219-7677
10
7500817
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
201608250401
ONIX title feed
eng
01
EUR
55009248
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
CILT 318 Eb
15
9789027283412
06
10.1075/cilt.318
13
2011034776
DG
002
02
01
CILT
02
0304-0763
Current Issues in Linguistic Theory
318
01
Romance Linguistics 2010
Selected papers from the 40th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Seattle, Washington, March 2010
01
cilt.318
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.318
1
B01
Julia Herschensohn
Herschensohn, Julia
Julia
Herschensohn
University of Washington
01
eng
350
xvii
332
LAN009000
v.2006
CF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
This volume contains a selection of nineteen peer-reviewed papers from the 40th annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held at the University of Washington in March 2010. In addition to overviews of Romance linguistics by the editor and by Jurgen Klausenburger in the keynote article, contributions cover a variety of linguistic theoretical topics and a range of Romance languages, including Old and Modern French, Italian, Romanian as well as several dialects of Spanish and Portuguese. A number of papers deal with the morphophonology of Peninsular Spanish languages, agreement anomalies, generic interpretation, and the syntax/semantics of determiners, particularly of Romanian. Both the topics and the languages discussed in this volume are tied together by a number of <i>leitmotifs</i>, and several articles present phenomena not previously considered. The volume makes significant contributions both to the documentation of Romance languages and to linguistic theory, and will be of interest to Romance and general linguistics scholars.
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.318.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248367.jpg
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248367.tif
06
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.318.hb.png
07
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.318.png
25
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.318.hb.png
27
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.318.hb.png
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.001for
ix
x
2
Article
1
01
Foreword and acknowledgements
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.002edi
xi
xviii
8
Article
2
01
Editor’s introduction
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.01kla
1
14
14
Article
3
01
Theory and practice in Romance linguistics today
The importance of the annual LSRL
1
A01
Jurgen Klausenburger
Klausenburger, Jurgen
Jurgen
Klausenburger
University of Washington
01
Since its inception in 1971, the LSRL (Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages) has gained in prestige to become the foremost conference in Romance linguistics today. The papers given at this meeting distinguish themselves with as much originality as shown in any linguistics conference at present. This paper claims that such a state of affairs can be compared to the classical period of Romance linguistics in the second half of the 19th century and the early part of the 20th century. Just as the latter constituted a very successful application of the dominant theoretical apparatus of the time, comparative historical linguistics based on Neogrammarian principles, today’s scholars are achieving great success by making use of current advances in linguistics. The positing of an “organic continuum” of the discipline derives from one of the three definitions of Romance linguistics offered by Malkiel (1961), but its essence was already captured in Schuchardt (1915).
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.00sec1
Section header
4
01
Part I. Morphophonology
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.02ren
15
32
18
Article
5
01
On the origins of /ɨ/ in Romanian
1
A01
Margaret E.L. Renwick
Renwick, Margaret E.L.
Margaret E.L.
Renwick
Cornell University
01
The source of Romanian /ɨ/ is debated: did it come from a native vowel split, or was it imported through borrowings? I argue that Romanian /ɨ/ split from /6/ in native words under a definable set of phonological conditions, but that the influence of borrowings from other languages encouraged its eventual phonemicization. In native words, instances of /ɨ/ are predictable based on the surrounding phonological environment, indicating its original allophonic status. Borrowings from Slavic, however, show expansion of the phonological environments permitting /ɨ/; and in Turkish loanwords /ɨ/ appears in contexts lacking any phonological conditioning, indicating that at the time of borrowing, [ɨ] was on the verge of phonemic contrast. Despite the combination of forces that conspired to phonemicize /ɨ/ in Romanian, the result is a marginally-contrastive vowel with very low type frequency, which appears almost exclusively in predictable environments that reflect its phonologically-conditioned history as an allophone.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.03ram
33
48
16
Article
6
01
An acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish
An
acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish
Default place assignment and phonetic underspecification
1
A01
Michael Ramsammy
Ramsammy, Michael
Michael
Ramsammy
University of Manchester
01
Previous accounts of nasal place neutralization in Spanish have claimed that word-medial nasal codas acquire place features by categorical assimilation, whereas word-final nasals are specified for place by epenthesis of a dialect-particular default value. This paper reports on the results of experimental investigation into the acoustic properties of place neutralized nasals in Spanish. Results confirm that speakers of alveolarizing dialects neutralize word-final nasal place contrasts to [<sc>coronal</sc>], whereas the output of neutralization in velarizing dialects is [<sc>dorsal</sc>]. Moreover, acoustic analysis reveals that preconsonantal nasal codas are not targets for categorical assimilation. In agreement with the experimental results, an alternative analysis is presented in which word-medial preconsonantal nasal codas are underspecified for place on the surface.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.04wei
49
62
14
Article
7
01
An acoustic study of rhotics in onset clusters in La Rioja
An
acoustic study of rhotics in onset clusters in La Rioja
1
A01
Christine Weissglass
Weissglass, Christine
Christine
Weissglass
Florida State University
01
Rhotics in Spanish onset clusters can be realized as taps, trills, or approximants depending on the dialect (Hualde 2005: 182–183). However, assibilated [i.e. fricative] pronunciations have been reported in some areas such as the La Rioja region of Spain (Alonso 1925: 169; Llorente 1965: 296–297; Navarro Tomás 1968: 210). The present study examines acoustic data from four participants from La Rioja in order to corroborate these reports. The effects of (i) place of articulation and (ii) voicing of the preceding consonant as well as (iii) the nuclear vowel on rhotic pronunciation are also examined. Rhotic pronunciation is analyzed in terms of (i) manner, (ii) duration, (iii) voicing, (iv) svarabhakti vowel occurrence and (v) svarabhakti vowel duration. The findings show few instances of assibilation; the majority of rhotics were realized as approximants. The results of this study have theoretical implications for the phonological status of rhotics in Spanish.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.05bra
63
78
16
Article
8
01
Mid front vowel lowering before rhotics in Ibero-Romance
1
A01
Travis G. Bradley
Bradley, Travis G.
