative sentences, thus patterning with Positive Polarity Items (PPIs). I describe the properties of these constructions and offer an analysis that accounts for their incompatibility with negation. Contrary to the standard syntactic view on polarity items, I propose that these PPIs remain in the structural position where they are merged, without checking any positive feature by movement or Agree against certain higher functional projection. Their incompatibility with negation is due to the fact that these constructions denote extreme degree quantification, affirming emphatically the degree to which a property is held. The proposed analysis explains the distribution of these PPIs in negative sentences, as well as the differences between the elements studied and other positive items, establishing a distinction between triggers of positive polarity and positive polarity items.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.10goo
131
148
18
Article
8
01
The acquisition of aspect in L2 Portuguese and Spanish. Exploring native / non-native performance differences
The
acquisition of aspect in L2 Portuguese and Spanish. Exploring native / non-native performance differences
1
A01
C. Elizabeth Goodin-Mayeda
Goodin-Mayeda, C. Elizabeth
C. Elizabeth
Goodin-Mayeda
2
A01
Jason Rothman
Rothman, Jason
Jason
Rothman
01
This study investigates the possibility of native-like ultimate attainment by analyzing L2 knowledge of aspect as seen in the Preterit/Imperfect contrast of highly successful English L2 learners of Portuguese and Spanish. Building on innovative work by Montrul & Slabakova (2003) and Slabakova & Montrul (2003), we test knowledge of semantic entailments associated with the acquisition of [+/- perfective] features checked in higher AspP. Additionally, we investigate the possibility of a specific pattern of associated target-deviant L2 performance. We hypothesize that L2 performance can be affected by explicit positive evidence (pedagogical rules) despite otherwise demonstrable native-like competence. Indeed, the data reveal a pattern of target-deviant performance noted only in three specific contexts, all of which can be linked to traditional instruction: (a) with particular stative verbs not used in the Preterit (b) when preceded by certain adverbial phrases (<i>e.g.</i>,<i>siempre</i>) and (c) so-called semantic shifting verbs (<i>e.g.</i>, <i>sabía </i>vs. <i>supe</i>).
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.11gua
149
164
16
Article
9
01
Mechanisms of scope resolution in child Italian
1
A01
Andrea Gualmini
Gualmini, Andrea
Andrea
Gualmini
01
This paper presents the results of an experiment investigating children’s interpretation of the Italian indefinite <i>qualche </i>and negation in the two arguments of the universal quantifier. The findings show that Italianspeaking children’s interpretation of <i>qualche </i>in sentences containing negation is not limited to surface scope interpretations. The findings presented in the paper, together with the findings from English available in the literature, are used to evaluate alternative models of scope resolution in child language. A critique of the account offered by Musolino and Lidz (2006) is presented and an alternative account proposed by Hulsey et al. (2004) is reviewed.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.12gut
165
184
20
Article
10
01
When scope meets modality: The scope of indefinites in subjunctive environments
1
A01
Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach
Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier
Javier
Gutiérrez-Rexach
01
In this paper, the claim that subjunctive mood affects the referential possibilities of Spanish indefinite DPs is reexamined. A host of new data is considered with the goal of framing the issue in the context of current debates on the semantics of these terms. It is also shown that purely-semantic accounts cannot explain why relative clauses seem to behave as stronger blocking environments than other structurally-similar domains. The proper explanation lies at the syntax/semantics interface and explores how restrictions on the derivation of relative clauses prevent certain indexing possibilities.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.13jou
185
200
16
Article
11
01
Listen to the sound of salience: Multichannel syntax of Q particles
1
A01
Mélanie Jouitteau
Jouitteau, Mélanie
Mélanie
Jouitteau
01
