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82008114 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 313 Eb 15 9789027287878 06 10.1075/cilt.313 13 2010022710 DG 002 02 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 313 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance Linguistics 2008</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Interactions in Romance. Selected papers from the 38th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Urbana-Champaign, April 2008</Subtitle> 01 cilt.313 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.313 1 B01 Karlos Arregi Arregi, Karlos Karlos Arregi University of Chicago 2 B01 Zsuzsanna Fagyal Fagyal, Zsuzsanna Zsuzsanna Fagyal University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 3 B01 Silvina Montrul Montrul, Silvina Silvina Montrul University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 4 B01 Annie Tremblay Tremblay, Annie Annie Tremblay University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 01 eng 280 vii 266 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The sixteen papers here united have been selected from the 38th Linguistic Symposium of the Romance Languages held in Champaign-Urbana in 2008. The papers, whose authors include both well-known researchers and younger scholars, cover a broad and truly interdisciplinary range of topics in phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and their interfaces. Among the plethora of topics examined are stress in Quebec French, vowel deletion in Tuscan Italian, bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese, case in Romanian, and hiatus in Argentine Spanish. The volume’s novelty is to extend the traditional scope of linguistic inquiry to dynamic cognitive and societal connections between Romance and other languages, investigating, among others, how Spanish phonotactics informs psycholinguistic models of speech production, how bilinguals express subject pronouns in Chipilo contact Spanish relative to monolingual Mexican Spanish, and whether Spanish-speaking immigrants in Montreal acquire the constraints typical to natives in loanword adaptations. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.313.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248312.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248312.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.313.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.313.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.313.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.313.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.313.01ack vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acknowledgments</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.02int 1 6 6 Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Editors&#8217; introduction</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Interactions in Romance</Subtitle> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.03pa1 7 8 2 Section header 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 1. Language contact and bilingualism</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.04bar 9 22 14 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject pronoun expression in bilinguals of two null subject languages</TitleText> 1 A01 Hilary Barnes Barnes, Hilary Hilary Barnes Fayetteville State University 01 This paper examines subject pronoun expression in the speech of Spanish-Veneto bilinguals in central Mexico. Non-target subject expression has been found among adult language learners, heritage speakers, and speakers undergoing L1 attrition. Such patterns have been variously attributed to transfer/interference and loss of discourse-pragmatic constraints, among other factors. The situation discussed here is unique in that both languages are null subject languages in an environment of sustained bilingualism. Drawing on a variationist analysis of naturalistic data, the present work reveals a marked increase in overall rates of pronoun expression in Chipilo contact Spanish relative to monolingual Mexican Spanish; however, the patterning of overt pronoun use is similar to that of monolingual varieties of Mexican Spanish. The increase is explained in terms of cognitive economy. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.05col 23 38 16 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Where are hiatuses left?</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A comparative study of vocalic sequences in Argentine Spanish</Subtitle> 1 A01 Laura Colantoni Colantoni, Laura Laura Colantoni University of Toronto 2 A01 Anna Limanni Limanni, Anna Anna Limanni University of Toronto 01 We investigate the realization of <i>i</i>V sequences in a contact (CV) and non-contact (NCV) variety of Argentine Spanish. We test the following hypotheses: (1) diphthongization is increasing in CV; (2) diphthongization is sensitive to the etymological origin of the sequence; (3) delateralization in CV is an attractor for diphthongization. Results only support (1) and (2). While hiatuses are more frequent in CV, both varieties share the pan-Hispanic preference for diphthongs. However, CV and NCV differ from each other and from Peninsular varieties in the environments where hiatuses are left: NCV maintains few exceptional hiatuses and CV is less sensitive to the etymological origin of the sequence. Additionally, CV and NCV differ in the realization of diphthongs and of the diphthong/hiatus contrast: CV diphthongs are more coarticulated with V2 and more clearly differentiated from hiatuses. Thus, we argue that different varieties exploit different coarticulatory strategies to achieve a similar percept. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.06fri 39 54 16 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Loanword adaptation in the French of Spanish-speaking immigrants in Montr&#233;al</TitleText> 1 A01 Michael L. Friesner Friesner, Michael L. Michael L. Friesner University of Quebec in Montreal 01 This paper examines the adaptation of rhotics in loanwords in French by Hispanophone and Francophone Montrealers, in order to investigate the linguistic integration of immigrant communities and the mutual influence of native and nonnative speakers on the outcome of borrowing. Multivariate analysis reveals that many factors govern the variation among the three possible variants. Immigrants have only acquired some of the constraints. Second-generation immigrants share the grammar of the larger community but resemble other Hispanophones in terms of the rates of use of each variant. The author concludes that both native and nonnative speakers influence the integration pattern of loanwords in particular ways. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.07pa2 55 56 2 Section header 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 2. Phonology and interfaces</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.08gar 57 72 16 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Morphology and phonology of word-final vowel deletion in spoken Tuscan Italian</TitleText> 1 A01 Luigia Garrapa Garrapa, Luigia Luigia Garrapa Universität Konstanz 2 A01 Judith Meinschaefer Meinschaefer, Judith Judith Meinschaefer Università del Salento, Universität Würzburg 01 Italian elision consists in the optional deletion of the final vowel of a function word followed by a vowel-initial lexical word. The aim of the present study is to reach a better understanding of the interplay between phonology and morphology in Italian elision by analyzing a corpus of spoken Italian as well as by conducting an experimental study. The central claim is that two elision processes have to be distinguished, one that applies to determiners and is closer to categorical variation, to be analyzed in part as allomorphy, and another process that applies to pronouns and is closer to free variation. Italian elision is modeled in a simple optimality-theoretic constraint hierarchy: it is shown that the patterns of variation can be learned by the Gradual Learning Algorithm (Boersma &amp; Hayes 2001), but only if two different grammars are learned for elision on determiners and on pronouns, respectively. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.09her 73 88 16 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Relativization, intonational phrases and rich left peripheries</TitleText> 1 A01 Simona Herdan Herdan, Simona Simona Herdan 01 This paper provides an analysis of relativizer restrictions in relatives headed by bare quantifiers. I argue that the restriction arises from violations of the requirement to phonetically mark the edge of an intonational phrase. Consequently, the structural position of the relativizer determines grammaticality. I also show that the availability of D in the nominal domain has an effect on the relativizer choice. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.10ros 89 104 16 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Stress domain effects in French phonology and phonological development</TitleText> 1 A01 Yvan Rose Rose, Yvan Yvan Rose Memorial University of Newfoundland & Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen 2 A01 Christophe dos Santos Santos, Christophe dos Christophe dos Santos Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen 01 In this paper, we discuss two distinct data sets. The first comes from the allophonic process of closed-syllable laxing in Qu&#233;bec French, which targets final (stressed) vowels even though these vowels should in theory be syllabified in open syllables in lexical representations (e.g.&#160;<i>lune</i> [&#214;ly.n(6)]; *[&#214;ly.n(6)]). The second is found in the forms produced by a first language learner of European French, who displays an asymmetry in her production of CVC versus CVCV target (adult) forms. The former displays full preservation (with concomitant manner harmony) of both consonants (e.g.&#160;<i>passe</i> --> [&#214;pat]). The latter undergoes deletion of the initial syllable if the consonants are not manner-harmonic in the input (e.g.&#160;<i>app&#233;tit</i> --> [pi&#214;ti] versus <i>tennis</i> --> [&#214;ni]). We argue that both patterns can be explained in an approach that draws a formal distinction between phonological representation and phonetic implementation. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.11pa3 105 106 2 Section header 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 3. Syntax and morphophonology</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.12ale 107 124 18 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Syntactic realizations of plural in Romance and Germanic nominalizations</TitleText> 1 A01 Artemis Alexiadou Alexiadou, Artemis Artemis Alexiadou 2 A01 Gianina Iordachioaia Iordachioaia, Gianina Gianina Iordachioaia 3 A01 Elena Soare Soare, Elena Elena Soare 01 This paper offers a syntactic account for the various ways in which Plural is expressed within Argument-Supporting Nominals (ASNs) in Romance and Germanic. We first show, starting from Romanian data, that pluralization is connected to aspectual properties like (a)telicity and (un)boundedness. These properties may be realized under the syntactic category of verbal Aspect, that of nominal Number, or encoded by a [&#177;count] features on the nominal category Classifier.We then support our theory with a comparison between the Romanian Infinitive/Supine and Spanish Nominal Infinitives (SNIs). The latter are fully nominal, but lack plural and we relate this to a [&#8211;count] feature in their Classifier. The comparison with English also shows the relevance of inner Aspect to nominalizations. The picture we get allows a better understanding of morphological and syntactic processes at work in nominalizations and of their nominal and verbal properties. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.13aus 125 138 14 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The syntax of Spanish <i>parecer</i> and the status of little <i>pro</i></TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">syntax of Spanish <i>parecer</i> and the status of little <i>pro</i></TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Adolfo Ausín Ausín, Adolfo Adolfo Ausín Michigan State University 01 The existence of a null argument in preverbal position in null subject sentences has been challenged in recent years. This paper presents new empirical evidence based on binding considerations in favor of a syntactically realized argument in preverbal position in null subject sentences. Using raising constructions such as those with the Spanish verb <i>parecer</i> &#8216;to seem&#8217;, I show that the null subject in raising constructions behaves as if in a preverbal position in the matrix sentence. The simplest explanation for this state of affairs is to assume that there is a <i>pro</i> in preverbal position. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.14cue 139 156 18 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Two types of (apparently) ditransitive light verb constructions</TitleText> 1 A01 Maria Cristina Cuervo Cuervo, Maria Cristina Maria Cristina Cuervo 01 An analysis of Spanish ditransitive constructions with light verb <i>dar</i> reveals that despite surface similarity these constructions belong to two groups corresponding to distinct argument structures. While expressions like dar <i>permiso/&#225;nimo</i> &#8216;give permission/encouragement&#8217; correspond to double-object constructions, experiencer constructions like <i>dar miedo/envidia</i> &#8216;give fear/envy&#8217; correspond to an unaccusative structure that patterns syntactically and semantically with configurations with psychological predicates of the <i>piacere/gustar</i> &#8216;like&#8217; type. On the present account, the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of the construction &#8211;including subject properties of the dative, case, and restrictions on bare nouns&#8211; derive directly from the way sentences are built in the syntax, not from stipulations in lexical entries or linking rules. The proposal is extended to cover predicates formed with other light verbs (e.g., <i>ser</i> &#8216;be&#8217;, <i>parecer</i> &#8216;seem&#8217;, <i>resultar</i> &#8216;be&#8217;, <i>quedar</i> &#8216;remain&#8217;). 10 01 JB code cilt.313.15dag 157 170 14 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Modal ellipsis in French, Spanish and Italian</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Evidence for a TP-deletion analysis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anne Dagnac Dagnac, Anne Anne Dagnac 01 French, Spanish and Italian, reputedly non-VP-ellipsis allowing languages, can display gaps after root modals. I argue that these gaps are instances of ellipsis, viewed as PF-deletion of a constituent. They indeed allow for A&#8217;-movement, which an alternative null proform analysis cannot capture. Yet, they differ from English VP-ellipsis, in particular wrt the kind of remnants they allow, their tolerance to voice mismatches, and by displaying a constraint on subjects in Antecedent Contained Deletion. I propose that these differences follow from the status of the modals in these languages and the size of the deleted structure, which is a TP in the three Romance languages vs a VP in English. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.16kat 171 184 14 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Optional prepositions in Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 Mary Aizawa Kato Kato, Mary Aizawa Mary Aizawa Kato 01 This paper discusses the phenomenon of preposition optionallity in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), starting from Bouchard&#8217;s (1981) observation that the preposition of a strictly subcategorized PP complement in French can be absent in the &#8220;chopping&#8221; type of relativization, though the same sort of &#8220;deletion&#8221; is ruled out in wh-questions, a contrast that leads him to propose that movement is absent in such relatives. My aim in this paper is (a) to show that this phenomenon is not restricted to relative clauses, (b) to propose a uniform analysis of preposition optionallity in several domains, (c) to argue that prepositions which encode inherent case are optional in the numeration, and (d) to claim that absence of the preposition involves only A&#8217;-positions, where the DP can have a &#8220;default&#8221; case. The paper ends up with a discussion on contrastive topicalization, assumed to be derived from VP-topicalization. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.17nev 185 200 16 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">An apparent &#8216;number case constraint&#8217; in Romanian</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>An </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">apparent &#8216;number case constraint&#8217; in Romanian</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">The role of syncretism</Subtitle> 1 A01 Andrew Nevins Nevins, Andrew Andrew Nevins NYU 2 A01 Oana Savescu Savescu, Oana Oana Savescu NYU 01 Romanian pronominal plural clitics differ from their singular clitic counterparts in that they exhibit dative-accusative case syncretism. This contrast correlates with an asymmetry in the combinatorial possibilities of plural vs singular clitics: namely, plural clitics in direct object position in Romanian affect the acceptability of clitic clusters, as confirmed in quantitative acceptability judgements with multiple informants. Rather than invoking a new &#8216;Number Case Constraint&#8217; governing the distribution of clitics, we link the Romanian data to familiar facts from Le&#237;sta dialects of Spanish, which manifest case syncretism between dative and animate accusative 3rd person clitics. We implement the fact that 1st and 2nd person plural clitics in Romanian are case-syncretic by implicationally marking them as inherently [+animate] in the syntax. The severe degradation in acceptability of clusters with direct object plural clitics is accounted for by following aspects of Adger &amp; Harbour&#8217;s (2007) proposal for the connection between syncretism and the Person Case Constraint. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.18pa4 201 202 2 Section header 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 4. Semantics and morphology</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.19dob 203 216 14 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Generic bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin 2 A01 Roberta Pires De Oliveira Pires De Oliveira, Roberta Roberta Pires De Oliveira 01 The analysis of the generic readings of Bare Singulars in Brazilian Portuguese is controversial: for Munn &amp; Schmitt (1999, 2005) and Schmitt &amp; Munn (2002) generic Bare Singulars are names of kinds, whereas for M&#252;ller (2002) they are indefinites bound by a generic operator. This paper provides two arguments against M&#252;ller: (i) relying on a detailed corpus study by Pires de Oliveira <i>et al.</i> (2007), we argue that M&#252;ller&#8217;s judgments are not shared by all speakers of Brazilian Portuguese; (ii) we provide theoretical and crosslinguistic evidence against analyzing generic Bare Singulars as indefinites bound by a generic operator. We make explicit Munn &amp; Schmitt&#8217;s analysis of kind-referring BSs in BrP by proposing that they rely on Chierchia&#8217;s Down operator (1998). The contrast between generic Bare Singulars and generic Definite Singulars, both of which are kind-referring, is explained based on Dobrovie-Sorin &amp; Pires de Oliveira (2007). 10 01 JB code cilt.313.20rod 217 230 14 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Aspect shift in stative verbs and their arguments</TitleText> 1 A01 Joshua Rodriguez Rodriguez, Joshua Joshua Rodriguez 01 This paper offers an alternative explanation for coercion effects or &#8216;aspect shift&#8217; with stative verbs in combination with the progressive or the aspectually specific and distinct Spanish past tenses. The account follows Rodriguez (2007) in exploiting lexical ambiguities to provide a richer set of VP Aktionsarten via normal compositional semantics. Crucially it is the addition of aspectually specific morphology that functions to filter out those VP interpretations which have incompatible Aktionsarten. The purported shifting effect therefore derives from one or another VP meaning (potentially including alternating NP denotations as well) in association with corresponding morphology via aspectual compatibility. The analysis provides a natural means for explaining why certain cases of &#8216;aspect shift&#8217; do not occur, namely on the basis of the lack of the underlying semantic potentials of the words involved. The proposal investigates three cases in depth, with implied applicability to a broader range of examples. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.21pa5 231 232 2 Section header 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 5. Psycholinguistics</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.22goo 233 248 16 Article 22 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Experimenting with <i>wh</i>-movement in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Grant Goodall Goodall, Grant Grant Goodall 01 This paper provides evidence for an analysis of subject inversion in <i>wh</i>-questions in Spanish and demonstrates that techniques of experimental syntax play an important role in developing such analyses. The techniques used show that there is gradience in judgments of <i>wh</i>-questions depending on the nature of the filler and of the intervening subject. The facts fall out from the interplay of straightforward properties of the syntax (e.g.&#160;<i>wh</i>-movement, preverbal or postverbal placement of the subject) with straightforward properties of the processor (a common pool of limited resources to process <i>wh</i>-dependencies and establish discourse referents). The analysis predicts a correlation between the Overt Pronoun Rate in any given variety and the ability of a <i>wh</i>-dependency to tolerate an intervening subject, and the difference between Caribbean and mainland Latin American Spanish confirms this. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.23she 249 264 16 Article 23 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">How Spanish phonotactics informs psycholinuistic models of speech production</TitleText> 1 A01 Michael Shelton Shelton, Michael Michael Shelton Occidental College 2 A01 Chip Gerfen Gerfen, Chip Chip Gerfen The Pennsylvania State University 3 A01 Nicolás Gutiérrez Palma Palma, Nicolás Gutiérrez Nicolás Gutiérrez Palma Universidad de Jaén 01 This study emphasizes the importance of close examination of language-specific phonotactic patterns when testing models of language processing. The results of a delayed naming task testing native speakers&#8217; reactions to nonwords containing licit vs. proscribed patterns of stress and syllable structure offer empirical data to inform models of speech production. While the findings generally support a postlexical locus of syllable-level encoding (Levelt et al. 1999), the data also pose challenges for this model. It is argued that the model must identify more clearly the locus of and the interaction between stress-level and syllable-level encoding. The findings also suggest that the self-monitoring system may track phonotactic patterns in addition to conceptual accuracy. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.24ind 265 266 2 Miscellaneous 24 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20100909 2010 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027248312 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 105.00 EUR R 01 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 158.00 USD S 66008113 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 313 Hb 15 9789027248312 13 2010022710 BB 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 313 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance Linguistics 2008</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Interactions in Romance. Selected papers from the 38th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Urbana-Champaign, April 2008</Subtitle> 01 cilt.313 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.313 1 B01 Karlos Arregi Arregi, Karlos Karlos Arregi University of Chicago 2 B01 Zsuzsanna Fagyal Fagyal, Zsuzsanna Zsuzsanna Fagyal University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 3 B01 Silvina Montrul Montrul, Silvina Silvina Montrul University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 4 B01 Annie Tremblay Tremblay, Annie Annie Tremblay University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 01 eng 280 vii 266 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The sixteen papers here united have been selected from the 38th Linguistic Symposium of the Romance Languages held in Champaign-Urbana in 2008. The papers, whose authors include both well-known researchers and younger scholars, cover a broad and truly interdisciplinary range of topics in phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and their interfaces. Among the plethora of topics examined are stress in Quebec French, vowel deletion in Tuscan Italian, bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese, case in Romanian, and hiatus in Argentine Spanish. The volume’s novelty is to extend the traditional scope of linguistic inquiry to dynamic cognitive and societal connections between Romance and other languages, investigating, among others, how Spanish phonotactics informs psycholinguistic models of speech production, how bilinguals express subject pronouns in Chipilo contact Spanish relative to monolingual Mexican Spanish, and whether Spanish-speaking immigrants in Montreal acquire the constraints typical to natives in loanword adaptations. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.313.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248312.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248312.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.313.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.313.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.313.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.313.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.313.01ack vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acknowledgments</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.02int 1 6 6 Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Editors&#8217; introduction</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Interactions in Romance</Subtitle> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.03pa1 7 8 2 Section header 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 1. Language contact and bilingualism</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.04bar 9 22 14 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject pronoun expression in bilinguals of two null subject languages</TitleText> 1 A01 Hilary Barnes Barnes, Hilary Hilary Barnes Fayetteville State University 01 This paper examines subject pronoun expression in the speech of Spanish-Veneto bilinguals in central Mexico. Non-target subject expression has been found among adult language learners, heritage speakers, and speakers undergoing L1 attrition. Such patterns have been variously attributed to transfer/interference and loss of discourse-pragmatic constraints, among other factors. The situation discussed here is unique in that both languages are null subject languages in an environment of sustained bilingualism. Drawing on a variationist analysis of naturalistic data, the present work reveals a marked increase in overall rates of pronoun expression in Chipilo contact Spanish relative to monolingual Mexican Spanish; however, the patterning of overt pronoun use is similar to that of monolingual varieties of Mexican Spanish. The increase is explained in terms of cognitive economy. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.05col 23 38 16 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Where are hiatuses left?</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A comparative study of vocalic sequences in Argentine Spanish</Subtitle> 1 A01 Laura Colantoni Colantoni, Laura Laura Colantoni University of Toronto 2 A01 Anna Limanni Limanni, Anna Anna Limanni University of Toronto 01 We investigate the realization of <i>i</i>V sequences in a contact (CV) and non-contact (NCV) variety of Argentine Spanish. We test the following hypotheses: (1) diphthongization is increasing in CV; (2) diphthongization is sensitive to the etymological origin of the sequence; (3) delateralization in CV is an attractor for diphthongization. Results only support (1) and (2). While hiatuses are more frequent in CV, both varieties share the pan-Hispanic preference for diphthongs. However, CV and NCV differ from each other and from Peninsular varieties in the environments where hiatuses are left: NCV maintains few exceptional hiatuses and CV is less sensitive to the etymological origin of the sequence. Additionally, CV and NCV differ in the realization of diphthongs and of the diphthong/hiatus contrast: CV diphthongs are more coarticulated with V2 and more clearly differentiated from hiatuses. Thus, we argue that different varieties exploit different coarticulatory strategies to achieve a similar percept. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.06fri 39 54 16 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Loanword adaptation in the French of Spanish-speaking immigrants in Montr&#233;al</TitleText> 1 A01 Michael L. Friesner Friesner, Michael L. Michael L. Friesner University of Quebec in Montreal 01 This paper examines the adaptation of rhotics in loanwords in French by Hispanophone and Francophone Montrealers, in order to investigate the linguistic integration of immigrant communities and the mutual influence of native and nonnative speakers on the outcome of borrowing. Multivariate analysis reveals that many factors govern the variation among the three possible variants. Immigrants have only acquired some of the constraints. Second-generation immigrants share the grammar of the larger community but resemble other Hispanophones in terms of the rates of use of each variant. The author concludes that both native and nonnative speakers influence the integration pattern of loanwords in particular ways. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.07pa2 55 56 2 Section header 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 2. Phonology and interfaces</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.08gar 57 72 16 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Morphology and phonology of word-final vowel deletion in spoken Tuscan Italian</TitleText> 1 A01 Luigia Garrapa Garrapa, Luigia Luigia Garrapa Universität Konstanz 2 A01 Judith Meinschaefer Meinschaefer, Judith Judith Meinschaefer Università del Salento, Universität Würzburg 01 Italian elision consists in the optional deletion of the final vowel of a function word followed by a vowel-initial lexical word. The aim of the present study is to reach a better understanding of the interplay between phonology and morphology in Italian elision by analyzing a corpus of spoken Italian as well as by conducting an experimental study. The central claim is that two elision processes have to be distinguished, one that applies to determiners and is closer to categorical variation, to be analyzed in part as allomorphy, and another process that applies to pronouns and is closer to free variation. Italian elision is modeled in a simple optimality-theoretic constraint hierarchy: it is shown that the patterns of variation can be learned by the Gradual Learning Algorithm (Boersma &amp; Hayes 2001), but only if two different grammars are learned for elision on determiners and on pronouns, respectively. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.09her 73 88 16 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Relativization, intonational phrases and rich left peripheries</TitleText> 1 A01 Simona Herdan Herdan, Simona Simona Herdan 01 This paper provides an analysis of relativizer restrictions in relatives headed by bare quantifiers. I argue that the restriction arises from violations of the requirement to phonetically mark the edge of an intonational phrase. Consequently, the structural position of the relativizer determines grammaticality. I also show that the availability of D in the nominal domain has an effect on the relativizer choice. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.10ros 89 104 16 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Stress domain effects in French phonology and phonological development</TitleText> 1 A01 Yvan Rose Rose, Yvan Yvan Rose Memorial University of Newfoundland & Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen 2 A01 Christophe dos Santos Santos, Christophe dos Christophe dos Santos Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen 01 In this paper, we discuss two distinct data sets. The first comes from the allophonic process of closed-syllable laxing in Qu&#233;bec French, which targets final (stressed) vowels even though these vowels should in theory be syllabified in open syllables in lexical representations (e.g.&#160;<i>lune</i> [&#214;ly.n(6)]; *[&#214;ly.n(6)]). The second is found in the forms produced by a first language learner of European French, who displays an asymmetry in her production of CVC versus CVCV target (adult) forms. The former displays full preservation (with concomitant manner harmony) of both consonants (e.g.&#160;<i>passe</i> --> [&#214;pat]). The latter undergoes deletion of the initial syllable if the consonants are not manner-harmonic in the input (e.g.&#160;<i>app&#233;tit</i> --> [pi&#214;ti] versus <i>tennis</i> --> [&#214;ni]). We argue that both patterns can be explained in an approach that draws a formal distinction between phonological representation and phonetic implementation. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.11pa3 105 106 2 Section header 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 3. Syntax and morphophonology</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.12ale 107 124 18 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Syntactic realizations of plural in Romance and Germanic nominalizations</TitleText> 1 A01 Artemis Alexiadou Alexiadou, Artemis Artemis Alexiadou 2 A01 Gianina Iordachioaia Iordachioaia, Gianina Gianina Iordachioaia 3 A01 Elena Soare Soare, Elena Elena Soare 01 This paper offers a syntactic account for the various ways in which Plural is expressed within Argument-Supporting Nominals (ASNs) in Romance and Germanic. We first show, starting from Romanian data, that pluralization is connected to aspectual properties like (a)telicity and (un)boundedness. These properties may be realized under the syntactic category of verbal Aspect, that of nominal Number, or encoded by a [&#177;count] features on the nominal category Classifier.We then support our theory with a comparison between the Romanian Infinitive/Supine and Spanish Nominal Infinitives (SNIs). The latter are fully nominal, but lack plural and we relate this to a [&#8211;count] feature in their Classifier. The comparison with English also shows the relevance of inner Aspect to nominalizations. The picture we get allows a better understanding of morphological and syntactic processes at work in nominalizations and of their nominal and verbal properties. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.13aus 125 138 14 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The syntax of Spanish <i>parecer</i> and the status of little <i>pro</i></TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">syntax of Spanish <i>parecer</i> and the status of little <i>pro</i></TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Adolfo Ausín Ausín, Adolfo Adolfo Ausín Michigan State University 01 The existence of a null argument in preverbal position in null subject sentences has been challenged in recent years. This paper presents new empirical evidence based on binding considerations in favor of a syntactically realized argument in preverbal position in null subject sentences. Using raising constructions such as those with the Spanish verb <i>parecer</i> &#8216;to seem&#8217;, I show that the null subject in raising constructions behaves as if in a preverbal position in the matrix sentence. The simplest explanation for this state of affairs is to assume that there is a <i>pro</i> in preverbal position. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.14cue 139 156 18 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Two types of (apparently) ditransitive light verb constructions</TitleText> 1 A01 Maria Cristina Cuervo Cuervo, Maria Cristina Maria Cristina Cuervo 01 An analysis of Spanish ditransitive constructions with light verb <i>dar</i> reveals that despite surface similarity these constructions belong to two groups corresponding to distinct argument structures. While expressions like dar <i>permiso/&#225;nimo</i> &#8216;give permission/encouragement&#8217; correspond to double-object constructions, experiencer constructions like <i>dar miedo/envidia</i> &#8216;give fear/envy&#8217; correspond to an unaccusative structure that patterns syntactically and semantically with configurations with psychological predicates of the <i>piacere/gustar</i> &#8216;like&#8217; type. On the present account, the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of the construction &#8211;including subject properties of the dative, case, and restrictions on bare nouns&#8211; derive directly from the way sentences are built in the syntax, not from stipulations in lexical entries or linking rules. The proposal is extended to cover predicates formed with other light verbs (e.g., <i>ser</i> &#8216;be&#8217;, <i>parecer</i> &#8216;seem&#8217;, <i>resultar</i> &#8216;be&#8217;, <i>quedar</i> &#8216;remain&#8217;). 10 01 JB code cilt.313.15dag 157 170 14 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Modal ellipsis in French, Spanish and Italian</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Evidence for a TP-deletion analysis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anne Dagnac Dagnac, Anne Anne Dagnac 01 French, Spanish and Italian, reputedly non-VP-ellipsis allowing languages, can display gaps after root modals. I argue that these gaps are instances of ellipsis, viewed as PF-deletion of a constituent. They indeed allow for A&#8217;-movement, which an alternative null proform analysis cannot capture. Yet, they differ from English VP-ellipsis, in particular wrt the kind of remnants they allow, their tolerance to voice mismatches, and by displaying a constraint on subjects in Antecedent Contained Deletion. I propose that these differences follow from the status of the modals in these languages and the size of the deleted structure, which is a TP in the three Romance languages vs a VP in English. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.16kat 171 184 14 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Optional prepositions in Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 Mary Aizawa Kato Kato, Mary Aizawa Mary Aizawa Kato 01 This paper discusses the phenomenon of preposition optionallity in Brazilian Portuguese (BP), starting from Bouchard&#8217;s (1981) observation that the preposition of a strictly subcategorized PP complement in French can be absent in the &#8220;chopping&#8221; type of relativization, though the same sort of &#8220;deletion&#8221; is ruled out in wh-questions, a contrast that leads him to propose that movement is absent in such relatives. My aim in this paper is (a) to show that this phenomenon is not restricted to relative clauses, (b) to propose a uniform analysis of preposition optionallity in several domains, (c) to argue that prepositions which encode inherent case are optional in the numeration, and (d) to claim that absence of the preposition involves only A&#8217;-positions, where the DP can have a &#8220;default&#8221; case. The paper ends up with a discussion on contrastive topicalization, assumed to be derived from VP-topicalization. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.17nev 185 200 16 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">An apparent &#8216;number case constraint&#8217; in Romanian</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>An </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">apparent &#8216;number case constraint&#8217; in Romanian</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">The role of syncretism</Subtitle> 1 A01 Andrew Nevins Nevins, Andrew Andrew Nevins NYU 2 A01 Oana Savescu Savescu, Oana Oana Savescu NYU 01 Romanian pronominal plural clitics differ from their singular clitic counterparts in that they exhibit dative-accusative case syncretism. This contrast correlates with an asymmetry in the combinatorial possibilities of plural vs singular clitics: namely, plural clitics in direct object position in Romanian affect the acceptability of clitic clusters, as confirmed in quantitative acceptability judgements with multiple informants. Rather than invoking a new &#8216;Number Case Constraint&#8217; governing the distribution of clitics, we link the Romanian data to familiar facts from Le&#237;sta dialects of Spanish, which manifest case syncretism between dative and animate accusative 3rd person clitics. We implement the fact that 1st and 2nd person plural clitics in Romanian are case-syncretic by implicationally marking them as inherently [+animate] in the syntax. The severe degradation in acceptability of clusters with direct object plural clitics is accounted for by following aspects of Adger &amp; Harbour&#8217;s (2007) proposal for the connection between syncretism and the Person Case Constraint. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.18pa4 201 202 2 Section header 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 4. Semantics and morphology</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.19dob 203 216 14 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Generic bare singulars in Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin 2 A01 Roberta Pires De Oliveira Pires De Oliveira, Roberta Roberta Pires De Oliveira 01 The analysis of the generic readings of Bare Singulars in Brazilian Portuguese is controversial: for Munn &amp; Schmitt (1999, 2005) and Schmitt &amp; Munn (2002) generic Bare Singulars are names of kinds, whereas for M&#252;ller (2002) they are indefinites bound by a generic operator. This paper provides two arguments against M&#252;ller: (i) relying on a detailed corpus study by Pires de Oliveira <i>et al.</i> (2007), we argue that M&#252;ller&#8217;s judgments are not shared by all speakers of Brazilian Portuguese; (ii) we provide theoretical and crosslinguistic evidence against analyzing generic Bare Singulars as indefinites bound by a generic operator. We make explicit Munn &amp; Schmitt&#8217;s analysis of kind-referring BSs in BrP by proposing that they rely on Chierchia&#8217;s Down operator (1998). The contrast between generic Bare Singulars and generic Definite Singulars, both of which are kind-referring, is explained based on Dobrovie-Sorin &amp; Pires de Oliveira (2007). 10 01 JB code cilt.313.20rod 217 230 14 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Aspect shift in stative verbs and their arguments</TitleText> 1 A01 Joshua Rodriguez Rodriguez, Joshua Joshua Rodriguez 01 This paper offers an alternative explanation for coercion effects or &#8216;aspect shift&#8217; with stative verbs in combination with the progressive or the aspectually specific and distinct Spanish past tenses. The account follows Rodriguez (2007) in exploiting lexical ambiguities to provide a richer set of VP Aktionsarten via normal compositional semantics. Crucially it is the addition of aspectually specific morphology that functions to filter out those VP interpretations which have incompatible Aktionsarten. The purported shifting effect therefore derives from one or another VP meaning (potentially including alternating NP denotations as well) in association with corresponding morphology via aspectual compatibility. The analysis provides a natural means for explaining why certain cases of &#8216;aspect shift&#8217; do not occur, namely on the basis of the lack of the underlying semantic potentials of the words involved. The proposal investigates three cases in depth, with implied applicability to a broader range of examples. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.21pa5 231 232 2 Section header 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 5. Psycholinguistics</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.313.22goo 233 248 16 Article 22 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Experimenting with <i>wh</i>-movement in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Grant Goodall Goodall, Grant Grant Goodall 01 This paper provides evidence for an analysis of subject inversion in <i>wh</i>-questions in Spanish and demonstrates that techniques of experimental syntax play an important role in developing such analyses. The techniques used show that there is gradience in judgments of <i>wh</i>-questions depending on the nature of the filler and of the intervening subject. The facts fall out from the interplay of straightforward properties of the syntax (e.g.&#160;<i>wh</i>-movement, preverbal or postverbal placement of the subject) with straightforward properties of the processor (a common pool of limited resources to process <i>wh</i>-dependencies and establish discourse referents). The analysis predicts a correlation between the Overt Pronoun Rate in any given variety and the ability of a <i>wh</i>-dependency to tolerate an intervening subject, and the difference between Caribbean and mainland Latin American Spanish confirms this. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.23she 249 264 16 Article 23 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">How Spanish phonotactics informs psycholinuistic models of speech production</TitleText> 1 A01 Michael Shelton Shelton, Michael Michael Shelton Occidental College 2 A01 Chip Gerfen Gerfen, Chip Chip Gerfen The Pennsylvania State University 3 A01 Nicolás Gutiérrez Palma Palma, Nicolás Gutiérrez Nicolás Gutiérrez Palma Universidad de Jaén 01 This study emphasizes the importance of close examination of language-specific phonotactic patterns when testing models of language processing. The results of a delayed naming task testing native speakers&#8217; reactions to nonwords containing licit vs. proscribed patterns of stress and syllable structure offer empirical data to inform models of speech production. While the findings generally support a postlexical locus of syllable-level encoding (Levelt et al. 1999), the data also pose challenges for this model. It is argued that the model must identify more clearly the locus of and the interaction between stress-level and syllable-level encoding. The findings also suggest that the self-monitoring system may track phonotactic patterns in addition to conceptual accuracy. 10 01 JB code cilt.313.24ind 265 266 2 Miscellaneous 24 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20100909 2010 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 675 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 18 18 01 02 JB 1 00 105.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 111.30 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 18 02 02 JB 1 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 18 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 158.00 USD