Travis G.
Bradley
University of California, Davis
01
This paper surveys the distribution of mid front vowels before rhotics in five different varieties of Ibero-Romance and identifies typological patterns of vowel lowering. An analysis is proposed in Optimality Theory that employs a fixed ranking of phonetically grounded markedness constraints against closed mid front /e/ in different pre-rhotic contexts, organized in an implicational hierarchy. Faithfulness constraints on vowel place features interact with this ranking to generate a factorial typology of /e/-lowering that matches the distribution observed in the data and makes predictions about possible and impossible languages. The paper also discusses theoretical implications for the status of intervocalic trills in Ibero-Romance as singleton versus geminate segments.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.06col
79
98
20
Article
9
01
Plural formation in Galician
1
A01
Sonia Colina
Colina, Sonia
Sonia
Colina
University of Arizona
01
This paper offers an optimality-theoretic analysis of synchronic Galician plural formation that explains the distribution of allomorphs in the standard dialect as well as the patterns of dialectal variation. Gliding serves to parse a nasal or lateral coda in the nucleus, thus avoiding the complex cluster that would have resulted from plural attachment. Epenthesis takes place in the plural of l-final singulars when gliding would otherwise result in an unstressed extra heavy coda or a violation of minimality. The plurals of singulars ending in a nasal avoid epenthesis if this requires parsing of a velar nasal in the onset. Non-normative dialects such as the Eastern varieties also repair clusters through vocalization of the singular-final nasal, but a front nasal is preferred to the back unrounded one of normative Galician; Southern dialects resort to nasal and lateral deletion in the plural.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.00sec2
Section header
10
01
Part II. Syntax
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.07art
99
116
18
Article
11
01
On bare subject relative clauses in Old French
1
A01
Deborah Arteaga
Arteaga, Deborah
Deborah
Arteaga
University of Nevada, Las Vegas
01
This paper considers restrictive relatives in OF, of the type <i>Car ne voi tertre</i> <i>nen soeit rases</i> “For I see no small hill (that) is not razed to the ground”. We note that unlike MF, in OF, the relative pronoun <i>qui</i> could be unexpressed in such structures. OF bare subject relatives, we argue, are not instances of parataxis, or a juxtaposition of two independent clauses, because the syntactic characteristics which such an analysis presumes are lacking in OF. For similar reasons (cf. Arteaga 2009), we also reject a CP analysis of bare subject restrictive relative clauses in favor of an IP analysis in which no null relative is proposed. Following (Trihn 2009), we adopt a copy account of these constructions, part of a general rule of syntactic derivation. This, combined with feature checking, required within Minimalism, allows us to derive bare subject relatives in OF.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.08tro
117
136
20
Article
12
01
Directed motion in Medieval French
1
A01
Michelle Troberg
Troberg, Michelle
Michelle
Troberg
University of Toronto
01
This paper introduces new data showing that Medieval French patterns like a satellite-framed language in that directed motion events can be expressed via a manner verb and a PP complement denoting a telic goal. This contrasts sharply with contemporary French, a typical verb-framed language, in which directed motion is encoded via path verbs with manner as a separate adjunct phrase. Typologically, the data is consistent with a number of other argument structure properties that characterise Medieval French as satellite-framed much like English and Dutch. I argue that the source of variation between Medieval and present-day French resides in a difference in the extended functional projection of prepositional elements. While Medieval French has an active functional projection that permits simple prepositions to encode path, present-day French does not. The analysis diverges from recent accounts of the directed motion construction in which the locus of variation is situated in a macro-parameter.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.09dor
137
154
18
Article
13
01
An ergative analysis of French valency alternations
An
ergative analysis of French valency alternations
1
A01
Edit Doron
Doron, Edit
Edit
Doron
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
2
A01
Marie Labelle
Labelle, Marie
Marie
Labelle
Université du Québec à Montréal
01
The French anticausative is attested in two separate constructions: one focuses on the result (Res-AC), e.g. <i>Le rameau s’est flétri</i>; the second focuses on the process (Proc-AC) – <i>Le rameau a flétri</i>, both translated to English as ‘The branch withered’. The paper proposes to explain the differences between the two constructions as follows. Res-AC results from the merge of <i>se</i> under non-active Voice, coupled with the absence of a vP projection, whereas Proc-AC results from the use of active Voice with a v projection lacking a specifier. Anticausative derivations from typologically distinct languages, Hebrew and Neo-Aramaic (an ergative language) provide support for the analysis. In these languages, the merge of v is overtly detectable, whether or not v has a specifier. In Hebrew this is indicated by a dative reflexive clitic, and in Neo-Aramaic, by ergative agreement. The analysis proposed for French extends naturally to these languages, providing support for it.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.10sae
155
176
22
Article
14
01
Peninsular Spanish pre-nominal possessives in ellipsis contexts
A Phase-based account
1
A01
Luis Sáez
Sáez, Luis
Luis
Sáez
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
01
