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7500817
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
201608250426
ONIX title feed
eng
01
EUR
82008114
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
CILT 313 Eb
15
9789027287878
06
10.1075/cilt.313
13
2010022710
DG
002
02
01
CILT
02
0304-0763
Current Issues in Linguistic Theory
313
01
Romance Linguistics 2008
Interactions in Romance. Selected papers from the 38th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Urbana-Champaign, April 2008
01
cilt.313
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.313
1
B01
Karlos Arregi
Arregi, Karlos
Karlos
Arregi
University of Chicago
2
B01
Zsuzsanna Fagyal
Fagyal, Zsuzsanna
Zsuzsanna
Fagyal
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
3
B01
Silvina Montrul
Montrul, Silvina
Silvina
Montrul
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
4
B01
Annie Tremblay
Tremblay, Annie
Annie
Tremblay
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
01
eng
280
vii
266
LAN009000
v.2006
CF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
The sixteen papers here united have been selected from the 38th Linguistic Symposium of the Romance Languages held in Champaign-Urbana in 2008. The papers, whose authors include both well-known researchers and younger scholars, cover a broad and truly interdisciplinary range of topics in phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and their interfaces. Among the plethora of topics examined are stress in Quebec French, vowel deletion in Tuscan Italian, bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese, case in Romanian, and hiatus in Argentine Spanish. The volume’s novelty is to extend the traditional scope of linguistic inquiry to dynamic cognitive and societal connections between Romance and other languages, investigating, among others, how Spanish phonotactics informs psycholinguistic models of speech production, how bilinguals express subject pronouns in Chipilo contact Spanish relative to monolingual Mexican Spanish, and whether Spanish-speaking immigrants in Montreal acquire the constraints typical to natives in loanword adaptations.
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viii
2
Miscellaneous
1
01
Acknowledgments
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.02int
1
6
6
Miscellaneous
2
01
Editors’ introduction
Interactions in Romance
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.03pa1
7
8
2
Section header
3
01
Part 1. Language contact and bilingualism
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.04bar
9
22
14
Article
4
01
Subject pronoun expression in bilinguals of two null subject languages
1
A01
Hilary Barnes
Barnes, Hilary
Hilary
Barnes
Fayetteville State University
01
This paper examines subject pronoun expression in the speech of Spanish-Veneto bilinguals in central Mexico. Non-target subject expression has been found among adult language learners, heritage speakers, and speakers undergoing L1 attrition. Such patterns have been variously attributed to transfer/interference and loss of discourse-pragmatic constraints, among other factors. The situation discussed here is unique in that both languages are null subject languages in an environment of sustained bilingualism. Drawing on a variationist analysis of naturalistic data, the present work reveals a marked increase in overall rates of pronoun expression in Chipilo contact Spanish relative to monolingual Mexican Spanish; however, the patterning of overt pronoun use is similar to that of monolingual varieties of Mexican Spanish. The increase is explained in terms of cognitive economy.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.05col
23
38
16
Article
5
01
Where are hiatuses left?
A comparative study of vocalic sequences in Argentine Spanish
1
A01
Laura Colantoni
Colantoni, Laura
Laura
Colantoni
University of Toronto
2
A01
Anna Limanni
Limanni, Anna
Anna
Limanni
University of Toronto
01
We investigate the realization of <i>i</i>V sequences in a contact (CV) and non-contact (NCV) variety of Argentine Spanish. We test the following hypotheses: (1) diphthongization is increasing in CV; (2) diphthongization is sensitive to the etymological origin of the sequence; (3) delateralization in CV is an attractor for diphthongization. Results only support (1) and (2). While hiatuses are more frequent in CV, both varieties share the pan-Hispanic preference for diphthongs. However, CV and NCV differ from each other and from Peninsular varieties in the environments where hiatuses are left: NCV maintains few exceptional hiatuses and CV is less sensitive to the etymological origin of the sequence. Additionally, CV and NCV differ in the realization of diphthongs and of the diphthong/hiatus contrast: CV diphthongs are more coarticulated with V2 and more clearly differentiated from hiatuses. Thus, we argue that different varieties exploit different coarticulatory strategies to achieve a similar percept.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.06fri
39
54
16
Article
6
01
Loanword adaptation in the French of Spanish-speaking immigrants in Montréal
1
A01
Michael L. Friesner
Friesner, Michael L.
Michael L.
