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861007787 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 306 Eb 15 9789027289001 06 10.1075/cilt.306 13 2009025637 DG 002 02 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 306 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Phonetics and Phonology</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Interactions and interrelations</Subtitle> 01 cilt.306 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.306 1 B01 Marina Vigário Vigário, Marina Marina Vigário University of Lisbon 2 B01 Sónia Frota Frota, Sónia Sónia Frota University of Lisbon 3 B01 M. João Freitas Freitas, M. João M. João Freitas University of Lisbon 01 eng 304 vi 290 LAN009000 v.2006 CFH 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.PHOT Phonetics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.PHON Phonology 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The papers included in the volume <i>Phonetics and Phonology: Interactions and interrelations</i> are concerned with some of the multiple possible forms of interactions and interrelations in phonetics and phonology: the phonetic and/or phonological nature of speech patterns, segmental and prosodic interactions, and interactions between segments and features, both in child and in adult language, combining perception and production data, and doing so from theoretically as well as experimentally oriented perspectives. The book is unique in the universe of recent publications for its topic, wide scope and coherent thematic content. It is of interest to all researchers, teachers and students in the fields of phonetics and phonology as well as to those interested in the interplay between production and perception, the organization of grammar and language typology. In general, <i>Phonetics and Phonology. Interactions and interrelations</i> may be a useful companion to all those wishing to widen and deepen their knowledge of the sound structure of language(s). 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.306.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248220.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248220.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.306.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.306.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.306.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.306.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.306.00toc 1 12 12 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.306.p1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Between phonetics and phonology</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.306.01rie 13 34 22 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Schwa in American English V+/r/ sequences</TitleText> 1 A01 María Riera Riera, María María Riera Universitat Rovira i Virgili 2 A01 Joaquín Romero Romero, Joaquín Joaquín Romero Universitat Rovira i Virgili 3 A01 Ben Parrell Parrell, Ben Ben Parrell Universitat Rovira i Virgili 01 This paper presents an acoustic study of word-final V+/<b>r</b>/ sequences in AmericanEnglish. The objectives were (i) to identify the presence of a schwa-like element inthe VC transitions, (ii) to investigate how this presence is related to the phonetic/phonological nature of V, and (iii) to determine whether the spectral anddurational characteristics of this element vary as a function of speaking rate. Twospeakers participated in the experiment. Formant and duration measurementsaccounted for (i) differences between the schwa-like element and canonicalschwa and (ii) variability in the schwa-like element and V. One-way ANOVAstested for formant and duration differences, while two-way ANOVAs tested forthe relationship between formant variability in the schwa-like element and V.The results suggest that the presence of a highly variable schwa-like element inthe V+/<b>r</b>/ sequences is (i) a generalized process affecting all contexts and (ii) theresult of coarticulation rather than epenthesis/insertion. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.02ort 35 50 16 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Perception of word stress in Castilian Spanish</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The effects of sentence intonation and vowel type</Subtitle> 1 A01 Marta Ortega-Llebaria Ortega-Llebaria, Marta Marta Ortega-Llebaria University of Texas at Austin 2 A01 Pilar Prieto Prieto, Pilar Pilar Prieto ICREA & Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 We provide evidence for the perception of the stress contrast in unaccented contexts in Spanish. Twenty participants were asked to identify oxytone words which varied orthogonally in two bi-dimensional paroxytone-oxytone continua: one of duration and spectral tilt, and the other of duration and overall intensity. Results indicate that duration and overall intensity were cues to stress, while spectral tilt was not. Moreover, stress detection depended on vowel type: the stress contrast was perceived more consistently in [a] than in [i]. Thus, in spite of lacking vowel reduction, stress in Spanish has its own phonetic material in the absence of pitch accents. However, we cannot speak of cues to stress in general since they depend on the characteristics of the vowel. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.03pri 51 70 20 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Do complex pitch gestures induce syllable lengthening in Catalan and Spanish?