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Current Issues in Linguistic Theory
293
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The Paradox of Grammatical Change
The
Paradox of Grammatical Change
Perspectives from Romance
01
cilt.293
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.293
1
B01
Ulrich Detges
Detges, Ulrich
Ulrich
Detges
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München
2
B01
Richard Waltereit
Waltereit, Richard
Richard
Waltereit
Newcastle University
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eng
264
vi
252
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
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JB Subject Scheme
LIN.HL
Historical linguistics
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JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
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LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
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Recent years have seen intense debates between formal (generative) and functional linguists, particularly with respect to the relation between grammar and usage. This debate is directly relevant to diachronic linguistics, where one and the same phenomenon of language change can be explained from various theoretical perspectives. In this, a close look at the divergent and/or convergent evolution of a richly documented language family such as Romance promises to be useful. The basic problem for any approach to language change is what Eugenio Coseriu has termed the <i>paradox of change</i>: if synchronically, languages can be viewed as perfectly running systems, then there is no reason why they should change in the first place. And yet, as everyone knows, languages are changing constantly. In nine case studies, a number of renowned scholars of Romance linguistics address the explanation of grammatical change either within a broadly generative or a functional framework.
05
U. Detges et R. Waltereit ont réussi dans ce volume la gageure de faire dialoguer des spécialistes de la linguistique diachronique d'inspiration fonctionnaliste et formaliste, ce qui permet à chaque lecteur/lectrice d'évaluer soi-même l'impact des deux types d'argumentation en particulier face à la question délicate du <i>locus</i> de changement linguistique: au cours de l'acquisition ou au long de l'usage.
Jacques François & Sophie Prévost, in Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris, Tome105/2, 2010
05
[...] a volume that is very successful both in presenting a fairly comprehensive view of language change by confronting theoretically different approaches, and in achieving a high degree of coherence across the individual contributions.
Maj-Britt Mosegaard Hansen, The University of Manchester, in Folia Linguistica 43/1 (2009)
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Introduction
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Ulrich Detges
Detges, Ulrich
Ulrich
Detges
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Richard Waltereit
Waltereit, Richard
Richard
Waltereit
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Syntactic change from within and from without syntax: A usage-based analysis
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A01
Richard Waltereit
Waltereit, Richard
Richard
Waltereit
2
A01
Ulrich Detges
Detges, Ulrich
Ulrich
Detges
01
This article presents a critical discussion of Inertia Theory (Longobardi 2001; 2003), according to which syntactic change never originates in syntax itself. We argue that syntactic change originates in language usage, which includes the possibility that it may be triggered by genuinely syntactic factors. In order to substantiate this claim, two syntactic changes are studied in detail, namely the rise of French <i>est-ce que </i>as an interrogative particle and the reanalysis of presentational <i>hay + noun </i>“there is + noun” in Spanish. We show that the reanalysis of <i>est-ce que </i>as a marker of ‘strong’ interrogation is pragmatically motivated and brought about by frequent usage. By contrast, the reanalysis of impersonal presentative <i>hay + noun </i>in certain varieties of Spanish is shown to be triggered by conflicting linking strategies, and must therefore be considered an instance of syntactically motivated syntactic change.
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On explaining the rise of <i>c'est</i>-clefts in French
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Andreas Dufter
Dufter, Andreas
Andreas
Dufter
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In Contemporary French, <i>c’est</i>-clefts are claimed to occur with significantly higher frequency than their counterparts in other Romance languages and in older stages of French. Starting out from the assumption that <i>c’est</i>-clefts exist in order to mark focus on the clefted constituent, historical linguists commonly seek to explain the observed increase from Old to Modern French as resulting from the decline of alternative focusing strategies. In particular, the loss of flexible focus accents and the severe restrictions on non-canonical constituent orders are generally held responsible for the rise of clefting. This contribution puts standard explanations to the test of corpora and argues that they fail to account for a number of observations. Finally, it proposes that a more comprehensive account of the evolution of <i>c’est</i>-clefts needs to take into account not only phonological and syntactic change, but also an independent pragmatic innovation, viz. the emergence of the informative-presupposition cleft type as defined by Prince (1978).