Friesner
University of Quebec in Montreal
01
This paper examines the adaptation of rhotics in loanwords in French by Hispanophone and Francophone Montrealers, in order to investigate the linguistic integration of immigrant communities and the mutual influence of native and nonnative speakers on the outcome of borrowing. Multivariate analysis reveals that many factors govern the variation among the three possible variants. Immigrants have only acquired some of the constraints. Second-generation immigrants share the grammar of the larger community but resemble other Hispanophones in terms of the rates of use of each variant. The author concludes that both native and nonnative speakers influence the integration pattern of loanwords in particular ways.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.07pa2
55
56
2
Section header
7
01
Part 2. Phonology and interfaces
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.08gar
57
72
16
Article
8
01
Morphology and phonology of word-final vowel deletion in spoken Tuscan Italian
1
A01
Luigia Garrapa
Garrapa, Luigia
Luigia
Garrapa
Universität Konstanz
2
A01
Judith Meinschaefer
Meinschaefer, Judith
Judith
Meinschaefer
Università del Salento, Universität Würzburg
01
Italian elision consists in the optional deletion of the final vowel of a function word followed by a vowel-initial lexical word. The aim of the present study is to reach a better understanding of the interplay between phonology and morphology in Italian elision by analyzing a corpus of spoken Italian as well as by conducting an experimental study. The central claim is that two elision processes have to be distinguished, one that applies to determiners and is closer to categorical variation, to be analyzed in part as allomorphy, and another process that applies to pronouns and is closer to free variation. Italian elision is modeled in a simple optimality-theoretic constraint hierarchy: it is shown that the patterns of variation can be learned by the Gradual Learning Algorithm (Boersma & Hayes 2001), but only if two different grammars are learned for elision on determiners and on pronouns, respectively.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.09her
73
88
16
Article
9
01
Relativization, intonational phrases and rich left peripheries
1
A01
Simona Herdan
Herdan, Simona
Simona
Herdan
01
This paper provides an analysis of relativizer restrictions in relatives headed by bare quantifiers. I argue that the restriction arises from violations of the requirement to phonetically mark the edge of an intonational phrase. Consequently, the structural position of the relativizer determines grammaticality. I also show that the availability of D in the nominal domain has an effect on the relativizer choice.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.10ros
89
104
16
Article
10
01
Stress domain effects in French phonology and phonological development
1
A01
Yvan Rose
Rose, Yvan
Yvan
Rose
Memorial University of Newfoundland & Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen
2
A01
Christophe dos Santos
Santos, Christophe dos
Christophe
dos
Santos
Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen
01
In this paper, we discuss two distinct data sets. The first comes from the allophonic process of closed-syllable laxing in Québec French, which targets final (stressed) vowels even though these vowels should in theory be syllabified in open syllables in lexical representations (e.g. <i>lune</i> [Öly.n(6)]; *[Öly.n(6)]). The second is found in the forms produced by a first language learner of European French, who displays an asymmetry in her production of CVC versus CVCV target (adult) forms. The former displays full preservation (with concomitant manner harmony) of both consonants (e.g. <i>passe</i> --> [Öpat]). The latter undergoes deletion of the initial syllable if the consonants are not manner-harmonic in the input (e.g. <i>appétit</i> --> [piÖti] versus <i>tennis</i> --> [Öni]). We argue that both patterns can be explained in an approach that draws a formal distinction between phonological representation and phonetic implementation.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.11pa3
105
106
2
Section header
11
01
Part 3. Syntax and morphophonology
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.12ale
107
124
18
Article
12
01
Syntactic realizations of plural in Romance and Germanic nominalizations
1
A01
Artemis Alexiadou
Alexiadou, Artemis
Artemis
Alexiadou
2
A01
Gianina Iordachioaia
Iordachioaia, Gianina
Gianina
Iordachioaia
3
A01
Elena Soare
Soare, Elena
Elena
Soare
01
This paper offers a syntactic account for the various ways in which Plural is expressed within Argument-Supporting Nominals (ASNs) in Romance and Germanic. We first show, starting from Romanian data, that pluralization is connected to aspectual properties like (a)telicity and (un)boundedness. These properties may be realized under the syntactic category of verbal Aspect, that of nominal Number, or encoded by a [±count] features on the nominal category Classifier.We then support our theory with a comparison between the Romanian Infinitive/Supine and Spanish Nominal Infinitives (SNIs). The latter are fully nominal, but lack plural and we relate this to a [–count] feature in their Classifier. The comparison with English also shows the relevance of inner Aspect to nominalizations. The picture we get allows a better understanding of morphological and syntactic processes at work in nominalizations and of their nominal and verbal properties.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.13aus
125
138
14
Article
13
01
The syntax of Spanish <i>parecer</i> and the status of little <i>pro</i>
The
syntax of Spanish <i>parecer</i> and the status of little <i>pro</i>
1
A01
Adolfo Ausín
Ausín, Adolfo
Adolfo
Ausín
Michigan State University
01
The existence of a null argument in preverbal position in null subject sentences has been challenged in recent years. This paper presents new empirical evidence based on binding considerations in favor of a syntactically realized argument in preverbal position in null subject sentences. Using raising constructions such as those with the Spanish verb <i>parecer</i> ‘to seem’, I show that the null subject in raising constructions behaves as if in a preverbal position in the matrix sentence. The simplest explanation for this state of affairs is to assume that there is a <i>pro</i> in preverbal position.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.14cue