</TitleText> 1 A01 Pilar Prieto Prieto, Pilar Pilar Prieto ICREA & Universitat Pompeu Fabra 2 A01 Marta Ortega-Llebaria Ortega-Llebaria, Marta Marta Ortega-Llebaria University of Texas at Austin 01 In both Spanish and Catalan, narrow contrastive focus and presentational broad focus in nuclear position have different pitch accent choices, namely a rising or a falling pitch accent, respectively. In words with final stress, narrow contrastive focus displays a rise-fall complex pitch gesture in the last syllable of the utterance. This article investigates the effects of the complexity of such a pitch pattern on the durational properties of the syllables in both languages when compared to the simpler falling pitch movement. The results of the production experiment reveal that, in general, the presence of a complex pitch pattern tends to have a lengthening effect on the target syllable. Yet we also find that some instances of this complex contour can be partially truncated, in which case it does <i>not</i> trigger lengthening. In sum, even though truncation and compression have been claimed to be language- and dialect-specific strategies (Ladd 1996; Grabe 1998; Grabe et al. 2000), in our data, truncation can be considered a speaker phonetic realization strategy that interacts with timing in such a way that there is a trade-off relationship between the two factors. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.04man 71 90 20 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cues to contrastive focus in Romanian</TitleText> 1 A01 Alis Manolescu Manolescu, Alis Alis Manolescu University of Texas at Austin 2 A01 Daniel Olson Olson, Daniel Daniel Olson University of Texas at Austin 3 A01 Marta Ortega-Llebaria Ortega-Llebaria, Marta Marta Ortega-Llebaria University of Texas at Austin 01 In this study we measured patterns of pitch alignment, pitch range and duration in relation to broad and contrastive focus in Romanian. In declarative sentences with broad focus, speakers place a pitch accent on each lexically stressed syllable with peaks that become progressively lower towards the end of the sentence. In pre-nuclear accents, the peaks align with the post-tonic syllable. In declarative sentences with contrastive focus, speakers use strategies based on pitch and duration in order to build a maximum contrast between the word under focus and those in pre- and post-focal contexts: an expanded pitch range under focus and a reduced pitch range and shorter stressed syllables in pre- and post-focal contexts. Thus, the flat F0 and shorter segmental durations in pre- and post-focal contexts constitute a background that, in contrast, highlights the segmental durations and expanded pitch ranges found under contrastive focus. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.05che 91 106 16 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The phonetics of sentence-initial topic and focus in adult and child Dutch</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">phonetics of sentence-initial topic and focus in adult and child Dutch</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Aoju Chen Chen, Aoju Aoju Chen Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics 01 This study investigates whether adults and children use phonetic means to distinguish sentence-initial topic and focus marked with the same accent type (H*L) in Dutch declaratives. It was found that in adults&#8217; speech, the falling accent starts to fall earlier and has a larger F0 excursion and lower F0 minimum in focus than in topic. Further, the low F0 is maintained longer in focus. Moreover, the accented syllable and word are longer in focus than in topic. In contrast, children do not yet use any of the phonetic cues to distinguish topic and focus at the age of 4 or 5. At the age of 7 or 8, they become adult-like only in the use of F0 lowering. Considering that children are fully adult-like in phonological marking of topic and focus at the age of 7 or 8, our findings suggest that phonetic marking is acquired later than phonological marking. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.p2 Section header 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Segmental and prosodic interactions</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.306.06arb 109 136 28 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Prosodic structure and consonant development across languages</TitleText> 1 A01 Timothy Arbisi-Kelm Arbisi-Kelm, Timothy Timothy Arbisi-Kelm University of Wisconsin-Madison 2 A01 Mary E. Beckman Beckman, Mary E. Mary E. Beckman The Ohio State University 01 This paper relates consonant development in first-language acquisition to the mastery of rhythmic structure, starting with the emergence of the &#8220;core syllable&#8221; in babbling. We first review results on very early phonetic development that suggest how a rich hierarchy of language-specific metrical structures might emerge from a universal developmental progression of basic utterance rhythms in interaction with ambient language input. We then describe salient differences in prosodic structures across the languages being studied in a cross-language investigation of phonological development, in which we are eliciting and analyzing recordings from hundreds of children aged two years through five years who are acquiring Cantonese, English, Greek, or Japanese. Finally, we present examples of how patterns of disfluent consonant production differ across children acquiring the different languages in this set, in ways that seem to be related to the differences in metrical organization across the languages. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.07whi 137 158 22 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Rhythmic and prosodic contrast in Venetan and Sicilian Italian</TitleText> 1 A01 Laurence White White, Laurence Laurence White University of Bristol 2 A01 Elinor Payne Payne, Elinor Elinor Payne University of Oxford 3 A01 Sven L. Mattys Mattys, Sven L. Sven L. Mattys University of Bristol 01 We compared the Italian of speakers from the Veneto, in the north of Italy, and from Sicily, in the far south, looking for evidence of rhythmic and prosodic differences. We found no reliable differences in scores for rhythm metrics (VarcoV, %V, VarcoC) for Venetan and Sicilian, with both varieties having scores similar to French and indicative of a greater durational marking of stress than Spanish. However, we found much stronger prosodic timing effects in Sicilian Italian, with stressed vowels in nuclear utterance-final position twice as long as in prenuclear utterance-medial position. We also found evidence of differential patterns of vowel reduction: Sicilian showed greater modulation of F1 and F2 values according to stress and prosodic position, indicating greater vowel centralisation in prosodically-weak contexts than in Venetan Italian. Overall, the results indicated greater prosodic contrast in southern Italian, and suggest that multiple factors contribute to the perception of rhythmic differences. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.08cab 159 180 22 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Stem boundary and stress effects on syllabification in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Teresa Cabré Cabré, Teresa Teresa Cabré Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 Maria Ohannesian Ohannesian, Maria Maria Ohannesian Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 10 01 JB code cilt.306.09sch 181 202 22 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Prosodic and segmental effects on vowel intrusion duration in Spanish /rC/ clusters</TitleText> 1 A01 Benjamin Schmeiser Schmeiser, Benjamin Benjamin Schmeiser Illinois State University 01 The purpose of this study was to test prosodic and segmental effects on vowel intrusion duration in Spanish /rC/ clusters. For each cluster, I measured the acoustic duration of the intervening intrusive vowel and then analyzed the mean intrusive vowel duration under the scope of seven hypotheses based on prosodic and segmental factors. The current study consisted of twenty-nine participants across six countries and I obtained a total of 496 intrusive vowels. The study suggests that one prosodic factor, namely across a word boundary, and one segmental factor, order of constriction location, significantly affect intrusive vowel duration; data analysis for prosodic stress, heterorganic vs. homorganic, C<sub>2</sub> voicing, and manner and place of articulation did not evidence significant results. Finally, I discuss the findings in theoretical terms, using Articulatory Phonology (Browman &amp; Goldstein, 1989, et seq.), including the prosodic (p-) gestural model (Byrd &amp; Saltzman 2003; Byrd et al. 2006). 10 01 JB code cilt.306.p3 Section header 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Interactions between segments and features</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.306.10sol 205 234 30 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acoustic and aerodynamic factors in the interaction of features</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The case of nasality and voicing</Subtitle> 1 A01 Maria-Josep Solé Solé, Maria-Josep Maria-Josep Solé Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 This paper presents an account of the physical factors responsible for crosslinguistically common patterns of co-occurrence between values of the features [voice] and [nasal]. Specifically, it offers explanations for why nasals are typically voiced and why voiced obstruents are often accompanied by nasalization, or in terms of features, why [+voice] and [+nasal] co-occur so often and in such a variety of ways. First, it addresses the <i>acoustic-auditory</i> factors responsible for glottal vibration favoring the perceptibility of nasalization. Second, it examines the <i>aerodynamic</i> factors responsible for nasality facilitating glottal vibration. In particular, it suggests that nasal leakage is a maneuver to facilitate voicing in the stop and to preserve the voicing contrast. The paper also argues that if the interaction between the two features can be explained by phonetic principles, then there is no need to encode the patterns of co-occurrence as redundancy rules or constraints in universal grammar. Furthermore, phonological representations that assign the nasal valve and the larynx to separate nodes cannot capture the interaction between nasality and voicing and the co-occurrence patterns. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.11bat 235 246 12 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Fixed and variable properties of the palatalization of dental stops in Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">In an Italian immigrant community</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elisa Battisti Battisti, Elisa Elisa Battisti University of Caxias do Sul 2 A01 Ben Hermans Hermans, Ben Ben Hermans Meertens Institute 01 Assuming that unranked constraints generate variation and that features can reoccur at various levels in the segmental tree, the variable palatalization of dental stops in a speech variety of Brazilian Portuguese is analyzed as a process which is applied in order to link C(Aperture) of high vowels to a higher consonantal position, explaining the cross-linguistic tendency of high vowels to spread to preceding segments. A mixed approach which includes the representation of segments and the set of constraints referring to vowels and the metrical grid is adopted to explain the different rates of palatalization by underlying high vowels and raised vowels. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.12can 247 266 20 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Post-tonic vowel harmony in some dialects of Central Italy</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The role of prosodic structure, contrast and consonants</Subtitle> 1 A01 Stefano Canalis Canalis, Stefano Stefano Canalis Università di Padova 01 In Central Italy several dialects display post-tonic regressive vowel harmony, by which post-tonic vowels copy all the features of the word-final vowel. On the basis of phonetic and phonological arguments I argue that the penultimate vowel of proparoxytones, the typical target of this process, is a prosodically weak position, which makes it a good target for assimilation. In some dialects harmony is active only if a liquid consonant intervenes between the trigger and target vowels; since in these dialects liquids do not contrast for place, underspecification can explain this asymmetry. Since place specification of non-liquid consonants is required in other varieties, which nevertheless display harmony across any intervening consonant, following Clements (2001) I argue that in this case some nodes of feature geometry are not active. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.13cab 267 286 20 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Vowel reduction and vowel harmony in Eastern Catalan loanword phonology</TitleText> 1 A01 Teresa Cabré Cabré, Teresa Teresa Cabré Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 The aim of this paper is to account for the phonological adaptation of loanwords in Eastern Catalan. As the phonology of these new words deviates from that of the native Catalan vocabulary set (with a certain amount of variation among speakers), the new phonetic features would seem to be borrowed from Spanish. We suggest that a new phonology has emerged whose purpose is to identify loans among the lexicon, the most striking element of this phonology being a harmony effect on stressed mid vowels in the presence of post-tonic [+ATR] mid vowels. The existence of unstressed [+ATR] mid vowels [e, o] in Eastern Catalan has been previously interpreted as lexical exceptions to vowel reduction (Fabra 1912 and Mascar&#243; 2002, among others). However, the phonetic variation in the new lexicon is analyzed here as being fully consistent with Catalan phonology within the theory of lexical strata (It&#244; &amp; Mester 1999). 10 01 JB code cilt.306.14ind 287 290 4 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index of Subjects and Languages</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20091028 2009 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027248220 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 105.00 EUR R 01 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 158.00 USD S 142007786 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 306 Hb 15 9789027248220 13 2009025637 BB 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 306 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Phonetics and Phonology</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Interactions and interrelations</Subtitle> 01 cilt.306 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.306 1 B01 Marina Vigário Vigário, Marina Marina Vigário University of Lisbon 2 B01 Sónia Frota Frota, Sónia Sónia Frota University of Lisbon 3 B01 M. João Freitas Freitas, M. João M. João Freitas University of Lisbon 01 eng 304 vi 290 LAN009000 v.2006 CFH 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.PHOT Phonetics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.PHON Phonology 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The papers included in the volume <i>Phonetics and Phonology: Interactions and interrelations</i> are concerned with some of the multiple possible forms of interactions and interrelations in phonetics and phonology: the phonetic and/or phonological nature of speech patterns, segmental and prosodic interactions, and interactions between segments and features, both in child and in adult language, combining perception and production data, and doing so from theoretically as well as experimentally oriented perspectives. The book is unique in the universe of recent publications for its topic, wide scope and coherent thematic content. It is of interest to all researchers, teachers and students in the fields of phonetics and phonology as well as to those interested in the interplay between production and perception, the organization of grammar and language typology. In general, <i>Phonetics and Phonology. Interactions and interrelations</i> may be a useful companion to all those wishing to widen and deepen their knowledge of the sound structure of language(s). 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.306.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248220.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248220.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.306.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.306.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.306.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.306.