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84
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Article
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The role of the plural system in Romance
The
role of the plural system in Romance
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A01
Elisabeth Stark
Stark, Elisabeth
Elisabeth
Stark
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This paper presents a diachronic formal morphosyntactic analysis of the role of the functional projection <i>Pl/Pl* </i>in Romance indefinite nominals, responsible for number and the countability distinction. Reinterpreting the complex system of indefinite nominal determination in two central Romance languages, viz. French and Italian, which both feature an indefinite article and a ‘partitive article’ as a device of ‘nominal classification’ in a broad sense in contrast to Romance languages without such an element, viz. Spanish, it argues that this ‘classification system’ arose when nominal declension in Latin was partially or completely lost. The application of the latest minimalist assumptions on <i>agreement </i>processes in the syntax both to modern Romance languages and to (Late) Latin allows us to describe and explain the obvious differences between French, Italian and Spanish and to relate them to the interaction of gender and number marking in Romance indefinite nominals.
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106
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Article
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Morphological developments affecting syntactic change
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A01
Maria Goldbach
Goldbach, Maria
Maria
Goldbach
01
This article is concerned with the role of the morphological paradigm in syntactic change. The discussion focuses on syntactic change in infinitival complements and the distribution of these complements in the context of infinitive embedding verb phrases. I argue that the syntactic structure of the infinitival complements is closely related to the co-occurrence of inflectional exponents on the infinite verb forms. The presence of inflectional exponents on infinitive verb forms determines the quality of the functional syntactic category Infl in the infinitival complements. Syntactic changes in the structure and/or in the distribution of infinitival complements originate from paradigm alterations concerning the inflectional exponents of the infinite verb forms.
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JB code
cilt.293.06fis
107
126
20
Article
6
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Grammaticalisation within the IP-domain
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A01
Susann Fischer
Fischer, Susann
Susann
Fischer
01
This paper will argue that grammaticalisation within the IP domain is responsible for the change in word order from Old to Modern Romance. Stylistic fronting, postverbal clitics, and other verb-third orders do not seem to be related at first sight. However, on closer investigation it seems as if all these phenomena can be brought together by the availability of an additional functional category in the IP domain that was involved in information structure. This paper will argue that stylistically fronted elements and the verb in postverbal clitic constructions target this additional functional category and thus change the meaning of the sentence. In the course of time, grammaticalisation (in the view of Roberts & Roussou 2003) reduced the availability of this functional category and therefore stylistic fronting and postverbal clitics are not an option in Modern Romance anymore.
10
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JB code
cilt.293.07sal
127
146
20
Article
7
01
Imperfect systems and diachronic change
1
A01
Giampaolo Salvi
Salvi, Giampaolo
Giampaolo
Salvi
01
Syntactic change consists of (a series of) small, local changes which are the result of chance or are brought about by the possible imperfections of the linguistic system — the impression of globality of the change is due to the sum of the individual changes which, eventually eliminating single imperfections, contribute to the formation of a more coherent system. In Modern Italian, one can identify two independent reflexive (“<i>si</i>”) constructions which syntactically demote the lexical subject: a passive one and an impersonal one, with quite distinct properties. Old Italian only had passive <i>si </i>— the impersonal construction is the result of many small changes in the rules and the domain of application of the passive construction: these changes began in the Old Italian period and lasted for at least five centuries. But this new construction, not being the result of a unitary project, continues to show signs of being imperfectly put together.
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.08bec
147
180
34
Article
8
01
From temporal to modal: Divergent fates of the Latin synthetic pluperfect in Spanish and Portuguese
1
A01
Martin G. Becker
Becker, Martin G.
Martin G.
Becker
01
This corpus-based study examines the different historical stages the Latin synthetic pluperfect underwent in Spanish and Portuguese. It tries to explain parallel and divergent developments of the morpheme <i>-ara </i>leading to opposite results: the strengthening of the form as an exclusively temporal category in Portuguese and its transformation into a fully-fledged past subjunctive in Spanish. In our analysis we will focus on three main aspects: first, the relevance of the underlying logical-conceptual structures as the enabling condition for the expansion of the category into new domains; second, the role of reanalysis as a listener-based strategy in discourse as the decisive mechanism for functional change; and third, the validity of the prototype concept as a device to explain the organisation of grammatical categories from a diachronic perspective. With our case study we address key questions of this book, namely the locus, the motivation and the nature of linguistic change.