Peninsular Spanish pre-nominal possessives and definite articles contrast in ellipsis environments (<i>los/*nuestros </i>___<i> rojos</i> “the/our red ones”), yet all these words are unstressed and, therefore, should violate what I call the Stress Condition on Remnants (ellipsis remnants must be stressed). I claim articles, being externally merged in D, escape such condition as it only affects the most recently spelled-out NP-Phase Complement (Nissenbaum 2000) containing the ellipsis site; instead, pre-nominal possessives raise from NP to D, thus leaving an offending unstressed copy in NP. Strikingly, the combined presence of a post-nominal modifier and a numeral makes pre-nominal possessives compatible with ellipsis (<i>nuestros seis ___ rojos</i> “our six red ones”). A Kayne 1994-style relative-clause configuration for nominal modifiers explains this: the post-nominal modifier is the predicate of a subject DP-Phase (introduced by the numeral) containing the ellipsis site and excluding the possessive, which thus complies with the Stress Condition on Remnants.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.11dem
177
190
14
Article
15
01
On the nature of nominal features
Agreement mismatches in Spanish conjoined structures
1
A01
Violeta Demonte
Demonte, Violeta
Violeta
Demonte
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain
2
A01
Héctor Fernández-Alcalde
Fernández-Alcalde, Héctor
Héctor
Fernández-Alcalde
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain
3
A01
Isabel Pérez-Jiménez
Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel
Isabel
Pérez-Jiménez
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain
01
Agreement mismatches pose a challenge for standard conceptions of Agree as a Probe-Goal feature valuation process of a single set of φ-features. In this paper we focus on sentences with a subject DP formed by two singular conjoined Ns, such as <i>La madre e hija vinieron juntas</i>, in which agreement inside DP gives rise to Closest Conjunct Agreement – D agrees in singular with the first N – while Subject-Tense agreement is plural. To solve this puzzle we argue for the necessity of incorporating into the minimalist framework the distinction between concord and index features, as proposed in other theoretical frameworks. Ns and Ds carry these two sets of features which, we claim, are introduced in independently motivated bundles. Building on Frampton & Gutmann’s (2000, 2006) Feature Sharing theory and Chomsky’s (2001) Maximization Principle, we articulate a single agreement process which derives the two ways in which agreement proceeds in conjoined structures.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.12gut
191
204
14
Article
16
01
On the nature of bare nouns in Afro-Bolivian Spanish
1
A01
Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach
Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier
Javier
Gutiérrez-Rexach
The Ohio State University
2
A01
Sandro Sessarego
Sessarego, Sandro
Sandro
Sessarego
University of Wisconsin, Madison
01
This paper provides an analysis of bare nouns in Afro-Bolivian Spanish. Their behavior does not fit the typology emerging from the Nominal Mapping Parameter. We consider several properties related to mass/count, kind, and indefinite/definite readings, and we conclude with an explanation based on the generalized availability of type-shifters.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.13cav
205
220
16
Article
17
01
Negative imperatives in Portuguese and other Romance languages
1
A01
Rerisson Cavalcante
Cavalcante, Rerisson
Rerisson
Cavalcante
Universidade de São Paulo
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.00sec3
Section header
18
01
Part III. Semantic interfaces
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.14mar
221
238
18
Article
19
01
Another look at Italian generic sentences
1
A01
Alda Mari
Mari, Alda
Alda
Mari
Institut Jean Nicod, CNRS/ENS/EHESS
01
In this paper we reconsider the interpretation of indefinite singular generics and definite plural generics in Italian. We show that these two types of statements cannot be associated with the traditional distinction between definitional vs. accidental generalizations. In particular we argue that indefinite generic statements are associated with a variety of interpretations that can be unified by reconstructing a hidden abilitative verbal operator triggered by the imperfective interpretation of the present tense. We distinguish between two types of abilities as well as between the overt abilitative modal and the covert one. We correctly derive the prediction that indefinite singular generics cannot be combined with accidental properties, which are perfective in nature. We analyze definite plurals as entering the logical form with a situation variable that is responsible for the fact that definite plural generics are compatible with accidental properties.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.15cro
239
256
18
Article
20
01
The agreement of collective DPS in Romanian
The
agreement of collective DPS in Romanian
1
A01
Blanca Croitor
Croitor, Blanca
Blanca
Croitor
Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest
2
A01
Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin
Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen
Carmen
Dobrovie-Sorin
CNRS – LLF, Université Paris 7
01
Romanian collective nouns do not allow plural agreement on the verb, unlike in British English. But when a collective noun is used with a partitive quantifier (e.g. <i>o parte din guvern </i>“part of the government”), plural agreement is possible. We propose an analysis for partitive quantification, which can account for plural agreement with partitive collectives, as well as with partitive plural DPs (<i>o parte dintre studenţi</i> “part of the students”). Our analysis is based on Higginbotham’s (1994) analysis of mass and plural D-quantifiers. Quantification is construed in terms of amounts of minimal parts; the minimal parts in the denotation of collective nouns are atomic entities. The partitive quantifiers transform a group denoting entity into a sum denoting entity.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.16rat
257
270
14
Article
21
01
A multidominance account for conjoined questions in Romanian
A