139
156
18
Article
14
01
Two types of (apparently) ditransitive light verb constructions
1
A01
Maria Cristina Cuervo
Cuervo, Maria Cristina
Maria Cristina
Cuervo
01
An analysis of Spanish ditransitive constructions with light verb <i>dar</i> reveals that despite surface similarity these constructions belong to two groups corresponding to distinct argument structures. While expressions like dar <i>permiso/ánimo</i> ‘give permission/encouragement’ correspond to double-object constructions, experiencer constructions like <i>dar miedo/envidia</i> ‘give fear/envy’ correspond to an unaccusative structure that patterns syntactically and semantically with configurations with psychological predicates of the <i>piacere/gustar</i> ‘like’ type. On the present account, the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of the construction –including subject properties of the dative, case, and restrictions on bare nouns– derive directly from the way sentences are built in the syntax, not from stipulations in lexical entries or linking rules. The proposal is extended to cover predicates formed with other light verbs (e.g., <i>ser</i> ‘be’, <i>parecer</i> ‘seem’, <i>resultar</i> ‘be’, <i>quedar</i> ‘remain’).
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.15dag
157
170
14
Article
15
01
Modal ellipsis in French, Spanish and Italian
Evidence for a TP-deletion analysis
1
A01
Anne Dagnac
Dagnac, Anne
Anne
Dagnac
01
French, Spanish and Italian, reputedly non-VP-ellipsis allowing languages, can display gaps after root modals. I argue that these gaps are instances of ellipsis, viewed as PF-deletion of a constituent. They indeed allow for A’-movement, which an alternative null proform analysis cannot capture. Yet, they differ from English VP-ellipsis, in particular wrt the kind of remnants they allow, their tolerance to voice mismatches, and by displaying a constraint on subjects in Antecedent Contained Deletion. I propose that these differences follow from the status of the modals in these languages and the size of the deleted structure, which is a TP in the three Romance languages vs a VP in English.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.16kat
171
184
14
Article
16
01
Optional prepositions in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
Mary Aizawa Kato
Kato, Mary Aizawa
Mary Aizawa
Kato
01
This paper discusses the phenomenon of preposition optionallity in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), starting from Bouchard’s (1981) observation that the preposition of a strictly subcategorized PP complement in French can be absent in the “chopping” type of relativization, though the same sort of “deletion” is ruled out in wh-questions, a contrast that leads him to propose that movement is absent in such relatives. My aim in this paper is (a) to show that this phenomenon is not restricted to relative clauses, (b) to propose a uniform analysis of preposition optionallity in several domains, (c) to argue that prepositions which encode inherent case are optional in the numeration, and (d) to claim that absence of the preposition involves only A’-positions, where the DP can have a “default” case. The paper ends up with a discussion on contrastive topicalization, assumed to be derived from VP-topicalization.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.17nev
185
200
16
Article
17
01
An apparent ‘number case constraint’ in Romanian
An
apparent ‘number case constraint’ in Romanian
The role of syncretism
1
A01
Andrew Nevins
Nevins, Andrew
Andrew
Nevins
NYU
2
A01
Oana Savescu
Savescu, Oana
Oana
Savescu
NYU
01
Romanian pronominal plural clitics differ from their singular clitic counterparts in that they exhibit dative-accusative case syncretism. This contrast correlates with an asymmetry in the combinatorial possibilities of plural vs singular clitics: namely, plural clitics in direct object position in Romanian affect the acceptability of clitic clusters, as confirmed in quantitative acceptability judgements with multiple informants. Rather than invoking a new ‘Number Case Constraint’ governing the distribution of clitics, we link the Romanian data to familiar facts from Leísta dialects of Spanish, which manifest case syncretism between dative and animate accusative 3rd person clitics. We implement the fact that 1st and 2nd person plural clitics in Romanian are case-syncretic by implicationally marking them as inherently [+animate] in the syntax. The severe degradation in acceptability of clusters with direct object plural clitics is accounted for by following aspects of Adger & Harbour’s (2007) proposal for the connection between syncretism and the Person Case Constraint.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.18pa4
201
202
2
Section header
18
01
Part 4. Semantics and morphology
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.19dob
203
216
14
Article
19
01
Generic bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin
Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen
Carmen
Dobrovie-Sorin
2
A01
Roberta Pires De Oliveira
Pires De Oliveira, Roberta
Roberta
Pires De Oliveira
01
The analysis of the generic readings of Bare Singulars in Brazilian Portuguese is controversial: for Munn & Schmitt (1999, 2005) and Schmitt & Munn (2002) generic Bare Singulars are names of kinds, whereas for Müller (2002) they are indefinites bound by a generic operator. This paper provides two arguments against Müller: (i) relying on a detailed corpus study by Pires de Oliveira <i>et al.</i> (2007), we argue that Müller’s judgments are not shared by all speakers of Brazilian Portuguese; (ii) we provide theoretical and crosslinguistic evidence against analyzing generic Bare Singulars as indefinites bound by a generic operator. We make explicit Munn & Schmitt’s analysis of kind-referring BSs in BrP by proposing that they rely on Chierchia’s Down operator (1998). The contrast between generic Bare Singulars and generic Definite Singulars, both of which are kind-referring, is explained based on Dobrovie-Sorin & Pires de Oliveira (2007).