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.09rad
181
214
34
Article
9
01
Non-lexical core-arguments in Basque, Romance and German: How (and why) Spanish syntax is shifting towards clausal headmarking and morphological cross-reference
1
A01
Hans-Ingo Radatz
Radatz, Hans-Ingo
Hans-Ingo
Radatz
01
This article deals with the ways in which non-lexical core arguments can be expressed in various languages. It tries to devise a typological hierarchy for the different types and endeavours to place Romance within this hierarchy. An analysis of Basque verbal markers as cross-reference morphemes introduces the subject with a language radically different from central IE. Using Nichols’ (1986 & 1992) typological differentiation between head-marking and dependent-marking languages as its basis, a typological sub-parameter of “clausal head-marking vs. clausal dependent-marking” is suggested which is shown to correspond to two radically different types of clausal co-reference: (1) agreement (concord) and (2) cross-reference. This terminology is then used to describe and explain an ongoing syntactic change in which Spanish object clitics have evolved into obligatory verbal markers closely resembling those of Basque. Their conventional analysis as “agreement markers” is questioned and Spanish is shown to be moving towards a clausal head-marking language in which all core-arguments of the sentence have to be expressed by verbal affixes, while nominal and pronominal argument realisations become mere appositions outside the sentence core. The traditional concept of an emerging new paradigm of “object conjugation” is rejected.
10
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JB code
cilt.293.10win
215
250
36
Article
10
01
Towards a comprehensive view of language change: Three recent evolutionary approaches
1
A01
Esme Winter-Froemel
Winter-Froemel, Esme
Esme
Winter-Froemel
01
This article investigates whether evolutionary accounts can offer new insights into the paradox of language change. Specifically, I will examine three recent influential accounts (Haspelmath 1999, Keller 1994, and Croft 2000). As they contain a broad spectrum of positions on the relations between language and biology, they can be divided into metaphorical, biologistic and generalized views. Cross-cutting these, two types of evolutionary accounts are distinguished, which I call adaptive and two-level views, respectively. I critically evaluate their potential to provide satisfactory explanations for various types of change, drawing on examples from Romance and Germanic. Finally, I propose a revised explanation scheme which brings together the two-level approaches with theoretical distinctions and explanatory factors that have been suggested in earlier non-evolutionary frameworks, so that a more comprehensive view of language change can be obtained.
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.11sub
251
252
2
Miscellaneous
11
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Subject Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20080206
2008
John Benjamins
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WORLD
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9789027248084
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jbe-platform.com
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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JB code
CILT 293 Hb
15
9789027248084
13
2007044470
BB
01
CILT
02
0304-0763
Current Issues in Linguistic Theory
293
01
The Paradox of Grammatical Change
The
Paradox of Grammatical Change
Perspectives from Romance
01
cilt.293
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.293
1
B01
Ulrich Detges
Detges, Ulrich
Ulrich
Detges
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München
2
B01
Richard Waltereit
Waltereit, Richard
Richard
Waltereit
Newcastle University
01
eng
264
vi
252
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.HL
Historical linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
Recent years have seen intense debates between formal (generative) and functional linguists, particularly with respect to the relation between grammar and usage. This debate is directly relevant to diachronic linguistics, where one and the same phenomenon of language change can be explained from various theoretical perspectives. In this, a close look at the divergent and/or convergent evolution of a richly documented language family such as Romance promises to be useful. The basic problem for any approach to language change is what Eugenio Coseriu has termed the <i>paradox of change</i>: if synchronically, languages can be viewed as perfectly running systems, then there is no reason why they should change in the first place. And yet, as everyone knows, languages are changing constantly. In nine case studies, a number of renowned scholars of Romance linguistics address the explanation of grammatical change either within a broadly generative or a functional framework.
05
U. Detges et R. Waltereit ont réussi dans ce volume la gageure de faire dialoguer des spécialistes de la linguistique diachronique d'inspiration fonctionnaliste et formaliste, ce qui permet à chaque lecteur/lectrice d'évaluer soi-même l'impact des deux types d'argumentation en particulier face à la question délicate du <i>locus</i> de changement linguistique: au cours de l'acquisition ou au long de l'usage.
Jacques François & Sophie Prévost, in Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris, Tome105/2, 2010
05
[...] a volume that is very successful both in presenting a fairly comprehensive view of language change by confronting theoretically different approaches, and in achieving a high degree of coherence across the individual contributions.
