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660007075 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 293 Eb 15 9789027291639 06 10.1075/cilt.293 13 2007044470 DG 002 02 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 293 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The Paradox of Grammatical Change</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Paradox of Grammatical Change</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">Perspectives from Romance</Subtitle> 01 cilt.293 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.293 1 B01 Ulrich Detges Detges, Ulrich Ulrich Detges Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München 2 B01 Richard Waltereit Waltereit, Richard Richard Waltereit Newcastle University 01 eng 264 vi 252 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 Recent years have seen intense debates between formal (generative) and functional linguists, particularly with respect to the relation between grammar and usage. This debate is directly relevant to diachronic linguistics, where one and the same phenomenon of language change can be explained from various theoretical perspectives. In this, a close look at the divergent and/or convergent evolution of a richly documented language family such as Romance promises to be useful. The basic problem for any approach to language change is what Eugenio Coseriu has termed the <i>paradox of change</i>: if synchronically, languages can be viewed as perfectly running systems, then there is no reason why they should change in the first place. And yet, as everyone knows, languages are changing constantly. In nine case studies, a number of renowned scholars of Romance linguistics address the explanation of grammatical change either within a broadly generative or a functional framework. 05 U. Detges et R. Waltereit ont réussi dans ce volume la gageure de faire dialoguer des spécialistes de la linguistique diachronique d'inspiration fonctionnaliste et formaliste, ce qui permet à chaque lecteur/lectrice d'évaluer soi-même l'impact des deux types d'argumentation en particulier face à la question délicate du <i>locus</i> de changement linguistique: au cours de l'acquisition ou au long de l'usage. Jacques François & Sophie Prévost, in Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris, Tome105/2, 2010 05 [...] a volume that is very successful both in presenting a fairly comprehensive view of language change by confronting theoretically different approaches, and in achieving a high degree of coherence across the individual contributions. Maj-Britt Mosegaard Hansen, The University of Manchester, in Folia Linguistica 43/1 (2009) 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.293.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248084.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248084.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.293.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.293.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.293.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.293.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.293.01det 1 12 12 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 1 A01 Ulrich Detges Detges, Ulrich Ulrich Detges 2 A01 Richard Waltereit Waltereit, Richard Richard Waltereit 10 01 JB code cilt.293.02wal 13 30 18 Article 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Syntactic change from within and from without syntax: A usage-based analysis</TitleText> 1 A01 Richard Waltereit Waltereit, Richard Richard Waltereit 2 A01 Ulrich Detges Detges, Ulrich Ulrich Detges 01 This article presents a critical discussion of Inertia Theory (Longobardi 2001; 2003), according to which syntactic change never originates in syntax itself. We argue that syntactic change originates in language usage, which includes the possibility that it may be triggered by genuinely syntactic factors. In order to substantiate this claim, two syntactic changes are studied in detail, namely the rise of French <i>est-ce que </i>as an interrogative particle and the reanalysis of presentational <i>hay + noun </i>“there is + noun” in Spanish. We show that the reanalysis of <i>est-ce que </i>as a marker of ‘strong’ interrogation is pragmatically motivated and brought about by frequent usage. By contrast, the reanalysis of impersonal presentative <i>hay + noun </i>in certain varieties of Spanish is shown to be triggered by conflicting linking strategies, and must therefore be considered an instance of syntactically motivated syntactic change. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.03duf 31 56 26 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On explaining the rise of <i>c'est</i>-clefts in French</TitleText> 1 A01 Andreas Dufter Dufter, Andreas Andreas Dufter 01 In Contemporary French, <i>c’est</i>-clefts are claimed to occur with significantly higher frequency than their counterparts in other Romance languages and in older stages of French. Starting out from the assumption that <i>c’est</i>-clefts exist in order to mark focus on the clefted constituent, historical linguists commonly seek to explain the observed increase from Old to Modern French as resulting from the decline of alternative focusing strategies. In particular, the loss of flexible focus accents and the severe restrictions on non-canonical constituent orders are generally held responsible for the rise of clefting. This contribution puts standard explanations to the test of corpora and argues that they fail to account for a number of observations. Finally, it proposes that a more comprehensive account of the evolution of <i>c’est</i>-clefts needs to take into account not only phonological and syntactic change, but also an independent pragmatic innovation, viz. the emergence of the informative-presupposition cleft type as defined by Prince (1978). 