I claim that the linguistic message that realizes syntax is multichannel. The syntax-PF interface is the interface of syntax with all the sensorimotor systems available to humans, including, for oral languages, minimal vocalic productions, intonation, hand movement and body gestures. I show that the realization of syntactic structure consists of (i) segmental oral morphemes, (ii) non-segmental oral morphemes (intonation), and (iii) nonoral morphemes (segmental or not; hand movements, upper body gestures and face movements). In particular, the latter predicts the use of non-oral morphemes in <i>oral </i>languages, since the speakers of oral languages have it available in their sensorimotor system. I focus on the CP domain of oral languages, and show that its functional projections can be realized by either (i), (ii) and (iii). The empirical body of this article concentrates on the multichannel Q particles in French, Atlantic French and British English.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.14kra
201
212
12
Article
12
01
Instability and age effects at the lexicon-syntax interface
1
A01
Tihana Kraš
Kraš, Tihana
Tihana
Kraš
01
This paper addresses the instability of the lexicon-syntax interface in bilingual L1 and L2 acquisition, as well as the effects of the age of first exposure to the L2 on the ultimate attainment of this interface. The phenomenon under scrutiny is auxiliary selection with intransitive verbs in Italian, whose orderly gradience is captured by the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy. Child and adult Croatian advanced/near-native L2 speakers, Croatian-Italian simultaneous bilinguals and Italian L1 speakers performed an acceptability-judgment task. Bilingual L1 and L2 speakers proved to be sensitive to the gradience in auxiliary selection with intransitive verbs, but to have less determinate intuitions than monolingual L1 speakers, which is interpreted as evidence for the instability of the lexicon-syntax interface in non-monolingual development. In addition, adult L2 speakers proved to be less sensitive to the gradience than child L2 speakers, pointing to an interaction between the age of first exposure to the L2 and the acquisition of the lexicon-syntax interface.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.15kun
213
228
16
Article
13
01
On the ambiguity of N-words in French
1
A01
Masakazu Kuno
Kuno, Masakazu
Masakazu
Kuno
01
This paper argues that n-words in French are ambiguous between negative quantifiers and bipolar items, which are a type of polar sensitive items that must occur in the contexts that license both negative and positive polarity items. The ambiguity thesis is basically in line with Herbuger’s (2001) analysis of n-words in Spanish, but diverts from it in that she argues them to be lexically ambiguous between negative quantifiers and negative polarity items. I will show that the difference between n-words in French and n-words in Spanish falls out from the difference with respect to the structural position of sentential negation. Also, I will suggest a way of deriving the semantic ambiguity of n-words from a single underlying lexical entry.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.16not
229
258
30
Article
14
01
Cross-linguistic influence in bilingual children: The case of dislocation
1
A01
Anna Notley
Notley, Anna
Anna
Notley
2
A01
Elisabeth van der Linden
Linden, Elisabeth van der
Elisabeth
van der
Linden
3
A01
Aafke Hulk
Hulk, Aafke
Aafke
Hulk
01
Serratrice et al. (2004) propose to extend Hulk & Müller’s (2000, 2001) hypothesis on cross-linguistic influence in early child bilingualism to include cases of influence after instantiation of the C-system (i.e. at a later stage of development). In the present article, we explore whether such an extension can successfully account for the use of dislocation, a topicmarking device, in French-English and French-Dutch bilingual children. On the one hand, our results support the extended formulation of the model: we find cross-linguistic influence in the bilingual data as predicted. On the other hand, certain aspects of our results cannot be sufficiently accounted for under the extended formulation. We discuss several other factors which may interact with those cited in Hulk & Müller’s model, such as input frequency, transparency of syntactic-pragmatic mapping, complexity of syntactic structures, and Chomskyian economy, which may need to be considered in future research on cross-linguistic influence.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.17ord
259
280
22
Article
15
01
Cartography of postverbal subjects in Spanish and Catalan
1
A01
Francisco Ordóñez
Ordóñez, Francisco
Francisco
Ordóñez
01
Subjects in post-verbal position in Romance have been assumed to be in <i>an in situ </i>Spec VP position in many recent analyses in their V S O order (Motapayane1995, Ordóñez 1998, Costa 2000, Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou 2001, Cardinaletti 2001). In this paper, we will give arguments for an alternative view in which post-verbal subjects in this order are moved to at least to an Spec positions above VP, which I will call SubjP, and below the final landing site of verbs in TP. Arguments in favor of this characterization come from the comparison of Catalan and Spanish, which differ minimally in patterns of subject inversion with respect to quantifiers, adverbs and restructuring contexts. This work presents new evidence that a richer inflectional structure in the postverbal field leads to a more parsimonious account for parametric difference in patterns of subject distribution in closely related languages.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.18pan