multidominance account for conjoined questions in Romanian
1
A01
Dafina Ratiu
Ratiu, Dafina
Dafina
Ratiu
University of Nantes, LLING EA 3827
01
This paper discusses conjoined questions in Romanian, where two selected WHs (i.e. a subject WH phrase and an object WH phrase) appear coordinated in clause-initial position. By comparing conjoined questions with selected WHs with conjoined questions with non-selected WHs, I argue for a bi-clausal analysis for both types, where one single IP is pronounced. I show that conjoined questions with selected WHs, as opposed to conjoined questions with non-selected WHs, raise two problems: (i) the shared IP can only be pronounced once and (ii) the shared IP has to be pronounced in the second conjunct. I argue that while an ellipsis/sluicing analysis fails, the multidominance analysis provides a straightforward account for these two problems. In particular, linearization algorithms for multidominance structure (all) correctly predict that the shared IP appears only once in the second conjunct.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.17giu
271
286
16
Article
22
01
The Romanian verbal cluster and the theory of head movement
The
Romanian verbal cluster and the theory of head movement
1
A01
Ion Giurgea
Giurgea, Ion
Ion
Giurgea
Iorgu Iordan – Al. Rosetti Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest & University of Constance
01
In Romanian, auxiliaries, mood particles, the negation and a handful of functional items traditionally analyzed as adverbs behave as clitics on the verb, forming together with the verb the so-called ‘verbal cluster’. The analysis of this cluster as a complex head is problematic because auxiliaries, mood particles and negation display a head-initial order inside the cluster, instead of the normal head-final order inside complex heads found in Indo-European languages. Examining the alternatives proposed in the literature and a possible analysis as PF head-clitics, I conclude that the verbal cluster involves nevertheless complex head formation in syntax. I discuss the solutions proposed for the head-initial order in the literature and I offer an alternative analysis, based on the idea of PF-linearization.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.18fal
287
302
16
Article
23
01
New challenges in the area of semantic dependencies
The Romanian epistemic constraint
1
A01
Anamaria Fălăus
Fălăus, Anamaria
Anamaria
Fălăus
University of the Basque Country
01
This paper investigates the parameters of variation in the area of semantically dependent indefinites, by focusing on the distribution of the Romanian dependent determiner <i>vreun</i>. Refining previous descriptions in the literature (Farkas 2002, 2006), I argue that the occurrence of <i>vreun</i> in intensional contexts is sensitive to epistemic alternatives. To account for this, I endorse the unitary approach to polarity-sensitivity due to Chierchia (2006) and argue that the differences between <i>vreun</i> and other dependent indefinites stem from the types of alternatives they activate and the way these alternatives contribute to the overall meaning.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.19far
303
328
26
Article
24
01
Polarity particles in English and Romanian
1
A01
Donka F. Farkas
Farkas, Donka F.
Donka F.
Farkas
University of California, Santa Cruz
01
This paper contrasts the distribution and interpretation of ‘polarity particles’ in English and Romanian. Polarity particles (<i>yes, no</i> in English, <i>da, nu, ba</i> in Romanian) occur at the left edge of utterances that react to assertions, polar questions and imperatives but cannot be used in ‘out of the blue’ contexts. The paper makes sense of this distribution as well as of the contrasts between the two languages against the background of a context structure proposed in earlier work, which allows us to understand in what sense assertions, polar questions and imperatives form a natural class. Of particular interest here are cases where both <i>yes</i> and <i>no</i> can be used in otherwise identical responses in English as well as the distribution of these particles in reactions to imperatives.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.20ind
329
332
4
Article
25
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20111130
2011
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027248367
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
jbe-platform.com
09
WORLD
21
01
00
110.00
EUR
R
01
00
92.00
GBP
Z
01
gen
00
165.00
USD
S
884009247
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
CILT 318 Hb
15
9789027248367
13
2011034776
BB
01
CILT
02
0304-0763
Current Issues in Linguistic Theory
318
01
Romance Linguistics 2010
Selected papers from the 40th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Seattle, Washington, March 2010
01
cilt.318
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.318
1
B01
Julia Herschensohn
Herschensohn, Julia
Julia
Herschensohn
University of Washington
01
eng
350
xvii
332
LAN009000
v.2006
CF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
This volume contains a selection of nineteen peer-reviewed papers from the 40th annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held at the University of Washington in March 2010. In addition to overviews of Romance linguistics by the editor and by Jurgen Klausenburger in the keynote article, contributions cover a variety of linguistic theoretical topics and a range of Romance languages, including Old and Modern French, Italian, Romanian as well as several dialects of Spanish and Portuguese. A number of papers deal with the morphophonology of Peninsular Spanish languages, agreement anomalies, generic interpretation, and the syntax/semantics of determiners, particularly of Romanian. Both the topics and the languages discussed in this volume are tied together by a number of <i>leitmotifs</i>, and several articles present phenomena not previously considered. The volume makes significant contributions both to the documentation of Romance languages and to linguistic theory, and will be of interest to Romance and general linguistics scholars.
