In Contemporary French, c’est-clefts are claimed to occur with significantly higher frequency than their counterparts in other Romance languages and in older stages of French. Starting out from the assumption that c’est-clefts exist in order to mark focus on the clefted constituent, historical linguists commonly seek to explain the observed increase from Old to Modern French as resulting from the decline of alternative focusing strategies. In particular, the loss of flexible focus accents and the severe restrictions on non-canonical constituent orders are generally held responsible for the rise of clefting. This contribution puts standard explanations to the test of corpora and argues that they fail to account for a number of observations. Finally, it proposes that a more comprehensive account of the evolution of c’est-clefts needs to take into account not only phonological and syntactic change, but also an independent pragmatic innovation, viz. the emergence of the informative-presupposition cleft type as defined by Prince (1978).
2017. Frenchil y aclefts, existential sentences and the Focus-Marking Hypothesis. Journal of French Language Studies 27:3 ► pp. 405 ff.
LAHOUSSE, KAREN & BÉATRICE LAMIROY
2017. C'est ainsi que: grammaticalisation ou lexicalisation ou les deux à la fois ?. Journal of French Language Studies 27:2 ► pp. 161 ff.
Karssenberg, Lena, F. Neveu, G. Bergounioux, M.-H. Côté, J.-M. Fournier, L. Hriba & S. Prévost
2016. ‘Il n’y a que Superman qui porte le slip par-dessus le pantalon’ – les clivées enil n’y a que x qui. SHS Web of Conferences 27 ► pp. 02009 ff.
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