281
298
18
Article
16
01
Mismatches between phonology and syntax in French DP acquisition
1
A01
Maren Pannemann
Pannemann, Maren
Maren
Pannemann
2
A01
Fred Weerman
Weerman, Fred
Fred
Weerman
01
Children are known to produce non-adult-like structures, leaving out functional elements as determiners for instance. A number of previous studies account for determiner omission by assuming that the D-layer is not available at the onset of acquisition. However, these models are forced to postulate structures that conflict with the referential properties of bare nouns in child language. The goal of this paper is to account for the non-adult-like omissions in children’s speech while at the same time adhering continuity between child and adult grammar. We argue that the D-layer is available in very early stages. However, the correspondence between phonological items and their syntactic representations is not yet target-like. These mismatches explain the observed differences between child and adult speech. It follows from our approach that DP-structure is acquired item-by-item rather than rule-based. This view is supported by the results of a case study in French L1-acquisition.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.19rot
299
320
22
Article
17
01
Pragmatic solutions for syntactic problems: Understanding some L2 syntactic errors in terms of discourse-pragmatic deficits
1
A01
Jason Rothman
Rothman, Jason
Jason
Rothman
01
Contemporary research in generative second language (L2) acquisition has attempted to address observable target-deviant aspects of L2 grammars within a UG-continuity framework (e.g. Lardiere 2000; Schwartz 2003; Sprouse 2004; Prévost & White 1999, 2000). With the aforementioned in mind, the independence of pragmatic and syntactic development, independently observed elsewhere (e.g. Grodzinsky & Reinhart 1993; Lust et al. 1986; Pacheco & Flynn 2005; Serratrice, Sorace & Paoli 2004), becomes particularly interesting. In what follows, I examine the resetting of the Null-Subject Parameter (NSP) for English learners of L2 Spanish. I argue that insensitivity to associated discoursepragmatic constraints on the discursive distribution of overt/null subjects accounts for what appear to be particular errors as a result of syntactic deficits. It is demonstrated that despite target-deviant performance, the majority must have native-like syntactic competence given their knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (Montalbetti 1984), a principle associated with the Spanish-type setting of the NSP.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.20san
321
334
14
Article
18
01
A poverty-of-the-stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis
A
poverty-of-the-stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis
1
A01
Ana Lúcia Santos
Santos, Ana Lúcia
Ana Lúcia
Santos
01
The co-existence in European Portuguese of Null Complement Anaphora and of VP ellipsis licensed by main verbs poses a learnability problem and ultimately provides a poverty-of-the stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis. If the identification constraint operating on ellipsis derives from innate principles and if the acquisition of VP ellipsis depends on the acquisition of V-to-I movement, we should expect VP ellipsis to be acquired as early as V-to-I. The analysis of a new spontaneous production corpus of the acquisition of EP shows that children produce VP ellipsis as early as 1;6 in simple contexts such as answers to yes-no questions. This is evidence for early V-to-I but it is also evidence for a very early ability to deal with the syntax – discourse interface, in case Merchant’s (2001) approach of the identification conditions on ellipsis is adopted.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.21ind
335
338
4
Miscellaneous
19
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20071121
2007
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027248060
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
jbe-platform.com
09
WORLD
21
01
00
115.00
EUR
R
01
00
97.00
GBP
Z
01
gen
00
173.00
USD
S
498005946
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
CILT 291 Hb
15
9789027248060
13
2007038182
BB
01
CILT
02
0304-0763
Current Issues in Linguistic Theory
291
01
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2005
Selected papers from ‘Going Romance’, Utrecht, 8–10 December 2005
01
cilt.291
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.291
1
B01
Sergio Baauw
Baauw, Sergio
Sergio
Baauw
Utrecht University
2
B01