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.318.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248367.jpg
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248367.tif
06
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.318.hb.png
07
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.318.png
25
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.318.hb.png
27
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.318.hb.png
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.001for
ix
x
2
Article
1
01
Foreword and acknowledgements
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.002edi
xi
xviii
8
Article
2
01
Editor’s introduction
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.01kla
1
14
14
Article
3
01
Theory and practice in Romance linguistics today
The importance of the annual LSRL
1
A01
Jurgen Klausenburger
Klausenburger, Jurgen
Jurgen
Klausenburger
University of Washington
01
Since its inception in 1971, the LSRL (Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages) has gained in prestige to become the foremost conference in Romance linguistics today. The papers given at this meeting distinguish themselves with as much originality as shown in any linguistics conference at present. This paper claims that such a state of affairs can be compared to the classical period of Romance linguistics in the second half of the 19th century and the early part of the 20th century. Just as the latter constituted a very successful application of the dominant theoretical apparatus of the time, comparative historical linguistics based on Neogrammarian principles, today’s scholars are achieving great success by making use of current advances in linguistics. The positing of an “organic continuum” of the discipline derives from one of the three definitions of Romance linguistics offered by Malkiel (1961), but its essence was already captured in Schuchardt (1915).
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.00sec1
Section header
4
01
Part I. Morphophonology
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.02ren
15
32
18
Article
5
01
On the origins of /ɨ/ in Romanian
1
A01
Margaret E.L. Renwick
Renwick, Margaret E.L.
Margaret E.L.
Renwick
Cornell University
01
The source of Romanian /ɨ/ is debated: did it come from a native vowel split, or was it imported through borrowings? I argue that Romanian /ɨ/ split from /6/ in native words under a definable set of phonological conditions, but that the influence of borrowings from other languages encouraged its eventual phonemicization. In native words, instances of /ɨ/ are predictable based on the surrounding phonological environment, indicating its original allophonic status. Borrowings from Slavic, however, show expansion of the phonological environments permitting /ɨ/; and in Turkish loanwords /ɨ/ appears in contexts lacking any phonological conditioning, indicating that at the time of borrowing, [ɨ] was on the verge of phonemic contrast. Despite the combination of forces that conspired to phonemicize /ɨ/ in Romanian, the result is a marginally-contrastive vowel with very low type frequency, which appears almost exclusively in predictable environments that reflect its phonologically-conditioned history as an allophone.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.03ram
33
48
16
Article
6
01
An acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish
An
acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish
Default place assignment and phonetic underspecification
1
A01
Michael Ramsammy
Ramsammy, Michael
Michael
Ramsammy
University of Manchester
01
Previous accounts of nasal place neutralization in Spanish have claimed that word-medial nasal codas acquire place features by categorical assimilation, whereas word-final nasals are specified for place by epenthesis of a dialect-particular default value. This paper reports on the results of experimental investigation into the acoustic properties of place neutralized nasals in Spanish. Results confirm that speakers of alveolarizing dialects neutralize word-final nasal place contrasts to [<sc>coronal</sc>], whereas the output of neutralization in velarizing dialects is [<sc>dorsal</sc>]. Moreover, acoustic analysis reveals that preconsonantal nasal codas are not targets for categorical assimilation. In agreement with the experimental results, an alternative analysis is presented in which word-medial preconsonantal nasal codas are underspecified for place on the surface.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.04wei
49
62
14
Article
7
01
An acoustic study of rhotics in onset clusters in La Rioja
An
acoustic study of rhotics in onset clusters in La Rioja
1
A01
Christine Weissglass
Weissglass, Christine
Christine
Weissglass
Florida State University
01
Rhotics in Spanish onset clusters can be realized as taps, trills, or approximants depending on the dialect (Hualde 2005: 182–183). However, assibilated [i.e. fricative] pronunciations have been reported in some areas such as the La Rioja region of Spain (Alonso 1925: 169; Llorente 1965: 296–297; Navarro Tomás 1968: 210). The present study examines acoustic data from four participants from La Rioja in order to corroborate these reports. The effects of (i) place of articulation and (ii) voicing of the preceding consonant as well as (iii) the nuclear vowel on rhotic pronunciation are also examined. Rhotic pronunciation is analyzed in terms of (i) manner, (ii) duration, (iii) voicing, (iv) svarabhakti vowel occurrence and (v) svarabhakti vowel duration. The findings show few instances of assibilation; the majority of rhotics were realized as approximants. The results of this study have theoretical implications for the phonological status of rhotics in Spanish.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.05bra
63
78
16
Article
8
01
Mid front vowel lowering before rhotics in Ibero-Romance
1
A01
Travis G. Bradley
Bradley, Travis G.