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.20rod
217
230
14
Article
20
01
Aspect shift in stative verbs and their arguments
1
A01
Joshua Rodriguez
Rodriguez, Joshua
Joshua
Rodriguez
01
This paper offers an alternative explanation for coercion effects or ‘aspect shift’ with stative verbs in combination with the progressive or the aspectually specific and distinct Spanish past tenses. The account follows Rodriguez (2007) in exploiting lexical ambiguities to provide a richer set of VP Aktionsarten via normal compositional semantics. Crucially it is the addition of aspectually specific morphology that functions to filter out those VP interpretations which have incompatible Aktionsarten. The purported shifting effect therefore derives from one or another VP meaning (potentially including alternating NP denotations as well) in association with corresponding morphology via aspectual compatibility. The analysis provides a natural means for explaining why certain cases of ‘aspect shift’ do not occur, namely on the basis of the lack of the underlying semantic potentials of the words involved. The proposal investigates three cases in depth, with implied applicability to a broader range of examples.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.21pa5
231
232
2
Section header
21
01
Part 5. Psycholinguistics
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.22goo
233
248
16
Article
22
01
Experimenting with <i>wh</i>-movement in Spanish
1
A01
Grant Goodall
Goodall, Grant
Grant
Goodall
01
This paper provides evidence for an analysis of subject inversion in <i>wh</i>-questions in Spanish and demonstrates that techniques of experimental syntax play an important role in developing such analyses. The techniques used show that there is gradience in judgments of <i>wh</i>-questions depending on the nature of the filler and of the intervening subject. The facts fall out from the interplay of straightforward properties of the syntax (e.g. <i>wh</i>-movement, preverbal or postverbal placement of the subject) with straightforward properties of the processor (a common pool of limited resources to process <i>wh</i>-dependencies and establish discourse referents). The analysis predicts a correlation between the Overt Pronoun Rate in any given variety and the ability of a <i>wh</i>-dependency to tolerate an intervening subject, and the difference between Caribbean and mainland Latin American Spanish confirms this.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.23she
249
264
16
Article
23
01
How Spanish phonotactics informs psycholinuistic models of speech production
1
A01
Michael Shelton
Shelton, Michael
Michael
Shelton
Occidental College
2
A01
Chip Gerfen
Gerfen, Chip
Chip
Gerfen
The Pennsylvania State University
3
A01
Nicolás Gutiérrez Palma
Palma, Nicolás Gutiérrez
Nicolás Gutiérrez
Palma
Universidad de Jaén
01
This study emphasizes the importance of close examination of language-specific phonotactic patterns when testing models of language processing. The results of a delayed naming task testing native speakers’ reactions to nonwords containing licit vs. proscribed patterns of stress and syllable structure offer empirical data to inform models of speech production. While the findings generally support a postlexical locus of syllable-level encoding (Levelt et al. 1999), the data also pose challenges for this model. It is argued that the model must identify more clearly the locus of and the interaction between stress-level and syllable-level encoding. The findings also suggest that the self-monitoring system may track phonotactic patterns in addition to conceptual accuracy.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.24ind
265
266
2
Miscellaneous
24
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20100909
2010
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027248312
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
jbe-platform.com
09
WORLD
21
01
00
105.00
EUR
R
01
00
88.00
GBP
Z
01
gen
00
158.00
USD
S
66008113
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
CILT 313 Hb
15
9789027248312
13
2010022710
BB
01
CILT
02
0304-0763
Current Issues in Linguistic Theory
313
01
Romance Linguistics 2008
Interactions in Romance. Selected papers from the 38th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Urbana-Champaign, April 2008
01
cilt.313
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.313
1
B01
Karlos Arregi
Arregi, Karlos
Karlos
Arregi
University of Chicago
2
B01
Zsuzsanna Fagyal
Fagyal, Zsuzsanna
Zsuzsanna
Fagyal
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
3
B01
Silvina Montrul
Montrul, Silvina
Silvina
Montrul
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
4
B01
Annie Tremblay
Tremblay, Annie
Annie
Tremblay