Maj-Britt Mosegaard Hansen, The University of Manchester, in Folia Linguistica 43/1 (2009)
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.293.png
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Introduction
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Ulrich Detges
Detges, Ulrich
Ulrich
Detges
2
A01
Richard Waltereit
Waltereit, Richard
Richard
Waltereit
10
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JB code
cilt.293.02wal
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30
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Article
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Syntactic change from within and from without syntax: A usage-based analysis
1
A01
Richard Waltereit
Waltereit, Richard
Richard
Waltereit
2
A01
Ulrich Detges
Detges, Ulrich
Ulrich
Detges
01
This article presents a critical discussion of Inertia Theory (Longobardi 2001; 2003), according to which syntactic change never originates in syntax itself. We argue that syntactic change originates in language usage, which includes the possibility that it may be triggered by genuinely syntactic factors. In order to substantiate this claim, two syntactic changes are studied in detail, namely the rise of French <i>est-ce que </i>as an interrogative particle and the reanalysis of presentational <i>hay + noun </i>“there is + noun” in Spanish. We show that the reanalysis of <i>est-ce que </i>as a marker of ‘strong’ interrogation is pragmatically motivated and brought about by frequent usage. By contrast, the reanalysis of impersonal presentative <i>hay + noun </i>in certain varieties of Spanish is shown to be triggered by conflicting linking strategies, and must therefore be considered an instance of syntactically motivated syntactic change.
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JB code
cilt.293.03duf
31
56
26
Article
3
01
On explaining the rise of <i>c'est</i>-clefts in French
1
A01
Andreas Dufter
Dufter, Andreas
Andreas
Dufter
01
In Contemporary French, <i>c’est</i>-clefts are claimed to occur with significantly higher frequency than their counterparts in other Romance languages and in older stages of French. Starting out from the assumption that <i>c’est</i>-clefts exist in order to mark focus on the clefted constituent, historical linguists commonly seek to explain the observed increase from Old to Modern French as resulting from the decline of alternative focusing strategies. In particular, the loss of flexible focus accents and the severe restrictions on non-canonical constituent orders are generally held responsible for the rise of clefting. This contribution puts standard explanations to the test of corpora and argues that they fail to account for a number of observations. Finally, it proposes that a more comprehensive account of the evolution of <i>c’est</i>-clefts needs to take into account not only phonological and syntactic change, but also an independent pragmatic innovation, viz. the emergence of the informative-presupposition cleft type as defined by Prince (1978).
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.04sta
57
84
28
Article
4
01
The role of the plural system in Romance
The
role of the plural system in Romance
1
A01
Elisabeth Stark
Stark, Elisabeth
Elisabeth
Stark
01
This paper presents a diachronic formal morphosyntactic analysis of the role of the functional projection <i>Pl/Pl* </i>in Romance indefinite nominals, responsible for number and the countability distinction. Reinterpreting the complex system of indefinite nominal determination in two central Romance languages, viz. French and Italian, which both feature an indefinite article and a ‘partitive article’ as a device of ‘nominal classification’ in a broad sense in contrast to Romance languages without such an element, viz. Spanish, it argues that this ‘classification system’ arose when nominal declension in Latin was partially or completely lost. The application of the latest minimalist assumptions on <i>agreement </i>processes in the syntax both to modern Romance languages and to (Late) Latin allows us to describe and explain the obvious differences between French, Italian and Spanish and to relate them to the interaction of gender and number marking in Romance indefinite nominals.
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.05gol
85
106
22
Article
5
01
Morphological developments affecting syntactic change
1
A01
Maria Goldbach
Goldbach, Maria
Maria
Goldbach
01
This article is concerned with the role of the morphological paradigm in syntactic change. The discussion focuses on syntactic change in infinitival complements and the distribution of these complements in the context of infinitive embedding verb phrases. I argue that the syntactic structure of the infinitival complements is closely related to the co-occurrence of inflectional exponents on the infinite verb forms. The presence of inflectional exponents on infinitive verb forms determines the quality of the functional syntactic category Infl in the infinitival complements. Syntactic changes in the structure and/or in the distribution of infinitival complements originate from paradigm alterations concerning the inflectional exponents of the infinite verb forms.
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.06fis
107
126
20
Article
6
01
Grammaticalisation within the IP-domain
1
A01
Susann Fischer
Fischer, Susann
Susann
Fischer
01
This paper will argue that grammaticalisation within the IP domain is responsible for the change in word order from Old to Modern Romance. Stylistic fronting, postverbal clitics, and other verb-third orders do not seem to be related at first sight. However, on closer investigation it seems as if all these phenomena can be brought together by the availability of an additional functional category in the IP domain that was involved in information structure. This paper will argue that stylistically fronted elements and the verb in postverbal clitic constructions target this additional functional category and thus change the meaning of the sentence. In the course of time, grammaticalisation (in the view of Roberts & Roussou 2003) reduced the availability of this functional category and therefore stylistic fronting and postverbal clitics are not an option in Modern Romance anymore.