10 01 JB code cilt.293.04sta 57 84 28 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The role of the plural system in Romance</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">role of the plural system in Romance</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Elisabeth Stark Stark, Elisabeth Elisabeth Stark 01 This paper presents a diachronic formal morphosyntactic analysis of the role of the functional projection <i>Pl/Pl* </i>in Romance indefinite nominals, responsible for number and the countability distinction. Reinterpreting the complex system of indefinite nominal determination in two central Romance languages, viz. French and Italian, which both feature an indefinite article and a ‘partitive article’ as a device of ‘nominal classification’ in a broad sense in contrast to Romance languages without such an element, viz. Spanish, it argues that this ‘classification system’ arose when nominal declension in Latin was partially or completely lost. The application of the latest minimalist assumptions on <i>agreement </i>processes in the syntax both to modern Romance languages and to (Late) Latin allows us to describe and explain the obvious differences between French, Italian and Spanish and to relate them to the interaction of gender and number marking in Romance indefinite nominals. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.05gol 85 106 22 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Morphological developments affecting syntactic change</TitleText> 1 A01 Maria Goldbach Goldbach, Maria Maria Goldbach 01 This article is concerned with the role of the morphological paradigm in syntactic change. The discussion focuses on syntactic change in infinitival complements and the distribution of these complements in the context of infinitive embedding verb phrases. I argue that the syntactic structure of the infinitival complements is closely related to the co-occurrence of inflectional exponents on the infinite verb forms. The presence of inflectional exponents on infinitive verb forms determines the quality of the functional syntactic category Infl in the infinitival complements. Syntactic changes in the structure and/or in the distribution of infinitival complements originate from paradigm alterations concerning the inflectional exponents of the infinite verb forms. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.06fis 107 126 20 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Grammaticalisation within the IP-domain</TitleText> 1 A01 Susann Fischer Fischer, Susann Susann Fischer 01 This paper will argue that grammaticalisation within the IP domain is responsible for the change in word order from Old to Modern Romance. Stylistic fronting, postverbal clitics, and other verb-third orders do not seem to be related at first sight. However, on closer investigation it seems as if all these phenomena can be brought together by the availability of an additional functional category in the IP domain that was involved in information structure. This paper will argue that stylistically fronted elements and the verb in postverbal clitic constructions target this additional functional category and thus change the meaning of the sentence. In the course of time, grammaticalisation (in the view of Roberts &#38; Roussou 2003) reduced the availability of this functional category and therefore stylistic fronting and postverbal clitics are not an option in Modern Romance anymore. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.07sal 127 146 20 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Imperfect systems and diachronic change</TitleText> 1 A01 Giampaolo Salvi Salvi, Giampaolo Giampaolo Salvi 01 Syntactic change consists of (a series of) small, local changes which are the result of chance or are brought about by the possible imperfections of the linguistic system — the impression of globality of the change is due to the sum of the individual changes which, eventually eliminating single imperfections, contribute to the formation of a more coherent system. In Modern Italian, one can identify two independent reflexive (“<i>si</i>”) constructions which syntactically demote the lexical subject: a passive one and an impersonal one, with quite distinct properties. Old Italian only had passive <i>si </i>— the impersonal construction is the result of many small changes in the rules and the domain of application of the passive construction: these changes began in the Old Italian period and lasted for at least five centuries. But this new construction, not being the result of a unitary project, continues to show signs of being imperfectly put together. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.08bec 147 180 34 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">From temporal to modal: Divergent fates of the Latin synthetic pluperfect in Spanish and Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 Martin G. Becker Becker, Martin G. Martin G. Becker 01 This corpus-based study examines the different historical stages the Latin synthetic pluperfect underwent in Spanish and Portuguese. It tries to explain parallel and divergent developments of the morpheme <i>-ara </i>leading to opposite results: the strengthening of the form as an exclusively temporal category in Portuguese and its transformation into a fully-fledged past subjunctive in Spanish. In our analysis we will focus on three main aspects: first, the relevance of the underlying logical-conceptual structures as the enabling condition for the expansion of the category into new domains; second, the role of reanalysis as a listener-based strategy in discourse as the decisive mechanism for functional change; and third, the validity of the prototype concept as a device to explain the organisation of grammatical categories from a diachronic perspective. With our case study we address key questions of this book, namely the locus, the motivation and the nature of linguistic change. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.09rad 181 214 34 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Non-lexical core-arguments in Basque, Romance and German: How (and why) Spanish syntax is shifting towards clausal headmarking and morphological cross-reference</TitleText> 1 A01 Hans-Ingo Radatz Radatz, Hans-Ingo Hans-Ingo Radatz 01 This article deals with the ways in which non-lexical core arguments can be expressed in various languages. It tries to devise a typological hierarchy for the different types and endeavours to place Romance within this hierarchy. An analysis of Basque verbal markers as cross-reference morphemes introduces the subject with a language radically different from central IE. Using Nichols’ (1986 &#38; 1992) typological differentiation between head-marking and dependent-marking languages as its basis, a typological sub-parameter of “clausal head-marking vs. clausal dependent-marking” is suggested which is shown to correspond to two radically different types of clausal co-reference: (1) agreement (concord) and (2) cross-reference. This terminology is then used to describe and explain an ongoing syntactic change in which Spanish object clitics have evolved into obligatory verbal markers closely resembling those of Basque. Their conventional analysis as “agreement markers” is questioned and Spanish is shown to be moving towards a clausal head-marking language in which all core-arguments of the sentence have to be expressed by verbal affixes, while nominal and pronominal argument realisations become mere appositions outside the sentence core. The traditional concept of an emerging new paradigm of “object conjugation” is rejected. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.10win 215 250 36 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Towards a comprehensive view of language change: Three recent evolutionary approaches</TitleText> 1 A01 Esme Winter-Froemel Winter-Froemel, Esme Esme Winter-Froemel 01 This article investigates whether evolutionary accounts can offer new insights into the paradox of language change. Specifically, I will examine three recent influential accounts (Haspelmath 1999, Keller 1994, and Croft 2000). As they contain a broad spectrum of positions on the relations between language and biology, they can be divided into metaphorical, biologistic and generalized views. Cross-cutting these, two types of evolutionary accounts are distinguished, which I call adaptive and two-level views, respectively. I critically evaluate their potential to provide satisfactory explanations for various types of change, drawing on examples from Romance and Germanic. Finally, I propose a revised explanation scheme which brings together the two-level approaches with theoretical distinctions and explanatory factors that have been suggested in earlier non-evolutionary frameworks, so that a more comprehensive view of language change can be obtained. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.11sub 251 252 2 Miscellaneous 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20080206 2008 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027248084 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 110.00 EUR R 01 00 92.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 165.00 USD S 916005977 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 293 Hb 15 9789027248084 13 2007044470 BB 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 293 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The Paradox of Grammatical Change</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Paradox of Grammatical Change</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">Perspectives from Romance</Subtitle> 01 cilt.293 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.293 1 B01 Ulrich Detges Detges, Ulrich Ulrich Detges Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München 2 B01 Richard Waltereit Waltereit, Richard Richard Waltereit Newcastle University 01 eng 264 vi 252 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 Recent years have seen intense debates between formal (generative) and functional linguists, particularly with respect to the relation between grammar and usage. This debate is directly relevant to diachronic linguistics, where one and the same phenomenon of language change can be explained from various theoretical perspectives. In this, a close look at the divergent and/or convergent evolution of a richly documented language family such as Romance promises to be useful. The basic problem for any approach to language change is what Eugenio Coseriu has termed the <i>paradox of change</i>: if synchronically, languages can be viewed as perfectly running systems, then there is no reason why they should change in the first place. And yet, as everyone knows, languages are changing constantly. In nine case studies, a number of renowned scholars of Romance linguistics address the explanation of grammatical change either within a broadly generative or a functional framework. 05 U. Detges et R. Waltereit ont réussi dans ce volume la gageure de faire dialoguer des spécialistes de la linguistique diachronique d'inspiration fonctionnaliste et formaliste, ce qui permet à chaque lecteur/lectrice d'évaluer soi-même l'impact des deux types d'argumentation en particulier face à la question délicate du <i>locus</i> de changement linguistique: au cours de l'acquisition ou au long de l'usage. Jacques François & Sophie Prévost, in Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris, Tome105/2, 2010 05 [...] a volume that is very successful both in presenting a fairly comprehensive view of language change by confronting theoretically different approaches, and in achieving a high degree of coherence across the individual contributions. Maj-Britt Mosegaard Hansen, The University of Manchester, in Folia Linguistica 43/1 (2009) 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.293.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248084.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248084.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.293.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.293.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.293.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.293.