Travis G.
Bradley
University of California, Davis
01
This paper surveys the distribution of mid front vowels before rhotics in five different varieties of Ibero-Romance and identifies typological patterns of vowel lowering. An analysis is proposed in Optimality Theory that employs a fixed ranking of phonetically grounded markedness constraints against closed mid front /e/ in different pre-rhotic contexts, organized in an implicational hierarchy. Faithfulness constraints on vowel place features interact with this ranking to generate a factorial typology of /e/-lowering that matches the distribution observed in the data and makes predictions about possible and impossible languages. The paper also discusses theoretical implications for the status of intervocalic trills in Ibero-Romance as singleton versus geminate segments.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.06col
79
98
20
Article
9
01
Plural formation in Galician
1
A01
Sonia Colina
Colina, Sonia
Sonia
Colina
University of Arizona
01
This paper offers an optimality-theoretic analysis of synchronic Galician plural formation that explains the distribution of allomorphs in the standard dialect as well as the patterns of dialectal variation. Gliding serves to parse a nasal or lateral coda in the nucleus, thus avoiding the complex cluster that would have resulted from plural attachment. Epenthesis takes place in the plural of l-final singulars when gliding would otherwise result in an unstressed extra heavy coda or a violation of minimality. The plurals of singulars ending in a nasal avoid epenthesis if this requires parsing of a velar nasal in the onset. Non-normative dialects such as the Eastern varieties also repair clusters through vocalization of the singular-final nasal, but a front nasal is preferred to the back unrounded one of normative Galician; Southern dialects resort to nasal and lateral deletion in the plural.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.00sec2
Section header
10
01
Part II. Syntax
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.07art
99
116
18
Article
11
01
On bare subject relative clauses in Old French
1
A01
Deborah Arteaga
Arteaga, Deborah
Deborah
Arteaga
University of Nevada, Las Vegas
01
This paper considers restrictive relatives in OF, of the type <i>Car ne voi tertre</i> <i>nen soeit rases</i> “For I see no small hill (that) is not razed to the ground”. We note that unlike MF, in OF, the relative pronoun <i>qui</i> could be unexpressed in such structures. OF bare subject relatives, we argue, are not instances of parataxis, or a juxtaposition of two independent clauses, because the syntactic characteristics which such an analysis presumes are lacking in OF. For similar reasons (cf. Arteaga 2009), we also reject a CP analysis of bare subject restrictive relative clauses in favor of an IP analysis in which no null relative is proposed. Following (Trihn 2009), we adopt a copy account of these constructions, part of a general rule of syntactic derivation. This, combined with feature checking, required within Minimalism, allows us to derive bare subject relatives in OF.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.08tro
117
136
20
Article
12
01
Directed motion in Medieval French
1
A01
Michelle Troberg
Troberg, Michelle
Michelle
Troberg
University of Toronto
01
This paper introduces new data showing that Medieval French patterns like a satellite-framed language in that directed motion events can be expressed via a manner verb and a PP complement denoting a telic goal. This contrasts sharply with contemporary French, a typical verb-framed language, in which directed motion is encoded via path verbs with manner as a separate adjunct phrase. Typologically, the data is consistent with a number of other argument structure properties that characterise Medieval French as satellite-framed much like English and Dutch. I argue that the source of variation between Medieval and present-day French resides in a difference in the extended functional projection of prepositional elements. While Medieval French has an active functional projection that permits simple prepositions to encode path, present-day French does not. The analysis diverges from recent accounts of the directed motion construction in which the locus of variation is situated in a macro-parameter.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.09dor
137
154
18
Article
13
01
An ergative analysis of French valency alternations
An
ergative analysis of French valency alternations
1
A01
Edit Doron
Doron, Edit
Edit
Doron
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
2
A01
Marie Labelle
Labelle, Marie
Marie
Labelle
Université du Québec à Montréal
01
The French anticausative is attested in two separate constructions: one focuses on the result (Res-AC), e.g. <i>Le rameau s’est flétri</i>; the second focuses on the process (Proc-AC) – <i>Le rameau a flétri</i>, both translated to English as ‘The branch withered’. The paper proposes to explain the differences between the two constructions as follows. Res-AC results from the merge of <i>se</i> under non-active Voice, coupled with the absence of a vP projection, whereas Proc-AC results from the use of active Voice with a v projection lacking a specifier. Anticausative derivations from typologically distinct languages, Hebrew and Neo-Aramaic (an ergative language) provide support for the analysis. In these languages, the merge of v is overtly detectable, whether or not v has a specifier. In Hebrew this is indicated by a dative reflexive clitic, and in Neo-Aramaic, by ergative agreement. The analysis proposed for French extends naturally to these languages, providing support for it.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.10sae