Frank Drijkoningen
Drijkoningen, Frank
Frank
Drijkoningen
Utrecht University
3
B01
Manuela Pinto
Pinto, Manuela
Manuela
Pinto
Utrecht University
01
eng
352
viii
338
LAN009000
v.2006
CF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
The conference series Going Romance is the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages, where ideas about language and linguistics and about Romance languages are put in an interactive perspective, giving space to both universality and Romance-internal variation. The current volume features a selection of 18 articles (out of 28) that were presented during the 19th meeting at Utrecht University, December 8-10, 2005. Included in this volume are four papers that were presented by invited speakers: Belletti, Delais-Roussarie & Rialland, Notley & Van der Linden & Hulk, and Ordóñez; these reflect both issues discussed in the general session as well as themes of the workshop on acquisition. A number of reknown Romance linguists (Saltarelli, di Sciullo, Zubizarreta) also contributed to the volume. In general, contributions bear on a variety of topics in the field of morphology, syntax, semantics and pragmatics and include the perspective from acquisition.
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.291.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248060.jpg
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248060.tif
06
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.291.hb.png
07
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.291.png
25
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.291.hb.png
27
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.291.hb.png
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.03alc
1
18
18
Article
1
01
The quirky case of participial clauses
The
quirky case of participial clauses
1
A01
Asier Alcázar
Alcázar, Asier
Asier
Alcázar
2
A01
Mario Saltarelli
Saltarelli, Mario
Mario
Saltarelli
01
Adverbial participial clauses exhibit quirky case properties. The internal argument of a transitive verb may bear accusative or nominative morphological case in Romance. Unlike gerundivals, these clauses lack T and v*, among other heads, undermining a standard case licensing approach. We propose that absolutes are VPs that value the case of their internal argument. Other alternatives like a morphological default/inherent case fail to capture the paradigm in Romance. Our approach finds independent support in data from Medieval and Renaissance Italian, an accusative system, as well as the ergative system of Basque.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.04bel
19
38
20
Article
2
01
Answering strategies: A view from acquisition
1
A01
Adriana Belletti
Belletti, Adriana
Adriana
Belletti
01
Different languages adopt different grammatical options - SV, VS orders, (reduced) clefts - to answer the same question on the identification of the subject. The answering strategies are detected through speakers’ grammaticality judgements and through acquisition data, specially adult L2 acquisition. The direct relevance of acquisition data in raising and help clarifying theoretical issues is meant to be among the contributions of the article. The different answering strategies, analyzed in cartographic terms as involving either the VPperipheral internal focus position or focalization in situ, are all in principle available in different languages, provided that no formal condition is violated in the interaction with other properties, the crucial one being the null-subject vs non null-subject nature of the language. The different answering strategies are in place early on in first language monolingual acquisition. Speculative hypotheses on economy and the characterization of development, are put forth on the reason(s) why a strategy should prevail over the others, in compliance with formal conditions.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.05cab
39
58
20
Article
3
01
Transfer in periphrastic causatives in L2 English and L2 Spanish
1
A01
Mónica Cabrera
Cabrera, Mónica
Mónica
Cabrera
2
A01
María Luisa Zubizarreta
Zubizarreta, María Luisa
María Luisa
Zubizarreta
01
This paper reports the results of a bidirectional study on the L2 acquisition of English and Spanish periphrastic causatives by adult learners. It is argued that different L1 grammatical properties are transferred at different levels of L2 proficiency. At earlier stages, L2 learners focus on L1 word order properties. However, at the advanced proficiency stage, L1 distinctions between causation types encoded by certain periphrastic causatives seem to be more at play. It is claimed that the L2 data is more consistent with a view of transfer as a developmentally constrained process.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.06cos
59
72
14
Article
4
01
Clitic omission, null objects or both in the acquisition of European Portuguese?