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
01
eng
280
vii
266
LAN009000
v.2006
CF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
The sixteen papers here united have been selected from the 38th Linguistic Symposium of the Romance Languages held in Champaign-Urbana in 2008. The papers, whose authors include both well-known researchers and younger scholars, cover a broad and truly interdisciplinary range of topics in phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and their interfaces. Among the plethora of topics examined are stress in Quebec French, vowel deletion in Tuscan Italian, bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese, case in Romanian, and hiatus in Argentine Spanish. The volume’s novelty is to extend the traditional scope of linguistic inquiry to dynamic cognitive and societal connections between Romance and other languages, investigating, among others, how Spanish phonotactics informs psycholinguistic models of speech production, how bilinguals express subject pronouns in Chipilo contact Spanish relative to monolingual Mexican Spanish, and whether Spanish-speaking immigrants in Montreal acquire the constraints typical to natives in loanword adaptations.
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.313.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248312.jpg
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248312.tif
06
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.313.hb.png
07
09
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25
09
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https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.313.hb.png
27
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.313.hb.png
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.01ack
vii
viii
2
Miscellaneous
1
01
Acknowledgments
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.02int
1
6
6
Miscellaneous
2
01
Editors’ introduction
Interactions in Romance
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.03pa1
7
8
2
Section header
3
01
Part 1. Language contact and bilingualism
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.04bar
9
22
14
Article
4
01
Subject pronoun expression in bilinguals of two null subject languages
1
A01
Hilary Barnes
Barnes, Hilary
Hilary
Barnes
Fayetteville State University
01
This paper examines subject pronoun expression in the speech of Spanish-Veneto bilinguals in central Mexico. Non-target subject expression has been found among adult language learners, heritage speakers, and speakers undergoing L1 attrition. Such patterns have been variously attributed to transfer/interference and loss of discourse-pragmatic constraints, among other factors. The situation discussed here is unique in that both languages are null subject languages in an environment of sustained bilingualism. Drawing on a variationist analysis of naturalistic data, the present work reveals a marked increase in overall rates of pronoun expression in Chipilo contact Spanish relative to monolingual Mexican Spanish; however, the patterning of overt pronoun use is similar to that of monolingual varieties of Mexican Spanish. The increase is explained in terms of cognitive economy.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.05col
23
38
16
Article
5
01
Where are hiatuses left?
A comparative study of vocalic sequences in Argentine Spanish
1
A01
Laura Colantoni
Colantoni, Laura
Laura
Colantoni
University of Toronto
2
A01
Anna Limanni
Limanni, Anna
Anna
Limanni
University of Toronto
01
We investigate the realization of <i>i</i>V sequences in a contact (CV) and non-contact (NCV) variety of Argentine Spanish. We test the following hypotheses: (1) diphthongization is increasing in CV; (2) diphthongization is sensitive to the etymological origin of the sequence; (3) delateralization in CV is an attractor for diphthongization. Results only support (1) and (2). While hiatuses are more frequent in CV, both varieties share the pan-Hispanic preference for diphthongs. However, CV and NCV differ from each other and from Peninsular varieties in the environments where hiatuses are left: NCV maintains few exceptional hiatuses and CV is less sensitive to the etymological origin of the sequence. Additionally, CV and NCV differ in the realization of diphthongs and of the diphthong/hiatus contrast: CV diphthongs are more coarticulated with V2 and more clearly differentiated from hiatuses. Thus, we argue that different varieties exploit different coarticulatory strategies to achieve a similar percept.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.06fri
39
54
16
Article
6
01
Loanword adaptation in the French of Spanish-speaking immigrants in Montréal
1
A01
Michael L. Friesner
Friesner, Michael L.
Michael L.