155
176
22
Article
14
01
Peninsular Spanish pre-nominal possessives in ellipsis contexts
A Phase-based account
1
A01
Luis Sáez
Sáez, Luis
Luis
Sáez
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
01
Peninsular Spanish pre-nominal possessives and definite articles contrast in ellipsis environments (<i>los/*nuestros </i>___<i> rojos</i> “the/our red ones”), yet all these words are unstressed and, therefore, should violate what I call the Stress Condition on Remnants (ellipsis remnants must be stressed). I claim articles, being externally merged in D, escape such condition as it only affects the most recently spelled-out NP-Phase Complement (Nissenbaum 2000) containing the ellipsis site; instead, pre-nominal possessives raise from NP to D, thus leaving an offending unstressed copy in NP. Strikingly, the combined presence of a post-nominal modifier and a numeral makes pre-nominal possessives compatible with ellipsis (<i>nuestros seis ___ rojos</i> “our six red ones”). A Kayne 1994-style relative-clause configuration for nominal modifiers explains this: the post-nominal modifier is the predicate of a subject DP-Phase (introduced by the numeral) containing the ellipsis site and excluding the possessive, which thus complies with the Stress Condition on Remnants.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.11dem
177
190
14
Article
15
01
On the nature of nominal features
Agreement mismatches in Spanish conjoined structures
1
A01
Violeta Demonte
Demonte, Violeta
Violeta
Demonte
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain
2
A01
Héctor Fernández-Alcalde
Fernández-Alcalde, Héctor
Héctor
Fernández-Alcalde
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain
3
A01
Isabel Pérez-Jiménez
Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel
Isabel
Pérez-Jiménez
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain
01
Agreement mismatches pose a challenge for standard conceptions of Agree as a Probe-Goal feature valuation process of a single set of φ-features. In this paper we focus on sentences with a subject DP formed by two singular conjoined Ns, such as <i>La madre e hija vinieron juntas</i>, in which agreement inside DP gives rise to Closest Conjunct Agreement – D agrees in singular with the first N – while Subject-Tense agreement is plural. To solve this puzzle we argue for the necessity of incorporating into the minimalist framework the distinction between concord and index features, as proposed in other theoretical frameworks. Ns and Ds carry these two sets of features which, we claim, are introduced in independently motivated bundles. Building on Frampton & Gutmann’s (2000, 2006) Feature Sharing theory and Chomsky’s (2001) Maximization Principle, we articulate a single agreement process which derives the two ways in which agreement proceeds in conjoined structures.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.12gut
191
204
14
Article
16
01
On the nature of bare nouns in Afro-Bolivian Spanish
1
A01
Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach
Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier
Javier
Gutiérrez-Rexach
The Ohio State University
2
A01
Sandro Sessarego
Sessarego, Sandro
Sandro
Sessarego
University of Wisconsin, Madison
01
This paper provides an analysis of bare nouns in Afro-Bolivian Spanish. Their behavior does not fit the typology emerging from the Nominal Mapping Parameter. We consider several properties related to mass/count, kind, and indefinite/definite readings, and we conclude with an explanation based on the generalized availability of type-shifters.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.13cav
205
220
16
Article
17
01
Negative imperatives in Portuguese and other Romance languages
1
A01
Rerisson Cavalcante
Cavalcante, Rerisson
Rerisson
Cavalcante
Universidade de São Paulo
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.00sec3
Section header
18
01
Part III. Semantic interfaces
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.14mar
221
238
18
Article
19
01
Another look at Italian generic sentences
1
A01
Alda Mari
Mari, Alda
Alda
Mari
Institut Jean Nicod, CNRS/ENS/EHESS
01
In this paper we reconsider the interpretation of indefinite singular generics and definite plural generics in Italian. We show that these two types of statements cannot be associated with the traditional distinction between definitional vs. accidental generalizations. In particular we argue that indefinite generic statements are associated with a variety of interpretations that can be unified by reconstructing a hidden abilitative verbal operator triggered by the imperfective interpretation of the present tense. We distinguish between two types of abilities as well as between the overt abilitative modal and the covert one. We correctly derive the prediction that indefinite singular generics cannot be combined with accidental properties, which are perfective in nature. We analyze definite plurals as entering the logical form with a situation variable that is responsible for the fact that definite plural generics are compatible with accidental properties.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.15cro
239
256
18
Article
20
01
The agreement of collective DPS in Romanian
The
agreement of collective DPS in Romanian
1
A01
Blanca Croitor
Croitor, Blanca
Blanca
Croitor
Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest
2
A01
Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin
Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen
Carmen
Dobrovie-Sorin
CNRS – LLF, Université Paris 7
01