1
A01
João Costa
Costa, João
João
Costa
2
A01
Maria Lobo
Lobo, Maria
Maria
Lobo
01
Previous studies have established a correlation between early clitic omission and the existence of past participle agreement, explainable with a maturational constraint – the UCC. Since Portuguese doesn’t show past participle agreement, it is expected that Portuguese children will produce clitics early on. I order to find out whether this correlation holds for Portuguese, an experimental study was conducted reproducing Schaeffer’s (1997) and adapting it to particular properties of Portuguese – the availability of null objects and variability of clitic position. The results of this study suggest that Portuguese children do omit clitics, apparently contradicting previous studies. Since clitic omission lasts until later than in other languages, we hypothesize that the explanation may rely on complexity factors.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.07del
73
98
26
Article
5
01
Metrical structure, tonal association and focus in French
1
A01
Elisabeth Delais-Roussarie
Delais-Roussarie, Elisabeth
Elisabeth
Delais-Roussarie
2
A01
Annie Rialland
Rialland, Annie
Annie
Rialland
01
The main purpose of this paper is to show that focus is a pivot in tune-text association, which plays a central role for the anchoring of intonational tones. This paper also presents the main characteristics of the French prosodic system. The first section provides an overview of French metrical structure. The second section introduces intonational tones and profiles. Any utterance has a "Nuclear Contour" made up of three elements (T* T* T%), where T = H or L tone. It is the ‘center’ of the intonational profile and the source of copying processes. The third section concerns focus and intonation. It shows how the Nuclear Contour is mapped from right to left from the right edge of the focus domain. A sub-section is devoted to two types of cleft sentences: i) canonical clefts, and ii) broad-focus clefts. We argue in favor of a model in which the metrical grid provides prominent points for tonal association while focus divides the text into domains with specific intonational characteristics.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.08di
99
114
16
Article
6
01
On affixal scope and affix-root ordering in Italian
1
A01
Anna Maria Di Sciullo
Di Sciullo, Anna Maria
Anna Maria
Di Sciullo
01
I raise the question why different sorts of affixes occupy different canonical positions in morphological expressions, and focus on Italian. I show that the semantic scope between affixes and the precedence relations between affixes and roots follow from Asymmetry Theory (Di Sciullo 2005). First, I define the properties of morphological derivations and morphological domains. Second, I provide evidence that the affixal scope, legible at LF, is derived by the operations of the morphology applying under asymmetric Agree. Finally, I show that the ordering of affixes with respect to roots, legible at PF, follows from the position of affixes in their minimal trees, given a linearization operation that applies to the units of morphological domains.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.09gon
115
130
16
Article
7
01
Scope economy in positive polarity: Extreme degree quantification
1
A01
Raquel González-Rodríguez
González-Rodríguez, Raquel
Raquel
González-Rodríguez
01
This paper focuses on degree expressions, such as <i>extremadamente</i>‘extremely’, which cannot occur in negative sentences, thus patterning with Positive Polarity Items (PPIs). I describe the properties of these constructions and offer an analysis that accounts for their incompatibility with negation. Contrary to the standard syntactic view on polarity items, I propose that these PPIs remain in the structural position where they are merged, without checking any positive feature by movement or Agree against certain higher functional projection. Their incompatibility with negation is due to the fact that these constructions denote extreme degree quantification, affirming emphatically the degree to which a property is held. The proposed analysis explains the distribution of these PPIs in negative sentences, as well as the differences between the elements studied and other positive items, establishing a distinction between triggers of positive polarity and positive polarity items.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.10goo
131
148
18
Article
8
01