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.293.01det 1 12 12 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 1 A01 Ulrich Detges Detges, Ulrich Ulrich Detges 2 A01 Richard Waltereit Waltereit, Richard Richard Waltereit 10 01 JB code cilt.293.02wal 13 30 18 Article 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Syntactic change from within and from without syntax: A usage-based analysis</TitleText> 1 A01 Richard Waltereit Waltereit, Richard Richard Waltereit 2 A01 Ulrich Detges Detges, Ulrich Ulrich Detges 01 This article presents a critical discussion of Inertia Theory (Longobardi 2001; 2003), according to which syntactic change never originates in syntax itself. We argue that syntactic change originates in language usage, which includes the possibility that it may be triggered by genuinely syntactic factors. In order to substantiate this claim, two syntactic changes are studied in detail, namely the rise of French <i>est-ce que </i>as an interrogative particle and the reanalysis of presentational <i>hay + noun </i>“there is + noun” in Spanish. We show that the reanalysis of <i>est-ce que </i>as a marker of ‘strong’ interrogation is pragmatically motivated and brought about by frequent usage. By contrast, the reanalysis of impersonal presentative <i>hay + noun </i>in certain varieties of Spanish is shown to be triggered by conflicting linking strategies, and must therefore be considered an instance of syntactically motivated syntactic change. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.03duf 31 56 26 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On explaining the rise of <i>c'est</i>-clefts in French</TitleText> 1 A01 Andreas Dufter Dufter, Andreas Andreas Dufter 01 In Contemporary French, <i>c’est</i>-clefts are claimed to occur with significantly higher frequency than their counterparts in other Romance languages and in older stages of French. Starting out from the assumption that <i>c’est</i>-clefts exist in order to mark focus on the clefted constituent, historical linguists commonly seek to explain the observed increase from Old to Modern French as resulting from the decline of alternative focusing strategies. In particular, the loss of flexible focus accents and the severe restrictions on non-canonical constituent orders are generally held responsible for the rise of clefting. This contribution puts standard explanations to the test of corpora and argues that they fail to account for a number of observations. Finally, it proposes that a more comprehensive account of the evolution of <i>c’est</i>-clefts needs to take into account not only phonological and syntactic change, but also an independent pragmatic innovation, viz. the emergence of the informative-presupposition cleft type as defined by Prince (1978). 10 01 JB code cilt.293.04sta 57 84 28 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The role of the plural system in Romance</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">role of the plural system in Romance</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Elisabeth Stark Stark, Elisabeth Elisabeth Stark 01 This paper presents a diachronic formal morphosyntactic analysis of the role of the functional projection <i>Pl/Pl* </i>in Romance indefinite nominals, responsible for number and the countability distinction. Reinterpreting the complex system of indefinite nominal determination in two central Romance languages, viz. French and Italian, which both feature an indefinite article and a ‘partitive article’ as a device of ‘nominal classification’ in a broad sense in contrast to Romance languages without such an element, viz. Spanish, it argues that this ‘classification system’ arose when nominal declension in Latin was partially or completely lost. The application of the latest minimalist assumptions on <i>agreement </i>processes in the syntax both to modern Romance languages and to (Late) Latin allows us to describe and explain the obvious differences between French, Italian and Spanish and to relate them to the interaction of gender and number marking in Romance indefinite nominals. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.05gol 85 106 22 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Morphological developments affecting syntactic change</TitleText> 1 A01 Maria Goldbach Goldbach, Maria Maria Goldbach 01 This article is concerned with the role of the morphological paradigm in syntactic change. The discussion focuses on syntactic change in infinitival complements and the distribution of these complements in the context of infinitive embedding verb phrases. I argue that the syntactic structure of the infinitival complements is closely related to the co-occurrence of inflectional exponents on the infinite verb forms. The presence of inflectional exponents on infinitive verb forms determines the quality of the functional syntactic category Infl in the infinitival complements. Syntactic changes in the structure and/or in the distribution of infinitival complements originate from paradigm alterations concerning the inflectional exponents of the infinite verb forms. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.06fis 107 126 20 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Grammaticalisation within the IP-domain</TitleText> 1 A01 Susann Fischer Fischer, Susann Susann Fischer 01 This paper will argue that grammaticalisation within the IP domain is responsible for the change in word order from Old to Modern Romance. Stylistic fronting, postverbal clitics, and other verb-third orders do not seem to be related at first sight. However, on closer investigation it seems as if all these phenomena can be brought together by the availability of an additional functional category in the IP domain that was involved in information structure. This paper will argue that stylistically fronted elements and the verb in postverbal clitic constructions target this additional functional category and thus change the meaning of the sentence. In the course of time, grammaticalisation (in the view of Roberts &#38; Roussou 2003) reduced the availability of this functional category and therefore stylistic fronting and postverbal clitics are not an option in Modern Romance anymore. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.07sal 127 146 20 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Imperfect systems and diachronic change</TitleText> 1 A01 Giampaolo Salvi Salvi, Giampaolo Giampaolo Salvi 01 Syntactic change consists of (a series of) small, local changes which are the result of chance or are brought about by the possible imperfections of the linguistic system — the impression of globality of the change is due to the sum of the individual changes which, eventually eliminating single imperfections, contribute to the formation of a more coherent system. In Modern Italian, one can identify two independent reflexive (“<i>si</i>”) constructions which syntactically demote the lexical subject: a passive one and an impersonal one, with quite distinct properties. Old Italian only had passive <i>si </i>— the impersonal construction is the result of many small changes in the rules and the domain of application of the passive construction: these changes began in the Old Italian period and lasted for at least five centuries. But this new construction, not being the result of a unitary project, continues to show signs of being imperfectly put together. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.08bec 147 180 34 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">From temporal to modal: Divergent fates of the Latin synthetic pluperfect in Spanish and Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 Martin G. Becker Becker, Martin G. Martin G. Becker 01 This corpus-based study examines the different historical stages the Latin synthetic pluperfect underwent in Spanish and Portuguese. It tries to explain parallel and divergent developments of the morpheme <i>-ara </i>leading to opposite results: the strengthening of the form as an exclusively temporal category in Portuguese and its transformation into a fully-fledged past subjunctive in Spanish. In our analysis we will focus on three main aspects: first, the relevance of the underlying logical-conceptual structures as the enabling condition for the expansion of the category into new domains; second, the role of reanalysis as a listener-based strategy in discourse as the decisive mechanism for functional change; and third, the validity of the prototype concept as a device to explain the organisation of grammatical categories from a diachronic perspective. With our case study we address key questions of this book, namely the locus, the motivation and the nature of linguistic change. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.09rad 181 214 34 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Non-lexical core-arguments in Basque, Romance and German: How (and why) Spanish syntax is shifting towards clausal headmarking and morphological cross-reference</TitleText> 1 A01 Hans-Ingo Radatz Radatz, Hans-Ingo Hans-Ingo Radatz 01 This article deals with the ways in which non-lexical core arguments can be expressed in various languages. It tries to devise a typological hierarchy for the different types and endeavours to place Romance within this hierarchy. An analysis of Basque verbal markers as cross-reference morphemes introduces the subject with a language radically different from central IE. Using Nichols’ (1986 &#38; 1992) typological differentiation between head-marking and dependent-marking languages as its basis, a typological sub-parameter of “clausal head-marking vs. clausal dependent-marking” is suggested which is shown to correspond to two radically different types of clausal co-reference: (1) agreement (concord) and (2) cross-reference. This terminology is then used to describe and explain an ongoing syntactic change in which Spanish object clitics have evolved into obligatory verbal markers closely resembling those of Basque. Their conventional analysis as “agreement markers” is questioned and Spanish is shown to be moving towards a clausal head-marking language in which all core-arguments of the sentence have to be expressed by verbal affixes, while nominal and pronominal argument realisations become mere appositions outside the sentence core. The traditional concept of an emerging new paradigm of “object conjugation” is rejected. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.10win 215 250 36 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Towards a comprehensive view of language change: Three recent evolutionary approaches</TitleText> 1 A01 Esme Winter-Froemel Winter-Froemel, Esme Esme Winter-Froemel 01 This article investigates whether evolutionary accounts can offer new insights into the paradox of language change. Specifically, I will examine three recent influential accounts (Haspelmath 1999, Keller 1994, and Croft 2000). As they contain a broad spectrum of positions on the relations between language and biology, they can be divided into metaphorical, biologistic and generalized views. Cross-cutting these, two types of evolutionary accounts are distinguished, which I call adaptive and two-level views, respectively. I critically evaluate their potential to provide satisfactory explanations for various types of change, drawing on examples from Romance and Germanic. Finally, I propose a revised explanation scheme which brings together the two-level approaches with theoretical distinctions and explanatory factors that have been suggested in earlier non-evolutionary frameworks, so that a more comprehensive view of language change can be obtained. 10 01 JB code cilt.293.11sub 251 252 2 Miscellaneous 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20080206 2008 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 635 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 31 24 01 02 JB 1 00 110.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 116.60 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 24 02 02 JB 1 00 92.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 24 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 165.00 USD