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.306.00toc 1 12 12 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.306.p1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Between phonetics and phonology</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.306.01rie 13 34 22 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Schwa in American English V+/r/ sequences</TitleText> 1 A01 María Riera Riera, María María Riera Universitat Rovira i Virgili 2 A01 Joaquín Romero Romero, Joaquín Joaquín Romero Universitat Rovira i Virgili 3 A01 Ben Parrell Parrell, Ben Ben Parrell Universitat Rovira i Virgili 01 This paper presents an acoustic study of word-final V+/<b>r</b>/ sequences in AmericanEnglish. The objectives were (i) to identify the presence of a schwa-like element inthe VC transitions, (ii) to investigate how this presence is related to the phonetic/phonological nature of V, and (iii) to determine whether the spectral anddurational characteristics of this element vary as a function of speaking rate. Twospeakers participated in the experiment. Formant and duration measurementsaccounted for (i) differences between the schwa-like element and canonicalschwa and (ii) variability in the schwa-like element and V. One-way ANOVAstested for formant and duration differences, while two-way ANOVAs tested forthe relationship between formant variability in the schwa-like element and V.The results suggest that the presence of a highly variable schwa-like element inthe V+/<b>r</b>/ sequences is (i) a generalized process affecting all contexts and (ii) theresult of coarticulation rather than epenthesis/insertion. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.02ort 35 50 16 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Perception of word stress in Castilian Spanish</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The effects of sentence intonation and vowel type</Subtitle> 1 A01 Marta Ortega-Llebaria Ortega-Llebaria, Marta Marta Ortega-Llebaria University of Texas at Austin 2 A01 Pilar Prieto Prieto, Pilar Pilar Prieto ICREA & Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 We provide evidence for the perception of the stress contrast in unaccented contexts in Spanish. Twenty participants were asked to identify oxytone words which varied orthogonally in two bi-dimensional paroxytone-oxytone continua: one of duration and spectral tilt, and the other of duration and overall intensity. Results indicate that duration and overall intensity were cues to stress, while spectral tilt was not. Moreover, stress detection depended on vowel type: the stress contrast was perceived more consistently in [a] than in [i]. Thus, in spite of lacking vowel reduction, stress in Spanish has its own phonetic material in the absence of pitch accents. However, we cannot speak of cues to stress in general since they depend on the characteristics of the vowel. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.03pri 51 70 20 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Do complex pitch gestures induce syllable lengthening in Catalan and Spanish?</TitleText> 1 A01 Pilar Prieto Prieto, Pilar Pilar Prieto ICREA & Universitat Pompeu Fabra 2 A01 Marta Ortega-Llebaria Ortega-Llebaria, Marta Marta Ortega-Llebaria University of Texas at Austin 01 In both Spanish and Catalan, narrow contrastive focus and presentational broad focus in nuclear position have different pitch accent choices, namely a rising or a falling pitch accent, respectively. In words with final stress, narrow contrastive focus displays a rise-fall complex pitch gesture in the last syllable of the utterance. This article investigates the effects of the complexity of such a pitch pattern on the durational properties of the syllables in both languages when compared to the simpler falling pitch movement. The results of the production experiment reveal that, in general, the presence of a complex pitch pattern tends to have a lengthening effect on the target syllable. Yet we also find that some instances of this complex contour can be partially truncated, in which case it does <i>not</i> trigger lengthening. In sum, even though truncation and compression have been claimed to be language- and dialect-specific strategies (Ladd 1996; Grabe 1998; Grabe et al. 2000), in our data, truncation can be considered a speaker phonetic realization strategy that interacts with timing in such a way that there is a trade-off relationship between the two factors. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.04man 71 90 20 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cues to contrastive focus in Romanian</TitleText> 1 A01 Alis Manolescu Manolescu, Alis Alis Manolescu University of Texas at Austin 2 A01 Daniel Olson Olson, Daniel Daniel Olson University of Texas at Austin 3 A01 Marta Ortega-Llebaria Ortega-Llebaria, Marta Marta Ortega-Llebaria University of Texas at Austin 01 In this study we measured patterns of pitch alignment, pitch range and duration in relation to broad and contrastive focus in Romanian. In declarative sentences with broad focus, speakers place a pitch accent on each lexically stressed syllable with peaks that become progressively lower towards the end of the sentence. In pre-nuclear accents, the peaks align with the post-tonic syllable. In declarative sentences with contrastive focus, speakers use strategies based on pitch and duration in order to build a maximum contrast between the word under focus and those in pre- and post-focal contexts: an expanded pitch range under focus and a reduced pitch range and shorter stressed syllables in pre- and post-focal contexts. Thus, the flat F0 and shorter segmental durations in pre- and post-focal contexts constitute a background that, in contrast, highlights the segmental durations and expanded pitch ranges found under contrastive focus. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.05che 91 106 16 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The phonetics of sentence-initial topic and focus in adult and child Dutch</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">phonetics of sentence-initial topic and focus in adult and child Dutch</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Aoju Chen Chen, Aoju Aoju Chen Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics 01 This study investigates whether adults and children use phonetic means to distinguish sentence-initial topic and focus marked with the same accent type (H*L) in Dutch declaratives. It was found that in adults&#8217; speech, the falling accent starts to fall earlier and has a larger F0 excursion and lower F0 minimum in focus than in topic. Further, the low F0 is maintained longer in focus. Moreover, the accented syllable and word are longer in focus than in topic. In contrast, children do not yet use any of the phonetic cues to distinguish topic and focus at the age of 4 or 5. At the age of 7 or 8, they become adult-like only in the use of F0 lowering. Considering that children are fully adult-like in phonological marking of topic and focus at the age of 7 or 8, our findings suggest that phonetic marking is acquired later than phonological marking. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.p2 Section header 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Segmental and prosodic interactions</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.306.06arb 109 136 28 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Prosodic structure and consonant development across languages</TitleText> 1 A01 Timothy Arbisi-Kelm Arbisi-Kelm, Timothy Timothy Arbisi-Kelm University of Wisconsin-Madison 2 A01 Mary E. Beckman Beckman, Mary E. Mary E. Beckman The Ohio State University 01 This paper relates consonant development in first-language acquisition to the mastery of rhythmic structure, starting with the emergence of the &#8220;core syllable&#8221; in babbling. We first review results on very early phonetic development that suggest how a rich hierarchy of language-specific metrical structures might emerge from a universal developmental progression of basic utterance rhythms in interaction with ambient language input. We then describe salient differences in prosodic structures across the languages being studied in a cross-language investigation of phonological development, in which we are eliciting and analyzing recordings from hundreds of children aged two years through five years who are acquiring Cantonese, English, Greek, or Japanese. Finally, we present examples of how patterns of disfluent consonant production differ across children acquiring the different languages in this set, in ways that seem to be related to the differences in metrical organization across the languages. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.07whi 137 158 22 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Rhythmic and prosodic contrast in Venetan and Sicilian Italian</TitleText> 1 A01 Laurence White White, Laurence Laurence White University of Bristol 2 A01 Elinor Payne Payne, Elinor Elinor Payne University of Oxford 3 A01 Sven L. Mattys Mattys, Sven L. Sven L. Mattys University of Bristol 01 We compared the Italian of speakers from the Veneto, in the north of Italy, and from Sicily, in the far south, looking for evidence of rhythmic and prosodic differences. We found no reliable differences in scores for rhythm metrics (VarcoV, %V, VarcoC) for Venetan and Sicilian, with both varieties having scores similar to French and indicative of a greater durational marking of stress than Spanish. However, we found much stronger prosodic timing effects in Sicilian Italian, with stressed vowels in nuclear utterance-final position twice as long as in prenuclear utterance-medial position. We also found evidence of differential patterns of vowel reduction: Sicilian showed greater modulation of F1 and F2 values according to stress and prosodic position, indicating greater vowel centralisation in prosodically-weak contexts than in Venetan Italian. Overall, the results indicated greater prosodic contrast in southern Italian, and suggest that multiple factors contribute to the perception of rhythmic differences. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.08cab 159 180 22 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Stem boundary and stress effects on syllabification in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Teresa Cabré Cabré, Teresa Teresa Cabré Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 Maria Ohannesian Ohannesian, Maria Maria Ohannesian Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 10 01 JB code cilt.306.09sch 181 202 22 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Prosodic and segmental effects on vowel intrusion duration in Spanish /rC/ clusters</TitleText> 1 A01 Benjamin Schmeiser Schmeiser, Benjamin Benjamin Schmeiser Illinois State University 01 The purpose of this study was to test prosodic and segmental effects on vowel intrusion duration in Spanish /rC/ clusters. For each cluster, I measured the acoustic duration of the intervening intrusive vowel and then analyzed the mean intrusive vowel duration under the scope of seven hypotheses based on prosodic and segmental factors. The current study consisted of twenty-nine participants across six countries and I obtained a total of 496 intrusive vowels. The study suggests that one prosodic factor, namely across a word boundary, and one segmental factor, order of constriction location, significantly affect intrusive vowel duration; data analysis for prosodic stress, heterorganic vs. homorganic, C<sub>2</sub> voicing, and manner and place of articulation did not evidence significant results. Finally, I discuss the findings in theoretical terms, using Articulatory Phonology (Browman &amp; Goldstein, 1989, et seq.), including the prosodic (p-) gestural model (Byrd &amp; Saltzman 2003; Byrd et al. 2006). 