The acquisition of aspect in L2 Portuguese and Spanish. Exploring native / non-native performance differences
The
acquisition of aspect in L2 Portuguese and Spanish. Exploring native / non-native performance differences
1
A01
C. Elizabeth Goodin-Mayeda
Goodin-Mayeda, C. Elizabeth
C. Elizabeth
Goodin-Mayeda
2
A01
Jason Rothman
Rothman, Jason
Jason
Rothman
01
This study investigates the possibility of native-like ultimate attainment by analyzing L2 knowledge of aspect as seen in the Preterit/Imperfect contrast of highly successful English L2 learners of Portuguese and Spanish. Building on innovative work by Montrul & Slabakova (2003) and Slabakova & Montrul (2003), we test knowledge of semantic entailments associated with the acquisition of [+/- perfective] features checked in higher AspP. Additionally, we investigate the possibility of a specific pattern of associated target-deviant L2 performance. We hypothesize that L2 performance can be affected by explicit positive evidence (pedagogical rules) despite otherwise demonstrable native-like competence. Indeed, the data reveal a pattern of target-deviant performance noted only in three specific contexts, all of which can be linked to traditional instruction: (a) with particular stative verbs not used in the Preterit (b) when preceded by certain adverbial phrases (<i>e.g.</i>,<i>siempre</i>) and (c) so-called semantic shifting verbs (<i>e.g.</i>, <i>sabía </i>vs. <i>supe</i>).
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.11gua
149
164
16
Article
9
01
Mechanisms of scope resolution in child Italian
1
A01
Andrea Gualmini
Gualmini, Andrea
Andrea
Gualmini
01
This paper presents the results of an experiment investigating children’s interpretation of the Italian indefinite <i>qualche </i>and negation in the two arguments of the universal quantifier. The findings show that Italianspeaking children’s interpretation of <i>qualche </i>in sentences containing negation is not limited to surface scope interpretations. The findings presented in the paper, together with the findings from English available in the literature, are used to evaluate alternative models of scope resolution in child language. A critique of the account offered by Musolino and Lidz (2006) is presented and an alternative account proposed by Hulsey et al. (2004) is reviewed.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.12gut
165
184
20
Article
10
01
When scope meets modality: The scope of indefinites in subjunctive environments
1
A01
Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach
Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier
Javier
Gutiérrez-Rexach
01
In this paper, the claim that subjunctive mood affects the referential possibilities of Spanish indefinite DPs is reexamined. A host of new data is considered with the goal of framing the issue in the context of current debates on the semantics of these terms. It is also shown that purely-semantic accounts cannot explain why relative clauses seem to behave as stronger blocking environments than other structurally-similar domains. The proper explanation lies at the syntax/semantics interface and explores how restrictions on the derivation of relative clauses prevent certain indexing possibilities.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.13jou
185
200
16
Article
11
01
Listen to the sound of salience: Multichannel syntax of Q particles
1
A01
Mélanie Jouitteau
Jouitteau, Mélanie
Mélanie
Jouitteau
01
I claim that the linguistic message that realizes syntax is multichannel. The syntax-PF interface is the interface of syntax with all the sensorimotor systems available to humans, including, for oral languages, minimal vocalic productions, intonation, hand movement and body gestures. I show that the realization of syntactic structure consists of (i) segmental oral morphemes, (ii) non-segmental oral morphemes (intonation), and (iii) nonoral morphemes (segmental or not; hand movements, upper body gestures and face movements). In particular, the latter predicts the use of non-oral morphemes in <i>oral </i>languages, since the speakers of oral languages have it available in their sensorimotor system. I focus on the CP domain of oral languages, and show that its functional projections can be realized by either (i), (ii) and (iii). The empirical body of this article concentrates on the multichannel Q particles in French, Atlantic French and British English.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.14kra
201
212
12
Article
12
01
Instability and age effects at the lexicon-syntax interface