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.07sal
127
146
20
Article
7
01
Imperfect systems and diachronic change
1
A01
Giampaolo Salvi
Salvi, Giampaolo
Giampaolo
Salvi
01
Syntactic change consists of (a series of) small, local changes which are the result of chance or are brought about by the possible imperfections of the linguistic system — the impression of globality of the change is due to the sum of the individual changes which, eventually eliminating single imperfections, contribute to the formation of a more coherent system. In Modern Italian, one can identify two independent reflexive (“<i>si</i>”) constructions which syntactically demote the lexical subject: a passive one and an impersonal one, with quite distinct properties. Old Italian only had passive <i>si </i>— the impersonal construction is the result of many small changes in the rules and the domain of application of the passive construction: these changes began in the Old Italian period and lasted for at least five centuries. But this new construction, not being the result of a unitary project, continues to show signs of being imperfectly put together.
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.08bec
147
180
34
Article
8
01
From temporal to modal: Divergent fates of the Latin synthetic pluperfect in Spanish and Portuguese
1
A01
Martin G. Becker
Becker, Martin G.
Martin G.
Becker
01
This corpus-based study examines the different historical stages the Latin synthetic pluperfect underwent in Spanish and Portuguese. It tries to explain parallel and divergent developments of the morpheme <i>-ara </i>leading to opposite results: the strengthening of the form as an exclusively temporal category in Portuguese and its transformation into a fully-fledged past subjunctive in Spanish. In our analysis we will focus on three main aspects: first, the relevance of the underlying logical-conceptual structures as the enabling condition for the expansion of the category into new domains; second, the role of reanalysis as a listener-based strategy in discourse as the decisive mechanism for functional change; and third, the validity of the prototype concept as a device to explain the organisation of grammatical categories from a diachronic perspective. With our case study we address key questions of this book, namely the locus, the motivation and the nature of linguistic change.
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.09rad
181
214
34
Article
9
01
Non-lexical core-arguments in Basque, Romance and German: How (and why) Spanish syntax is shifting towards clausal headmarking and morphological cross-reference
1
A01
Hans-Ingo Radatz
Radatz, Hans-Ingo
Hans-Ingo
Radatz
01
This article deals with the ways in which non-lexical core arguments can be expressed in various languages. It tries to devise a typological hierarchy for the different types and endeavours to place Romance within this hierarchy. An analysis of Basque verbal markers as cross-reference morphemes introduces the subject with a language radically different from central IE. Using Nichols’ (1986 & 1992) typological differentiation between head-marking and dependent-marking languages as its basis, a typological sub-parameter of “clausal head-marking vs. clausal dependent-marking” is suggested which is shown to correspond to two radically different types of clausal co-reference: (1) agreement (concord) and (2) cross-reference. This terminology is then used to describe and explain an ongoing syntactic change in which Spanish object clitics have evolved into obligatory verbal markers closely resembling those of Basque. Their conventional analysis as “agreement markers” is questioned and Spanish is shown to be moving towards a clausal head-marking language in which all core-arguments of the sentence have to be expressed by verbal affixes, while nominal and pronominal argument realisations become mere appositions outside the sentence core. The traditional concept of an emerging new paradigm of “object conjugation” is rejected.
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.10win
215
250
36
Article
10
01
Towards a comprehensive view of language change: Three recent evolutionary approaches
1
A01
Esme Winter-Froemel
Winter-Froemel, Esme
Esme
Winter-Froemel
01
This article investigates whether evolutionary accounts can offer new insights into the paradox of language change. Specifically, I will examine three recent influential accounts (Haspelmath 1999, Keller 1994, and Croft 2000). As they contain a broad spectrum of positions on the relations between language and biology, they can be divided into metaphorical, biologistic and generalized views. Cross-cutting these, two types of evolutionary accounts are distinguished, which I call adaptive and two-level views, respectively. I critically evaluate their potential to provide satisfactory explanations for various types of change, drawing on examples from Romance and Germanic. Finally, I propose a revised explanation scheme which brings together the two-level approaches with theoretical distinctions and explanatory factors that have been suggested in earlier non-evolutionary frameworks, so that a more comprehensive view of language change can be obtained.
10
01
JB code
cilt.293.11sub
251
252
2
Miscellaneous
11
01
Subject Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20080206
2008
John Benjamins
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245
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164
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08
635
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gen
02
JB
1
00
165.00
USD