10 01 JB code cilt.306.p3 Section header 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Interactions between segments and features</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.306.10sol 205 234 30 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acoustic and aerodynamic factors in the interaction of features</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The case of nasality and voicing</Subtitle> 1 A01 Maria-Josep Solé Solé, Maria-Josep Maria-Josep Solé Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 This paper presents an account of the physical factors responsible for crosslinguistically common patterns of co-occurrence between values of the features [voice] and [nasal]. Specifically, it offers explanations for why nasals are typically voiced and why voiced obstruents are often accompanied by nasalization, or in terms of features, why [+voice] and [+nasal] co-occur so often and in such a variety of ways. First, it addresses the <i>acoustic-auditory</i> factors responsible for glottal vibration favoring the perceptibility of nasalization. Second, it examines the <i>aerodynamic</i> factors responsible for nasality facilitating glottal vibration. In particular, it suggests that nasal leakage is a maneuver to facilitate voicing in the stop and to preserve the voicing contrast. The paper also argues that if the interaction between the two features can be explained by phonetic principles, then there is no need to encode the patterns of co-occurrence as redundancy rules or constraints in universal grammar. Furthermore, phonological representations that assign the nasal valve and the larynx to separate nodes cannot capture the interaction between nasality and voicing and the co-occurrence patterns. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.11bat 235 246 12 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Fixed and variable properties of the palatalization of dental stops in Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">In an Italian immigrant community</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elisa Battisti Battisti, Elisa Elisa Battisti University of Caxias do Sul 2 A01 Ben Hermans Hermans, Ben Ben Hermans Meertens Institute 01 Assuming that unranked constraints generate variation and that features can reoccur at various levels in the segmental tree, the variable palatalization of dental stops in a speech variety of Brazilian Portuguese is analyzed as a process which is applied in order to link C(Aperture) of high vowels to a higher consonantal position, explaining the cross-linguistic tendency of high vowels to spread to preceding segments. A mixed approach which includes the representation of segments and the set of constraints referring to vowels and the metrical grid is adopted to explain the different rates of palatalization by underlying high vowels and raised vowels. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.12can 247 266 20 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Post-tonic vowel harmony in some dialects of Central Italy</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The role of prosodic structure, contrast and consonants</Subtitle> 1 A01 Stefano Canalis Canalis, Stefano Stefano Canalis Università di Padova 01 In Central Italy several dialects display post-tonic regressive vowel harmony, by which post-tonic vowels copy all the features of the word-final vowel. On the basis of phonetic and phonological arguments I argue that the penultimate vowel of proparoxytones, the typical target of this process, is a prosodically weak position, which makes it a good target for assimilation. In some dialects harmony is active only if a liquid consonant intervenes between the trigger and target vowels; since in these dialects liquids do not contrast for place, underspecification can explain this asymmetry. Since place specification of non-liquid consonants is required in other varieties, which nevertheless display harmony across any intervening consonant, following Clements (2001) I argue that in this case some nodes of feature geometry are not active. 10 01 JB code cilt.306.13cab 267 286 20 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Vowel reduction and vowel harmony in Eastern Catalan loanword phonology</TitleText> 1 A01 Teresa Cabré Cabré, Teresa Teresa Cabré Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 The aim of this paper is to account for the phonological adaptation of loanwords in Eastern Catalan. As the phonology of these new words deviates from that of the native Catalan vocabulary set (with a certain amount of variation among speakers), the new phonetic features would seem to be borrowed from Spanish. We suggest that a new phonology has emerged whose purpose is to identify loans among the lexicon, the most striking element of this phonology being a harmony effect on stressed mid vowels in the presence of post-tonic [+ATR] mid vowels. The existence of unstressed [+ATR] mid vowels [e, o] in Eastern Catalan has been previously interpreted as lexical exceptions to vowel reduction (Fabra 1912 and Mascar&#243; 2002, among others). However, the phonetic variation in the new lexicon is analyzed here as being fully consistent with Catalan phonology within the theory of lexical strata (It&#244; &amp; Mester 1999). 10 01 JB code cilt.306.14ind 287 290 4 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index of Subjects and Languages</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20091028 2009 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 705 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 30 20 01 02 JB 1 00 105.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 111.30 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 20 02 02 JB 1 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 1 20 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 158.00 USD