1
A01
Tihana Kraš
Kraš, Tihana
Tihana
Kraš
01
This paper addresses the instability of the lexicon-syntax interface in bilingual L1 and L2 acquisition, as well as the effects of the age of first exposure to the L2 on the ultimate attainment of this interface. The phenomenon under scrutiny is auxiliary selection with intransitive verbs in Italian, whose orderly gradience is captured by the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy. Child and adult Croatian advanced/near-native L2 speakers, Croatian-Italian simultaneous bilinguals and Italian L1 speakers performed an acceptability-judgment task. Bilingual L1 and L2 speakers proved to be sensitive to the gradience in auxiliary selection with intransitive verbs, but to have less determinate intuitions than monolingual L1 speakers, which is interpreted as evidence for the instability of the lexicon-syntax interface in non-monolingual development. In addition, adult L2 speakers proved to be less sensitive to the gradience than child L2 speakers, pointing to an interaction between the age of first exposure to the L2 and the acquisition of the lexicon-syntax interface.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.15kun
213
228
16
Article
13
01
On the ambiguity of N-words in French
1
A01
Masakazu Kuno
Kuno, Masakazu
Masakazu
Kuno
01
This paper argues that n-words in French are ambiguous between negative quantifiers and bipolar items, which are a type of polar sensitive items that must occur in the contexts that license both negative and positive polarity items. The ambiguity thesis is basically in line with Herbuger’s (2001) analysis of n-words in Spanish, but diverts from it in that she argues them to be lexically ambiguous between negative quantifiers and negative polarity items. I will show that the difference between n-words in French and n-words in Spanish falls out from the difference with respect to the structural position of sentential negation. Also, I will suggest a way of deriving the semantic ambiguity of n-words from a single underlying lexical entry.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.16not
229
258
30
Article
14
01
Cross-linguistic influence in bilingual children: The case of dislocation
1
A01
Anna Notley
Notley, Anna
Anna
Notley
2
A01
Elisabeth van der Linden
Linden, Elisabeth van der
Elisabeth
van der
Linden
3
A01
Aafke Hulk
Hulk, Aafke
Aafke
Hulk
01
Serratrice et al. (2004) propose to extend Hulk & Müller’s (2000, 2001) hypothesis on cross-linguistic influence in early child bilingualism to include cases of influence after instantiation of the C-system (i.e. at a later stage of development). In the present article, we explore whether such an extension can successfully account for the use of dislocation, a topicmarking device, in French-English and French-Dutch bilingual children. On the one hand, our results support the extended formulation of the model: we find cross-linguistic influence in the bilingual data as predicted. On the other hand, certain aspects of our results cannot be sufficiently accounted for under the extended formulation. We discuss several other factors which may interact with those cited in Hulk & Müller’s model, such as input frequency, transparency of syntactic-pragmatic mapping, complexity of syntactic structures, and Chomskyian economy, which may need to be considered in future research on cross-linguistic influence.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.17ord
259
280
22
Article
15
01
Cartography of postverbal subjects in Spanish and Catalan
1
A01
Francisco Ordóñez
Ordóñez, Francisco
Francisco
Ordóñez
01
Subjects in post-verbal position in Romance have been assumed to be in <i>an in situ </i>Spec VP position in many recent analyses in their V S O order (Motapayane1995, Ordóñez 1998, Costa 2000, Alexiadou & Anagnostopoulou 2001, Cardinaletti 2001). In this paper, we will give arguments for an alternative view in which post-verbal subjects in this order are moved to at least to an Spec positions above VP, which I will call SubjP, and below the final landing site of verbs in TP. Arguments in favor of this characterization come from the comparison of Catalan and Spanish, which differ minimally in patterns of subject inversion with respect to quantifiers, adverbs and restructuring contexts. This work presents new evidence that a richer inflectional structure in the postverbal field leads to a more parsimonious account for parametric difference in patterns of subject distribution in closely related languages.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.18pan