Friesner
University of Quebec in Montreal
01
This paper examines the adaptation of rhotics in loanwords in French by Hispanophone and Francophone Montrealers, in order to investigate the linguistic integration of immigrant communities and the mutual influence of native and nonnative speakers on the outcome of borrowing. Multivariate analysis reveals that many factors govern the variation among the three possible variants. Immigrants have only acquired some of the constraints. Second-generation immigrants share the grammar of the larger community but resemble other Hispanophones in terms of the rates of use of each variant. The author concludes that both native and nonnative speakers influence the integration pattern of loanwords in particular ways.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.07pa2
55
56
2
Section header
7
01
Part 2. Phonology and interfaces
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.08gar
57
72
16
Article
8
01
Morphology and phonology of word-final vowel deletion in spoken Tuscan Italian
1
A01
Luigia Garrapa
Garrapa, Luigia
Luigia
Garrapa
Universität Konstanz
2
A01
Judith Meinschaefer
Meinschaefer, Judith
Judith
Meinschaefer
Università del Salento, Universität Würzburg
01
Italian elision consists in the optional deletion of the final vowel of a function word followed by a vowel-initial lexical word. The aim of the present study is to reach a better understanding of the interplay between phonology and morphology in Italian elision by analyzing a corpus of spoken Italian as well as by conducting an experimental study. The central claim is that two elision processes have to be distinguished, one that applies to determiners and is closer to categorical variation, to be analyzed in part as allomorphy, and another process that applies to pronouns and is closer to free variation. Italian elision is modeled in a simple optimality-theoretic constraint hierarchy: it is shown that the patterns of variation can be learned by the Gradual Learning Algorithm (Boersma & Hayes 2001), but only if two different grammars are learned for elision on determiners and on pronouns, respectively.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.09her
73
88
16
Article
9
01
Relativization, intonational phrases and rich left peripheries
1
A01
Simona Herdan
Herdan, Simona
Simona
Herdan
01
This paper provides an analysis of relativizer restrictions in relatives headed by bare quantifiers. I argue that the restriction arises from violations of the requirement to phonetically mark the edge of an intonational phrase. Consequently, the structural position of the relativizer determines grammaticality. I also show that the availability of D in the nominal domain has an effect on the relativizer choice.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.10ros
89
104
16
Article
10
01
Stress domain effects in French phonology and phonological development
1
A01
Yvan Rose
Rose, Yvan
Yvan
Rose
Memorial University of Newfoundland & Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen
2
A01
Christophe dos Santos
Santos, Christophe dos
Christophe
dos
Santos
Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen
01
In this paper, we discuss two distinct data sets. The first comes from the allophonic process of closed-syllable laxing in Québec French, which targets final (stressed) vowels even though these vowels should in theory be syllabified in open syllables in lexical representations (e.g. <i>lune</i> [Öly.n(6)]; *[Öly.n(6)]). The second is found in the forms produced by a first language learner of European French, who displays an asymmetry in her production of CVC versus CVCV target (adult) forms. The former displays full preservation (with concomitant manner harmony) of both consonants (e.g. <i>passe</i> --> [Öpat]). The latter undergoes deletion of the initial syllable if the consonants are not manner-harmonic in the input (e.g. <i>appétit</i> --> [piÖti] versus <i>tennis</i> --> [Öni]). We argue that both patterns can be explained in an approach that draws a formal distinction between phonological representation and phonetic implementation.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.11pa3
105
106
2
Section header
11
01
Part 3. Syntax and morphophonology
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.12ale
107
124
18
Article
12
01
Syntactic realizations of plural in Romance and Germanic nominalizations
1
A01
Artemis Alexiadou
Alexiadou, Artemis
Artemis
Alexiadou
2
A01
Gianina Iordachioaia
Iordachioaia, Gianina
Gianina
Iordachioaia
3
A01
Elena Soare
Soare, Elena
Elena
Soare
01
This paper offers a syntactic account for the various ways in which Plural is expressed within Argument-Supporting Nominals (ASNs) in Romance and Germanic. We first show, starting from Romanian data, that pluralization is connected to aspectual properties like (a)telicity and (un)boundedness. These properties may be realized under the syntactic category of verbal Aspect, that of nominal Number, or encoded by a [±count] features on the nominal category Classifier.We then support our theory with a comparison between the Romanian Infinitive/Supine and Spanish Nominal Infinitives (SNIs). The latter are fully nominal, but lack plural and we relate this to a [–count] feature in their Classifier. The comparison with English also shows the relevance of inner Aspect to nominalizations. The picture we get allows a better understanding of morphological and syntactic processes at work in nominalizations and of their nominal and verbal properties.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.13aus