Romanian collective nouns do not allow plural agreement on the verb, unlike in British English. But when a collective noun is used with a partitive quantifier (e.g. <i>o parte din guvern </i>“part of the government”), plural agreement is possible. We propose an analysis for partitive quantification, which can account for plural agreement with partitive collectives, as well as with partitive plural DPs (<i>o parte dintre studenţi</i> “part of the students”). Our analysis is based on Higginbotham’s (1994) analysis of mass and plural D-quantifiers. Quantification is construed in terms of amounts of minimal parts; the minimal parts in the denotation of collective nouns are atomic entities. The partitive quantifiers transform a group denoting entity into a sum denoting entity.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.16rat
257
270
14
Article
21
01
A multidominance account for conjoined questions in Romanian
A
multidominance account for conjoined questions in Romanian
1
A01
Dafina Ratiu
Ratiu, Dafina
Dafina
Ratiu
University of Nantes, LLING EA 3827
01
This paper discusses conjoined questions in Romanian, where two selected WHs (i.e. a subject WH phrase and an object WH phrase) appear coordinated in clause-initial position. By comparing conjoined questions with selected WHs with conjoined questions with non-selected WHs, I argue for a bi-clausal analysis for both types, where one single IP is pronounced. I show that conjoined questions with selected WHs, as opposed to conjoined questions with non-selected WHs, raise two problems: (i) the shared IP can only be pronounced once and (ii) the shared IP has to be pronounced in the second conjunct. I argue that while an ellipsis/sluicing analysis fails, the multidominance analysis provides a straightforward account for these two problems. In particular, linearization algorithms for multidominance structure (all) correctly predict that the shared IP appears only once in the second conjunct.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.17giu
271
286
16
Article
22
01
The Romanian verbal cluster and the theory of head movement
The
Romanian verbal cluster and the theory of head movement
1
A01
Ion Giurgea
Giurgea, Ion
Ion
Giurgea
Iorgu Iordan – Al. Rosetti Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest & University of Constance
01
In Romanian, auxiliaries, mood particles, the negation and a handful of functional items traditionally analyzed as adverbs behave as clitics on the verb, forming together with the verb the so-called ‘verbal cluster’. The analysis of this cluster as a complex head is problematic because auxiliaries, mood particles and negation display a head-initial order inside the cluster, instead of the normal head-final order inside complex heads found in Indo-European languages. Examining the alternatives proposed in the literature and a possible analysis as PF head-clitics, I conclude that the verbal cluster involves nevertheless complex head formation in syntax. I discuss the solutions proposed for the head-initial order in the literature and I offer an alternative analysis, based on the idea of PF-linearization.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.18fal
287
302
16
Article
23
01
New challenges in the area of semantic dependencies
The Romanian epistemic constraint
1
A01
Anamaria Fălăus
Fălăus, Anamaria
Anamaria
Fălăus
University of the Basque Country
01
This paper investigates the parameters of variation in the area of semantically dependent indefinites, by focusing on the distribution of the Romanian dependent determiner <i>vreun</i>. Refining previous descriptions in the literature (Farkas 2002, 2006), I argue that the occurrence of <i>vreun</i> in intensional contexts is sensitive to epistemic alternatives. To account for this, I endorse the unitary approach to polarity-sensitivity due to Chierchia (2006) and argue that the differences between <i>vreun</i> and other dependent indefinites stem from the types of alternatives they activate and the way these alternatives contribute to the overall meaning.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.19far
303
328
26
Article
24
01
Polarity particles in English and Romanian
1
A01
Donka F. Farkas
Farkas, Donka F.
Donka F.
Farkas
University of California, Santa Cruz
01
This paper contrasts the distribution and interpretation of ‘polarity particles’ in English and Romanian. Polarity particles (<i>yes, no</i> in English, <i>da, nu, ba</i> in Romanian) occur at the left edge of utterances that react to assertions, polar questions and imperatives but cannot be used in ‘out of the blue’ contexts. The paper makes sense of this distribution as well as of the contrasts between the two languages against the background of a context structure proposed in earlier work, which allows us to understand in what sense assertions, polar questions and imperatives form a natural class. Of particular interest here are cases where both <i>yes</i> and <i>no</i> can be used in otherwise identical responses in English as well as the distribution of these particles in reactions to imperatives.
10
01
JB code
cilt.318.20ind
329
332
4
Article
25
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20111130
2011
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
01
245
mm
02
164
mm
08
780
gr
01
JB
1
John Benjamins Publishing Company
+31 20 6304747
+31 20 6739773
bookorder@benjamins.nl
01
https://benjamins.com
01
WORLD
US CA MX
21
23
14
01
02
JB
1
00
110.00
EUR
R
02
02
JB
1
00
116.60
EUR
R
01
JB
10
bebc
+44 1202 712 934
+44 1202 712 913
sales@bebc.co.uk
03
GB
21
14
02
02
JB
1
00
92.00
GBP
Z
01
JB
2
John Benjamins North America
+1 800 562-5666
+1 703 661-1501
benjamins@presswarehouse.com
01
https://benjamins.com
01
US CA MX
21
14
01
gen
02
JB
1
00
165.00
USD