281
298
18
Article
16
01
Mismatches between phonology and syntax in French DP acquisition
1
A01
Maren Pannemann
Pannemann, Maren
Maren
Pannemann
2
A01
Fred Weerman
Weerman, Fred
Fred
Weerman
01
Children are known to produce non-adult-like structures, leaving out functional elements as determiners for instance. A number of previous studies account for determiner omission by assuming that the D-layer is not available at the onset of acquisition. However, these models are forced to postulate structures that conflict with the referential properties of bare nouns in child language. The goal of this paper is to account for the non-adult-like omissions in children’s speech while at the same time adhering continuity between child and adult grammar. We argue that the D-layer is available in very early stages. However, the correspondence between phonological items and their syntactic representations is not yet target-like. These mismatches explain the observed differences between child and adult speech. It follows from our approach that DP-structure is acquired item-by-item rather than rule-based. This view is supported by the results of a case study in French L1-acquisition.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.19rot
299
320
22
Article
17
01
Pragmatic solutions for syntactic problems: Understanding some L2 syntactic errors in terms of discourse-pragmatic deficits
1
A01
Jason Rothman
Rothman, Jason
Jason
Rothman
01
Contemporary research in generative second language (L2) acquisition has attempted to address observable target-deviant aspects of L2 grammars within a UG-continuity framework (e.g. Lardiere 2000; Schwartz 2003; Sprouse 2004; Prévost & White 1999, 2000). With the aforementioned in mind, the independence of pragmatic and syntactic development, independently observed elsewhere (e.g. Grodzinsky & Reinhart 1993; Lust et al. 1986; Pacheco & Flynn 2005; Serratrice, Sorace & Paoli 2004), becomes particularly interesting. In what follows, I examine the resetting of the Null-Subject Parameter (NSP) for English learners of L2 Spanish. I argue that insensitivity to associated discoursepragmatic constraints on the discursive distribution of overt/null subjects accounts for what appear to be particular errors as a result of syntactic deficits. It is demonstrated that despite target-deviant performance, the majority must have native-like syntactic competence given their knowledge of the Overt Pronoun Constraint (Montalbetti 1984), a principle associated with the Spanish-type setting of the NSP.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.20san
321
334
14
Article
18
01
A poverty-of-the-stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis
A
poverty-of-the-stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis
1
A01
Ana Lúcia Santos
Santos, Ana Lúcia
Ana Lúcia
Santos
01
The co-existence in European Portuguese of Null Complement Anaphora and of VP ellipsis licensed by main verbs poses a learnability problem and ultimately provides a poverty-of-the stimulus argument for the innateness of the identification conditions on VP ellipsis. If the identification constraint operating on ellipsis derives from innate principles and if the acquisition of VP ellipsis depends on the acquisition of V-to-I movement, we should expect VP ellipsis to be acquired as early as V-to-I. The analysis of a new spontaneous production corpus of the acquisition of EP shows that children produce VP ellipsis as early as 1;6 in simple contexts such as answers to yes-no questions. This is evidence for early V-to-I but it is also evidence for a very early ability to deal with the syntax – discourse interface, in case Merchant’s (2001) approach of the identification conditions on ellipsis is adopted.
10
01
JB code
cilt.291.21ind
335
338
4
Miscellaneous
19
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20071121
2007
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
01
245
mm
02
164
mm
08
775
gr
01
JB
1
John Benjamins Publishing Company
+31 20 6304747
+31 20 6739773
bookorder@benjamins.nl
01
https://benjamins.com
01
WORLD
US CA MX
21
28
20
01
02
JB
1
00
115.00
EUR
R
02
02
JB
1
00
121.90
EUR
R
01
JB
10
bebc
+44 1202 712 934
+44 1202 712 913
sales@bebc.co.uk
03
GB
21
20
02
02
JB
1
00
97.00
GBP
Z
01
JB
2
John Benjamins North America
+1 800 562-5666
+1 703 661-1501
benjamins@presswarehouse.com
01
https://benjamins.com
01
US CA MX
21
20
01
gen
02
JB
1
00
173.00
USD