125
138
14
Article
13
01
The syntax of Spanish <i>parecer</i> and the status of little <i>pro</i>
The
syntax of Spanish <i>parecer</i> and the status of little <i>pro</i>
1
A01
Adolfo Ausín
Ausín, Adolfo
Adolfo
Ausín
Michigan State University
01
The existence of a null argument in preverbal position in null subject sentences has been challenged in recent years. This paper presents new empirical evidence based on binding considerations in favor of a syntactically realized argument in preverbal position in null subject sentences. Using raising constructions such as those with the Spanish verb <i>parecer</i> ‘to seem’, I show that the null subject in raising constructions behaves as if in a preverbal position in the matrix sentence. The simplest explanation for this state of affairs is to assume that there is a <i>pro</i> in preverbal position.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.14cue
139
156
18
Article
14
01
Two types of (apparently) ditransitive light verb constructions
1
A01
Maria Cristina Cuervo
Cuervo, Maria Cristina
Maria Cristina
Cuervo
01
An analysis of Spanish ditransitive constructions with light verb <i>dar</i> reveals that despite surface similarity these constructions belong to two groups corresponding to distinct argument structures. While expressions like dar <i>permiso/ánimo</i> ‘give permission/encouragement’ correspond to double-object constructions, experiencer constructions like <i>dar miedo/envidia</i> ‘give fear/envy’ correspond to an unaccusative structure that patterns syntactically and semantically with configurations with psychological predicates of the <i>piacere/gustar</i> ‘like’ type. On the present account, the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of the construction –including subject properties of the dative, case, and restrictions on bare nouns– derive directly from the way sentences are built in the syntax, not from stipulations in lexical entries or linking rules. The proposal is extended to cover predicates formed with other light verbs (e.g., <i>ser</i> ‘be’, <i>parecer</i> ‘seem’, <i>resultar</i> ‘be’, <i>quedar</i> ‘remain’).
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.15dag
157
170
14
Article
15
01
Modal ellipsis in French, Spanish and Italian
Evidence for a TP-deletion analysis
1
A01
Anne Dagnac
Dagnac, Anne
Anne
Dagnac
01
French, Spanish and Italian, reputedly non-VP-ellipsis allowing languages, can display gaps after root modals. I argue that these gaps are instances of ellipsis, viewed as PF-deletion of a constituent. They indeed allow for A’-movement, which an alternative null proform analysis cannot capture. Yet, they differ from English VP-ellipsis, in particular wrt the kind of remnants they allow, their tolerance to voice mismatches, and by displaying a constraint on subjects in Antecedent Contained Deletion. I propose that these differences follow from the status of the modals in these languages and the size of the deleted structure, which is a TP in the three Romance languages vs a VP in English.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.16kat
171
184
14
Article
16
01
Optional prepositions in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
Mary Aizawa Kato
Kato, Mary Aizawa
Mary Aizawa
Kato
01
This paper discusses the phenomenon of preposition optionallity in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), starting from Bouchard’s (1981) observation that the preposition of a strictly subcategorized PP complement in French can be absent in the “chopping” type of relativization, though the same sort of “deletion” is ruled out in wh-questions, a contrast that leads him to propose that movement is absent in such relatives. My aim in this paper is (a) to show that this phenomenon is not restricted to relative clauses, (b) to propose a uniform analysis of preposition optionallity in several domains, (c) to argue that prepositions which encode inherent case are optional in the numeration, and (d) to claim that absence of the preposition involves only A’-positions, where the DP can have a “default” case. The paper ends up with a discussion on contrastive topicalization, assumed to be derived from VP-topicalization.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.17nev
185
200
16
Article
17
01
An apparent ‘number case constraint’ in Romanian
An
apparent ‘number case constraint’ in Romanian
The role of syncretism
1
A01
Andrew Nevins
Nevins, Andrew
Andrew
Nevins
NYU
2
A01
Oana Savescu
Savescu, Oana
Oana
Savescu
NYU
01
Romanian pronominal plural clitics differ from their singular clitic counterparts in that they exhibit dative-accusative case syncretism. This contrast correlates with an asymmetry in the combinatorial possibilities of plural vs singular clitics: namely, plural clitics in direct object position in Romanian affect the acceptability of clitic clusters, as confirmed in quantitative acceptability judgements with multiple informants. Rather than invoking a new ‘Number Case Constraint’ governing the distribution of clitics, we link the Romanian data to familiar facts from Leísta dialects of Spanish, which manifest case syncretism between dative and animate accusative 3rd person clitics. We implement the fact that 1st and 2nd person plural clitics in Romanian are case-syncretic by implicationally marking them as inherently [+animate] in the syntax. The severe degradation in acceptability of clusters with direct object plural clitics is accounted for by following aspects of Adger & Harbour’s (2007) proposal for the connection between syncretism and the Person Case Constraint.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.18pa4
201
202
2
Section header
18
01
Part 4. Semantics and morphology
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.19dob
203
216
14
Article
19
01
Generic bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin
Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen
Carmen
Dobrovie-Sorin
2
A01
Roberta Pires De Oliveira
Pires De Oliveira, Roberta
Roberta
Pires De Oliveira
01
The analysis of the generic readings of Bare Singulars in Brazilian Portuguese is controversial: for Munn & Schmitt (1999, 2005) and Schmitt & Munn (2002) generic Bare Singulars are names of kinds, whereas for Müller (2002) they are indefinites bound by a generic operator. This paper provides two arguments against Müller: (i) relying on a detailed corpus study by Pires de Oliveira <i>et al.</i> (2007), we argue that Müller’s judgments are not shared by all speakers of Brazilian Portuguese; (ii) we provide theoretical and crosslinguistic evidence against analyzing generic Bare Singulars as indefinites bound by a generic operator. We make explicit Munn & Schmitt’s analysis of kind-referring BSs in BrP by proposing that they rely on Chierchia’s Down operator (1998). The contrast between generic Bare Singulars and generic Definite Singulars, both of which are kind-referring, is explained based on Dobrovie-Sorin & Pires de Oliveira (2007).
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.20rod
217
230
14
Article
20
01
Aspect shift in stative verbs and their arguments
1
A01
Joshua Rodriguez
Rodriguez, Joshua
Joshua
Rodriguez
01
This paper offers an alternative explanation for coercion effects or ‘aspect shift’ with stative verbs in combination with the progressive or the aspectually specific and distinct Spanish past tenses. The account follows Rodriguez (2007) in exploiting lexical ambiguities to provide a richer set of VP Aktionsarten via normal compositional semantics. Crucially it is the addition of aspectually specific morphology that functions to filter out those VP interpretations which have incompatible Aktionsarten. The purported shifting effect therefore derives from one or another VP meaning (potentially including alternating NP denotations as well) in association with corresponding morphology via aspectual compatibility. The analysis provides a natural means for explaining why certain cases of ‘aspect shift’ do not occur, namely on the basis of the lack of the underlying semantic potentials of the words involved. The proposal investigates three cases in depth, with implied applicability to a broader range of examples.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.21pa5
231
232
2
Section header
21
01
Part 5. Psycholinguistics
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.22goo
233
248
16
Article
22
01
Experimenting with <i>wh</i>-movement in Spanish
1
A01
Grant Goodall
Goodall, Grant
Grant
Goodall
01
This paper provides evidence for an analysis of subject inversion in <i>wh</i>-questions in Spanish and demonstrates that techniques of experimental syntax play an important role in developing such analyses. The techniques used show that there is gradience in judgments of <i>wh</i>-questions depending on the nature of the filler and of the intervening subject. The facts fall out from the interplay of straightforward properties of the syntax (e.g. <i>wh</i>-movement, preverbal or postverbal placement of the subject) with straightforward properties of the processor (a common pool of limited resources to process <i>wh</i>-dependencies and establish discourse referents). The analysis predicts a correlation between the Overt Pronoun Rate in any given variety and the ability of a <i>wh</i>-dependency to tolerate an intervening subject, and the difference between Caribbean and mainland Latin American Spanish confirms this.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.23she
249
264
16
Article
23
01
How Spanish phonotactics informs psycholinuistic models of speech production
1
A01
Michael Shelton
Shelton, Michael
Michael
Shelton
Occidental College
2
A01
Chip Gerfen
Gerfen, Chip
Chip
Gerfen
The Pennsylvania State University
3
A01
Nicolás Gutiérrez Palma
Palma, Nicolás Gutiérrez
Nicolás Gutiérrez
Palma
Universidad de Jaén
01
This study emphasizes the importance of close examination of language-specific phonotactic patterns when testing models of language processing. The results of a delayed naming task testing native speakers’ reactions to nonwords containing licit vs. proscribed patterns of stress and syllable structure offer empirical data to inform models of speech production. While the findings generally support a postlexical locus of syllable-level encoding (Levelt et al. 1999), the data also pose challenges for this model. It is argued that the model must identify more clearly the locus of and the interaction between stress-level and syllable-level encoding. The findings also suggest that the self-monitoring system may track phonotactic patterns in addition to conceptual accuracy.
10
01
JB code
cilt.313.24ind
265
266
2
Miscellaneous
24
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
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