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55009248 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 318 Eb 15 9789027283412 06 10.1075/cilt.318 13 2011034776 DG 002 02 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 318 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance Linguistics 2010</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Selected papers from the 40th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Seattle, Washington, March 2010</Subtitle> 01 cilt.318 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.318 1 B01 Julia Herschensohn Herschensohn, Julia Julia Herschensohn University of Washington 01 eng 350 xvii 332 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This volume contains a selection of nineteen peer-reviewed papers from the 40th annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held at the University of Washington in March 2010. In addition to overviews of Romance linguistics by the editor and by Jurgen Klausenburger in the keynote article, contributions cover a variety of linguistic theoretical topics and a range of Romance languages, including Old and Modern French, Italian, Romanian as well as several dialects of Spanish and Portuguese. A number of papers deal with the morphophonology of Peninsular Spanish languages, agreement anomalies, generic interpretation, and the syntax/semantics of determiners, particularly of Romanian. Both the topics and the languages discussed in this volume are tied together by a number of <i>leitmotifs</i>, and several articles present phenomena not previously considered. The volume makes significant contributions both to the documentation of Romance languages and to linguistic theory, and will be of interest to Romance and general linguistics scholars. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.318.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248367.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248367.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.318.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.318.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.318.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.318.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.318.001for ix x 2 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Foreword and acknowledgements</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.318.002edi xi xviii 8 Article 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Editor&#8217;s introduction</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.318.01kla 1 14 14 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Theory and practice in Romance linguistics today</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The importance of the annual LSRL</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jurgen Klausenburger Klausenburger, Jurgen Jurgen Klausenburger University of Washington 01 Since its inception in 1971, the LSRL (Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages) has gained in prestige to become the foremost conference in Romance linguistics today. The papers given at this meeting distinguish themselves with as much originality as shown in any linguistics conference at present. This paper claims that such a state of affairs can be compared to the classical period of Romance linguistics in the second half of the 19th century and the early part of the 20th century. Just as the latter constituted a very successful application of the dominant theoretical apparatus of the time, comparative historical linguistics based on Neogrammarian principles, today&#8217;s scholars are achieving great success by making use of current advances in linguistics. The positing of an &#8220;organic continuum&#8221; of the discipline derives from one of the three definitions of Romance linguistics offered by Malkiel (1961), but its essence was already captured in Schuchardt (1915). 10 01 JB code cilt.318.00sec1 Section header 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Morphophonology</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.318.02ren 15 32 18 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the origins of /&#616;/ in Romanian</TitleText> 1 A01 Margaret E.L. Renwick Renwick, Margaret E.L. Margaret E.L. Renwick Cornell University 01 The source of Romanian /&#616;/ is debated: did it come from a native vowel split, or was it imported through borrowings? I argue that Romanian /&#616;/ split from /&#54;/ in native words under a definable set of phonological conditions, but that the influence of borrowings from other languages encouraged its eventual phonemicization. In native words, instances of /&#616;/ are predictable based on the surrounding phonological environment, indicating its original allophonic status. Borrowings from Slavic, however, show expansion of the phonological environments permitting /&#616;/; and in Turkish loanwords /&#616;/ appears in contexts lacking any phonological conditioning, indicating that at the time of borrowing, [&#616;] was on the verge of phonemic contrast. Despite the combination of forces that conspired to phonemicize /&#616;/ in Romanian, the result is a marginally-contrastive vowel with very low type frequency, which appears almost exclusively in predictable environments that reflect its phonologically-conditioned history as an allophone. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.03ram 33 48 16 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">An acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>An </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">Default place assignment and phonetic underspecification</Subtitle> 1 A01 Michael Ramsammy Ramsammy, Michael Michael Ramsammy University of Manchester 01 Previous accounts of nasal place neutralization in Spanish have claimed that word-medial nasal codas acquire place features by categorical assimilation, whereas word-final nasals are specified for place by epenthesis of a dialect-particular default value. This paper reports on the results of experimental investigation into the acoustic properties of place neutralized nasals in Spanish. Results confirm that speakers of alveolarizing dialects neutralize word-final nasal place contrasts to [<sc>coronal</sc>], whereas the output of neutralization in velarizing dialects is [<sc>dorsal</sc>]. Moreover, acoustic analysis reveals that preconsonantal nasal codas are not targets for categorical assimilation. In agreement with the experimental results, an alternative analysis is presented in which word-medial preconsonantal nasal codas are underspecified for place on the surface. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.04wei 49 62 14 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">An acoustic study of rhotics in onset clusters in La Rioja</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>An </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">acoustic study of rhotics in onset clusters in La Rioja</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Christine Weissglass Weissglass, Christine Christine Weissglass Florida State University 01 Rhotics in Spanish onset clusters can be realized as taps, trills, or approximants depending on the dialect (Hualde 2005: 182&#8211;183). However, assibilated [i.e. fricative] pronunciations have been reported in some areas such as the La Rioja region of Spain (Alonso 1925: 169; Llorente 1965: 296&#8211;297; Navarro Tom&#225;s 1968: 210). The present study examines acoustic data from four participants from La Rioja in order to corroborate these reports. The effects of (i) place of articulation and (ii) voicing of the preceding consonant as well as (iii) the nuclear vowel on rhotic pronunciation are also examined. Rhotic pronunciation is analyzed in terms of (i) manner, (ii) duration, (iii) voicing, (iv) svarabhakti vowel occurrence and (v) svarabhakti vowel duration. The findings show few instances of assibilation; the majority of rhotics were realized as approximants. The results of this study have theoretical implications for the phonological status of rhotics in Spanish. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.05bra 63 78 16 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Mid front vowel lowering before rhotics in Ibero-Romance</TitleText> 1 A01 Travis G. Bradley Bradley, Travis G. Travis G. Bradley University of California, Davis 01 This paper surveys the distribution of mid front vowels before rhotics in five different varieties of Ibero-Romance and identifies typological patterns of vowel lowering. An analysis is proposed in Optimality Theory that employs a fixed ranking of phonetically grounded markedness constraints against closed mid front /e/ in different pre-rhotic contexts, organized in an implicational hierarchy. Faithfulness constraints on vowel place features interact with this ranking to generate a factorial typology of /e/-lowering that matches the distribution observed in the data and makes predictions about possible and impossible languages. The paper also discusses theoretical implications for the status of intervocalic trills in Ibero-Romance as singleton versus geminate segments. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.06col 79 98 20 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Plural formation in Galician</TitleText> 1 A01 Sonia Colina Colina, Sonia Sonia Colina University of Arizona 01 This paper offers an optimality-theoretic analysis of synchronic Galician plural formation that explains the distribution of allomorphs in the standard dialect as well as the patterns of dialectal variation. Gliding serves to parse a nasal or lateral coda in the nucleus, thus avoiding the complex cluster that would have resulted from plural attachment. Epenthesis takes place in the plural of l-final singulars when gliding would otherwise result in an unstressed extra heavy coda or a violation of minimality. The plurals of singulars ending in a nasal avoid epenthesis if this requires parsing of a velar nasal in the onset. Non-normative dialects such as the Eastern varieties also repair clusters through vocalization of the singular-final nasal, but a front nasal is preferred to the back unrounded one of normative Galician; Southern dialects resort to nasal and lateral deletion in the plural. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.00sec2 Section header 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Syntax</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.318.07art 99 116 18 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On bare subject relative clauses in Old French</TitleText> 1 A01 Deborah Arteaga Arteaga, Deborah Deborah Arteaga University of Nevada, Las Vegas 01 This paper considers restrictive relatives in OF, of the type <i>Car ne voi tertre</i> <i>nen soeit rases</i> &#8220;For I see no small hill (that) is not razed to the ground&#8221;. We note that unlike MF, in OF, the relative pronoun <i>qui</i> could be unexpressed in such structures. OF bare subject relatives, we argue, are not instances of parataxis, or a juxtaposition of two independent clauses, because the syntactic characteristics which such an analysis presumes are lacking in OF. For similar reasons (cf. Arteaga 2009), we also reject a CP analysis of bare subject restrictive relative clauses in favor of an IP analysis in which no null relative is proposed. Following (Trihn 2009), we adopt a copy account of these constructions, part of a general rule of syntactic derivation. This, combined with feature checking, required within Minimalism, allows us to derive bare subject relatives in OF. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.08tro 117 136 20 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Directed motion in Medieval French</TitleText> 1 A01 Michelle Troberg Troberg, Michelle Michelle Troberg University of Toronto 01 This paper introduces new data showing that Medieval French patterns like a satellite-framed language in that directed motion events can be expressed via a manner verb and a PP complement denoting a telic goal. This contrasts sharply with contemporary French, a typical verb-framed language, in which directed motion is encoded via path verbs with manner as a separate adjunct phrase. Typologically, the data is consistent with a number of other argument structure properties that characterise Medieval French as satellite-framed much like English and Dutch. I argue that the source of variation between Medieval and present-day French resides in a difference in the extended functional projection of prepositional elements. While Medieval French has an active functional projection that permits simple prepositions to encode path, present-day French does not. The analysis diverges from recent accounts of the directed motion construction in which the locus of variation is situated in a macro-parameter. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.09dor 137 154 18 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">An ergative analysis of French valency alternations</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>An </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">ergative analysis of French valency alternations</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Edit Doron Doron, Edit Edit Doron The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 2 A01 Marie Labelle Labelle, Marie Marie Labelle Université du Québec à Montréal 01 The French anticausative is attested in two separate constructions: one focuses on the result (Res-AC), e.g. <i>Le rameau s&#8217;est fl&#233;tri</i>; the second focuses on the process (Proc-AC) &#8211; <i>Le rameau a fl&#233;tri</i>, both translated to English as &#8216;The branch withered&#8217;. The paper proposes to explain the differences between the two constructions as follows. Res-AC results from the merge of <i>se</i> under non-active Voice, coupled with the absence of a vP projection, whereas Proc-AC results from the use of active Voice with a v projection lacking a specifier. Anticausative derivations from typologically distinct languages, Hebrew and Neo-Aramaic (an ergative language) provide support for the analysis. In these languages, the merge of v is overtly detectable, whether or not v has a specifier. In Hebrew this is indicated by a dative reflexive clitic, and in Neo-Aramaic, by ergative agreement. The analysis proposed for French extends naturally to these languages, providing support for it. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.10sae 155 176 22 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Peninsular Spanish pre-nominal possessives in ellipsis contexts</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A Phase-based account</Subtitle> 1 A01 Luis Sáez Sáez, Luis Luis Sáez Universidad Complutense de Madrid 01 Peninsular Spanish pre-nominal possessives and definite articles contrast in ellipsis environments (<i>los/&#42;nuestros </i>___<i> rojos</i> &#8220;the/our red ones&#8221;), yet all these words are unstressed and, therefore, should violate what I call the Stress Condition on Remnants (ellipsis remnants must be stressed). I claim articles, being externally merged in D, escape such condition as it only affects the most recently spelled-out NP-Phase Complement (Nissenbaum 2000) containing the ellipsis site; instead, pre-nominal possessives raise from NP to D, thus leaving an offending unstressed copy in NP. Strikingly, the combined presence of a post-nominal modifier and a numeral makes pre-nominal possessives compatible with ellipsis (<i>nuestros seis ___ rojos</i> &#8220;our six red ones&#8221;). A Kayne 1994-style relative-clause configuration for nominal modifiers explains this: the post-nominal modifier is the predicate of a subject DP-Phase (introduced by the numeral) containing the ellipsis site and excluding the possessive, which thus complies with the Stress Condition on Remnants. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.11dem 177 190 14 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the nature of nominal features</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Agreement mismatches in Spanish conjoined structures</Subtitle> 1 A01 Violeta Demonte Demonte, Violeta Violeta Demonte Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain 2 A01 Héctor Fernández-Alcalde Fernández-Alcalde, Héctor Héctor Fernández-Alcalde Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain 3 A01 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain 01 Agreement mismatches pose a challenge for standard conceptions of Agree as a Probe-Goal feature valuation process of a single set of &#966;-features. In this paper we focus on sentences with a subject DP formed by two singular conjoined Ns, such as <i>La madre e hija vinieron juntas</i>, in which agreement inside DP gives rise to Closest Conjunct Agreement &#8211; D agrees in singular with the first N &#8211; while Subject-Tense agreement is plural. To solve this puzzle we argue for the necessity of incorporating into the minimalist framework the distinction between concord and index features, as proposed in other theoretical frameworks. Ns and Ds carry these two sets of features which, we claim, are introduced in independently motivated bundles. Building on Frampton &#38; Gutmann&#8217;s (2000, 2006) Feature Sharing theory and Chomsky&#8217;s (2001) Maximization Principle, we articulate a single agreement process which derives the two ways in which agreement proceeds in conjoined structures. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.12gut 191 204 14 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the nature of bare nouns in Afro-Bolivian Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach The Ohio State University 2 A01 Sandro Sessarego Sessarego, Sandro Sandro Sessarego University of Wisconsin, Madison 01 This paper provides an analysis of bare nouns in Afro-Bolivian Spanish. Their behavior does not fit the typology emerging from the Nominal Mapping Parameter. We consider several properties related to mass/count, kind, and indefinite/definite readings, and we conclude with an explanation based on the generalized availability of type-shifters. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.13cav 205 220 16 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Negative imperatives in Portuguese and other Romance languages</TitleText> 1 A01 Rerisson Cavalcante Cavalcante, Rerisson Rerisson Cavalcante Universidade de São Paulo 10 01 JB code cilt.318.00sec3 Section header 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Semantic interfaces</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.318.14mar 221 238 18 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Another look at Italian generic sentences</TitleText> 1 A01 Alda Mari Mari, Alda Alda Mari Institut Jean Nicod, CNRS/ENS/EHESS 01 In this paper we reconsider the interpretation of indefinite singular generics and definite plural generics in Italian. We show that these two types of statements cannot be associated with the traditional distinction between definitional vs. accidental generalizations. In particular we argue that indefinite generic statements are associated with a variety of interpretations that can be unified by reconstructing a hidden abilitative verbal operator triggered by the imperfective interpretation of the present tense. We distinguish between two types of abilities as well as between the overt abilitative modal and the covert one. We correctly derive the prediction that indefinite singular generics cannot be combined with accidental properties, which are perfective in nature. We analyze definite plurals as entering the logical form with a situation variable that is responsible for the fact that definite plural generics are compatible with accidental properties. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.15cro 239 256 18 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The agreement of collective DPS in Romanian</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">agreement of collective DPS in Romanian</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Blanca Croitor Croitor, Blanca Blanca Croitor Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest 2 A01 Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin CNRS – LLF, Université Paris 7 01 Romanian collective nouns do not allow plural agreement on the verb, unlike in British English. But when a collective noun is used with a partitive quantifier (e.g. <i>o parte din guvern </i>&#8220;part of the government&#8221;), plural agreement is possible. We propose an analysis for partitive quantification, which can account for plural agreement with partitive collectives, as well as with partitive plural DPs (<i>o parte dintre studen&#355;i</i> &#8220;part of the students&#8221;). Our analysis is based on Higginbotham&#8217;s (1994) analysis of mass and plural D-quantifiers. Quantification is construed in terms of amounts of minimal parts; the minimal parts in the denotation of collective nouns are atomic entities. The partitive quantifiers transform a group denoting entity into a sum denoting entity. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.16rat 257 270 14 Article 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A multidominance account for conjoined questions in Romanian</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">multidominance account for conjoined questions in Romanian</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Dafina Ratiu Ratiu, Dafina Dafina Ratiu University of Nantes, LLING EA 3827 01 This paper discusses conjoined questions in Romanian, where two selected WHs (i.e. a subject WH phrase and an object WH phrase) appear coordinated in clause-initial position. By comparing conjoined questions with selected WHs with conjoined questions with non-selected WHs, I argue for a bi-clausal analysis for both types, where one single IP is pronounced. I show that conjoined questions with selected WHs, as opposed to conjoined questions with non-selected WHs, raise two problems: (i) the shared IP can only be pronounced once and (ii) the shared IP has to be pronounced in the second conjunct. I argue that while an ellipsis/sluicing analysis fails, the multidominance analysis provides a straightforward account for these two problems. In particular, linearization algorithms for multidominance structure (all) correctly predict that the shared IP appears only once in the second conjunct. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.17giu 271 286 16 Article 22 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The Romanian verbal cluster and the theory of head movement</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Romanian verbal cluster and the theory of head movement</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Ion Giurgea Giurgea, Ion Ion Giurgea Iorgu Iordan – Al. Rosetti Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest & University of Constance 01 In Romanian, auxiliaries, mood particles, the negation and a handful of functional items traditionally analyzed as adverbs behave as clitics on the verb, forming together with the verb the so-called &#8216;verbal cluster&#8217;. The analysis of this cluster as a complex head is problematic because auxiliaries, mood particles and negation display a head-initial order inside the cluster, instead of the normal head-final order inside complex heads found in Indo-European languages. Examining the alternatives proposed in the literature and a possible analysis as PF head-clitics, I conclude that the verbal cluster involves nevertheless complex head formation in syntax. I discuss the solutions proposed for the head-initial order in the literature and I offer an alternative analysis, based on the idea of PF-linearization. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.18fal 287 302 16 Article 23 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">New challenges in the area of semantic dependencies</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Romanian epistemic constraint</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anamaria Fălăus Fălăus, Anamaria Anamaria Fălăus University of the Basque Country 01 This paper investigates the parameters of variation in the area of semantically dependent indefinites, by focusing on the distribution of the Romanian dependent determiner <i>vreun</i>. Refining previous descriptions in the literature (Farkas 2002, 2006), I argue that the occurrence of <i>vreun</i> in intensional contexts is sensitive to epistemic alternatives. To account for this, I endorse the unitary approach to polarity-sensitivity due to Chierchia (2006) and argue that the differences between <i>vreun</i> and other dependent indefinites stem from the types of alternatives they activate and the way these alternatives contribute to the overall meaning. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.19far 303 328 26 Article 24 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Polarity particles in English and Romanian</TitleText> 1 A01 Donka F. Farkas Farkas, Donka F. Donka F. Farkas University of California, Santa Cruz 01 This paper contrasts the distribution and interpretation of &#8216;polarity particles&#8217; in English and Romanian. Polarity particles (<i>yes, no</i> in English, <i>da, nu, ba</i> in Romanian) occur at the left edge of utterances that react to assertions, polar questions and imperatives but cannot be used in &#8216;out of the blue&#8217; contexts. The paper makes sense of this distribution as well as of the contrasts between the two languages against the background of a context structure proposed in earlier work, which allows us to understand in what sense assertions, polar questions and imperatives form a natural class. Of particular interest here are cases where both <i>yes</i> and <i>no</i> can be used in otherwise identical responses in English as well as the distribution of these particles in reactions to imperatives. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.20ind 329 332 4 Article 25 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20111130 2011 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027248367 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 110.00 EUR R 01 00 92.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 165.00 USD S 884009247 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 318 Hb 15 9789027248367 13 2011034776 BB 01 CILT 02 0304-0763 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 318 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance Linguistics 2010</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Selected papers from the 40th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Seattle, Washington, March 2010</Subtitle> 01 cilt.318 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.318 1 B01 Julia Herschensohn Herschensohn, Julia Julia Herschensohn University of Washington 01 eng 350 xvii 332 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This volume contains a selection of nineteen peer-reviewed papers from the 40th annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held at the University of Washington in March 2010. In addition to overviews of Romance linguistics by the editor and by Jurgen Klausenburger in the keynote article, contributions cover a variety of linguistic theoretical topics and a range of Romance languages, including Old and Modern French, Italian, Romanian as well as several dialects of Spanish and Portuguese. A number of papers deal with the morphophonology of Peninsular Spanish languages, agreement anomalies, generic interpretation, and the syntax/semantics of determiners, particularly of Romanian. Both the topics and the languages discussed in this volume are tied together by a number of <i>leitmotifs</i>, and several articles present phenomena not previously considered. The volume makes significant contributions both to the documentation of Romance languages and to linguistic theory, and will be of interest to Romance and general linguistics scholars. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.318.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027248367.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027248367.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.318.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.318.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.318.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.318.hb.png 10 01 JB code cilt.318.001for ix x 2 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Foreword and acknowledgements</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.318.002edi xi xviii 8 Article 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Editor&#8217;s introduction</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.318.01kla 1 14 14 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Theory and practice in Romance linguistics today</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The importance of the annual LSRL</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jurgen Klausenburger Klausenburger, Jurgen Jurgen Klausenburger University of Washington 01 Since its inception in 1971, the LSRL (Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages) has gained in prestige to become the foremost conference in Romance linguistics today. The papers given at this meeting distinguish themselves with as much originality as shown in any linguistics conference at present. This paper claims that such a state of affairs can be compared to the classical period of Romance linguistics in the second half of the 19th century and the early part of the 20th century. Just as the latter constituted a very successful application of the dominant theoretical apparatus of the time, comparative historical linguistics based on Neogrammarian principles, today&#8217;s scholars are achieving great success by making use of current advances in linguistics. The positing of an &#8220;organic continuum&#8221; of the discipline derives from one of the three definitions of Romance linguistics offered by Malkiel (1961), but its essence was already captured in Schuchardt (1915). 10 01 JB code cilt.318.00sec1 Section header 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Morphophonology</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.318.02ren 15 32 18 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the origins of /&#616;/ in Romanian</TitleText> 1 A01 Margaret E.L. Renwick Renwick, Margaret E.L. Margaret E.L. Renwick Cornell University 01 The source of Romanian /&#616;/ is debated: did it come from a native vowel split, or was it imported through borrowings? I argue that Romanian /&#616;/ split from /&#54;/ in native words under a definable set of phonological conditions, but that the influence of borrowings from other languages encouraged its eventual phonemicization. In native words, instances of /&#616;/ are predictable based on the surrounding phonological environment, indicating its original allophonic status. Borrowings from Slavic, however, show expansion of the phonological environments permitting /&#616;/; and in Turkish loanwords /&#616;/ appears in contexts lacking any phonological conditioning, indicating that at the time of borrowing, [&#616;] was on the verge of phonemic contrast. Despite the combination of forces that conspired to phonemicize /&#616;/ in Romanian, the result is a marginally-contrastive vowel with very low type frequency, which appears almost exclusively in predictable environments that reflect its phonologically-conditioned history as an allophone. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.03ram 33 48 16 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">An acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>An </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">acoustic investigation of nasal place neutralization in Spanish</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">Default place assignment and phonetic underspecification</Subtitle> 1 A01 Michael Ramsammy Ramsammy, Michael Michael Ramsammy University of Manchester 01 Previous accounts of nasal place neutralization in Spanish have claimed that word-medial nasal codas acquire place features by categorical assimilation, whereas word-final nasals are specified for place by epenthesis of a dialect-particular default value. This paper reports on the results of experimental investigation into the acoustic properties of place neutralized nasals in Spanish. Results confirm that speakers of alveolarizing dialects neutralize word-final nasal place contrasts to [<sc>coronal</sc>], whereas the output of neutralization in velarizing dialects is [<sc>dorsal</sc>]. Moreover, acoustic analysis reveals that preconsonantal nasal codas are not targets for categorical assimilation. In agreement with the experimental results, an alternative analysis is presented in which word-medial preconsonantal nasal codas are underspecified for place on the surface. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.04wei 49 62 14 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">An acoustic study of rhotics in onset clusters in La Rioja</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>An </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">acoustic study of rhotics in onset clusters in La Rioja</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Christine Weissglass Weissglass, Christine Christine Weissglass Florida State University 01 Rhotics in Spanish onset clusters can be realized as taps, trills, or approximants depending on the dialect (Hualde 2005: 182&#8211;183). However, assibilated [i.e. fricative] pronunciations have been reported in some areas such as the La Rioja region of Spain (Alonso 1925: 169; Llorente 1965: 296&#8211;297; Navarro Tom&#225;s 1968: 210). The present study examines acoustic data from four participants from La Rioja in order to corroborate these reports. The effects of (i) place of articulation and (ii) voicing of the preceding consonant as well as (iii) the nuclear vowel on rhotic pronunciation are also examined. Rhotic pronunciation is analyzed in terms of (i) manner, (ii) duration, (iii) voicing, (iv) svarabhakti vowel occurrence and (v) svarabhakti vowel duration. The findings show few instances of assibilation; the majority of rhotics were realized as approximants. The results of this study have theoretical implications for the phonological status of rhotics in Spanish. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.05bra 63 78 16 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Mid front vowel lowering before rhotics in Ibero-Romance</TitleText> 1 A01 Travis G. Bradley Bradley, Travis G. Travis G. Bradley University of California, Davis 01 This paper surveys the distribution of mid front vowels before rhotics in five different varieties of Ibero-Romance and identifies typological patterns of vowel lowering. An analysis is proposed in Optimality Theory that employs a fixed ranking of phonetically grounded markedness constraints against closed mid front /e/ in different pre-rhotic contexts, organized in an implicational hierarchy. Faithfulness constraints on vowel place features interact with this ranking to generate a factorial typology of /e/-lowering that matches the distribution observed in the data and makes predictions about possible and impossible languages. The paper also discusses theoretical implications for the status of intervocalic trills in Ibero-Romance as singleton versus geminate segments. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.06col 79 98 20 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Plural formation in Galician</TitleText> 1 A01 Sonia Colina Colina, Sonia Sonia Colina University of Arizona 01 This paper offers an optimality-theoretic analysis of synchronic Galician plural formation that explains the distribution of allomorphs in the standard dialect as well as the patterns of dialectal variation. Gliding serves to parse a nasal or lateral coda in the nucleus, thus avoiding the complex cluster that would have resulted from plural attachment. Epenthesis takes place in the plural of l-final singulars when gliding would otherwise result in an unstressed extra heavy coda or a violation of minimality. The plurals of singulars ending in a nasal avoid epenthesis if this requires parsing of a velar nasal in the onset. Non-normative dialects such as the Eastern varieties also repair clusters through vocalization of the singular-final nasal, but a front nasal is preferred to the back unrounded one of normative Galician; Southern dialects resort to nasal and lateral deletion in the plural. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.00sec2 Section header 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Syntax</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.318.07art 99 116 18 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On bare subject relative clauses in Old French</TitleText> 1 A01 Deborah Arteaga Arteaga, Deborah Deborah Arteaga University of Nevada, Las Vegas 01 This paper considers restrictive relatives in OF, of the type <i>Car ne voi tertre</i> <i>nen soeit rases</i> &#8220;For I see no small hill (that) is not razed to the ground&#8221;. We note that unlike MF, in OF, the relative pronoun <i>qui</i> could be unexpressed in such structures. OF bare subject relatives, we argue, are not instances of parataxis, or a juxtaposition of two independent clauses, because the syntactic characteristics which such an analysis presumes are lacking in OF. For similar reasons (cf. Arteaga 2009), we also reject a CP analysis of bare subject restrictive relative clauses in favor of an IP analysis in which no null relative is proposed. Following (Trihn 2009), we adopt a copy account of these constructions, part of a general rule of syntactic derivation. This, combined with feature checking, required within Minimalism, allows us to derive bare subject relatives in OF. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.08tro 117 136 20 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Directed motion in Medieval French</TitleText> 1 A01 Michelle Troberg Troberg, Michelle Michelle Troberg University of Toronto 01 This paper introduces new data showing that Medieval French patterns like a satellite-framed language in that directed motion events can be expressed via a manner verb and a PP complement denoting a telic goal. This contrasts sharply with contemporary French, a typical verb-framed language, in which directed motion is encoded via path verbs with manner as a separate adjunct phrase. Typologically, the data is consistent with a number of other argument structure properties that characterise Medieval French as satellite-framed much like English and Dutch. I argue that the source of variation between Medieval and present-day French resides in a difference in the extended functional projection of prepositional elements. While Medieval French has an active functional projection that permits simple prepositions to encode path, present-day French does not. The analysis diverges from recent accounts of the directed motion construction in which the locus of variation is situated in a macro-parameter. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.09dor 137 154 18 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">An ergative analysis of French valency alternations</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>An </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">ergative analysis of French valency alternations</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Edit Doron Doron, Edit Edit Doron The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 2 A01 Marie Labelle Labelle, Marie Marie Labelle Université du Québec à Montréal 01 The French anticausative is attested in two separate constructions: one focuses on the result (Res-AC), e.g. <i>Le rameau s&#8217;est fl&#233;tri</i>; the second focuses on the process (Proc-AC) &#8211; <i>Le rameau a fl&#233;tri</i>, both translated to English as &#8216;The branch withered&#8217;. The paper proposes to explain the differences between the two constructions as follows. Res-AC results from the merge of <i>se</i> under non-active Voice, coupled with the absence of a vP projection, whereas Proc-AC results from the use of active Voice with a v projection lacking a specifier. Anticausative derivations from typologically distinct languages, Hebrew and Neo-Aramaic (an ergative language) provide support for the analysis. In these languages, the merge of v is overtly detectable, whether or not v has a specifier. In Hebrew this is indicated by a dative reflexive clitic, and in Neo-Aramaic, by ergative agreement. The analysis proposed for French extends naturally to these languages, providing support for it. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.10sae 155 176 22 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Peninsular Spanish pre-nominal possessives in ellipsis contexts</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A Phase-based account</Subtitle> 1 A01 Luis Sáez Sáez, Luis Luis Sáez Universidad Complutense de Madrid 01 Peninsular Spanish pre-nominal possessives and definite articles contrast in ellipsis environments (<i>los/&#42;nuestros </i>___<i> rojos</i> &#8220;the/our red ones&#8221;), yet all these words are unstressed and, therefore, should violate what I call the Stress Condition on Remnants (ellipsis remnants must be stressed). I claim articles, being externally merged in D, escape such condition as it only affects the most recently spelled-out NP-Phase Complement (Nissenbaum 2000) containing the ellipsis site; instead, pre-nominal possessives raise from NP to D, thus leaving an offending unstressed copy in NP. Strikingly, the combined presence of a post-nominal modifier and a numeral makes pre-nominal possessives compatible with ellipsis (<i>nuestros seis ___ rojos</i> &#8220;our six red ones&#8221;). A Kayne 1994-style relative-clause configuration for nominal modifiers explains this: the post-nominal modifier is the predicate of a subject DP-Phase (introduced by the numeral) containing the ellipsis site and excluding the possessive, which thus complies with the Stress Condition on Remnants. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.11dem 177 190 14 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the nature of nominal features</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Agreement mismatches in Spanish conjoined structures</Subtitle> 1 A01 Violeta Demonte Demonte, Violeta Violeta Demonte Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain 2 A01 Héctor Fernández-Alcalde Fernández-Alcalde, Héctor Héctor Fernández-Alcalde Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain 3 A01 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientí–ficas, CCHS, Madrid, Spain 01 Agreement mismatches pose a challenge for standard conceptions of Agree as a Probe-Goal feature valuation process of a single set of &#966;-features. In this paper we focus on sentences with a subject DP formed by two singular conjoined Ns, such as <i>La madre e hija vinieron juntas</i>, in which agreement inside DP gives rise to Closest Conjunct Agreement &#8211; D agrees in singular with the first N &#8211; while Subject-Tense agreement is plural. To solve this puzzle we argue for the necessity of incorporating into the minimalist framework the distinction between concord and index features, as proposed in other theoretical frameworks. Ns and Ds carry these two sets of features which, we claim, are introduced in independently motivated bundles. Building on Frampton &#38; Gutmann&#8217;s (2000, 2006) Feature Sharing theory and Chomsky&#8217;s (2001) Maximization Principle, we articulate a single agreement process which derives the two ways in which agreement proceeds in conjoined structures. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.12gut 191 204 14 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the nature of bare nouns in Afro-Bolivian Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach The Ohio State University 2 A01 Sandro Sessarego Sessarego, Sandro Sandro Sessarego University of Wisconsin, Madison 01 This paper provides an analysis of bare nouns in Afro-Bolivian Spanish. Their behavior does not fit the typology emerging from the Nominal Mapping Parameter. We consider several properties related to mass/count, kind, and indefinite/definite readings, and we conclude with an explanation based on the generalized availability of type-shifters. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.13cav 205 220 16 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Negative imperatives in Portuguese and other Romance languages</TitleText> 1 A01 Rerisson Cavalcante Cavalcante, Rerisson Rerisson Cavalcante Universidade de São Paulo 10 01 JB code cilt.318.00sec3 Section header 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Semantic interfaces</TitleText> 10 01 JB code cilt.318.14mar 221 238 18 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Another look at Italian generic sentences</TitleText> 1 A01 Alda Mari Mari, Alda Alda Mari Institut Jean Nicod, CNRS/ENS/EHESS 01 In this paper we reconsider the interpretation of indefinite singular generics and definite plural generics in Italian. We show that these two types of statements cannot be associated with the traditional distinction between definitional vs. accidental generalizations. In particular we argue that indefinite generic statements are associated with a variety of interpretations that can be unified by reconstructing a hidden abilitative verbal operator triggered by the imperfective interpretation of the present tense. We distinguish between two types of abilities as well as between the overt abilitative modal and the covert one. We correctly derive the prediction that indefinite singular generics cannot be combined with accidental properties, which are perfective in nature. We analyze definite plurals as entering the logical form with a situation variable that is responsible for the fact that definite plural generics are compatible with accidental properties. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.15cro 239 256 18 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The agreement of collective DPS in Romanian</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">agreement of collective DPS in Romanian</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Blanca Croitor Croitor, Blanca Blanca Croitor Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest 2 A01 Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin Dobrovie-Sorin, Carmen Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin CNRS – LLF, Université Paris 7 01 Romanian collective nouns do not allow plural agreement on the verb, unlike in British English. But when a collective noun is used with a partitive quantifier (e.g. <i>o parte din guvern </i>&#8220;part of the government&#8221;), plural agreement is possible. We propose an analysis for partitive quantification, which can account for plural agreement with partitive collectives, as well as with partitive plural DPs (<i>o parte dintre studen&#355;i</i> &#8220;part of the students&#8221;). Our analysis is based on Higginbotham&#8217;s (1994) analysis of mass and plural D-quantifiers. Quantification is construed in terms of amounts of minimal parts; the minimal parts in the denotation of collective nouns are atomic entities. The partitive quantifiers transform a group denoting entity into a sum denoting entity. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.16rat 257 270 14 Article 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A multidominance account for conjoined questions in Romanian</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">multidominance account for conjoined questions in Romanian</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Dafina Ratiu Ratiu, Dafina Dafina Ratiu University of Nantes, LLING EA 3827 01 This paper discusses conjoined questions in Romanian, where two selected WHs (i.e. a subject WH phrase and an object WH phrase) appear coordinated in clause-initial position. By comparing conjoined questions with selected WHs with conjoined questions with non-selected WHs, I argue for a bi-clausal analysis for both types, where one single IP is pronounced. I show that conjoined questions with selected WHs, as opposed to conjoined questions with non-selected WHs, raise two problems: (i) the shared IP can only be pronounced once and (ii) the shared IP has to be pronounced in the second conjunct. I argue that while an ellipsis/sluicing analysis fails, the multidominance analysis provides a straightforward account for these two problems. In particular, linearization algorithms for multidominance structure (all) correctly predict that the shared IP appears only once in the second conjunct. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.17giu 271 286 16 Article 22 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The Romanian verbal cluster and the theory of head movement</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Romanian verbal cluster and the theory of head movement</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Ion Giurgea Giurgea, Ion Ion Giurgea Iorgu Iordan – Al. Rosetti Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest & University of Constance 01 In Romanian, auxiliaries, mood particles, the negation and a handful of functional items traditionally analyzed as adverbs behave as clitics on the verb, forming together with the verb the so-called &#8216;verbal cluster&#8217;. The analysis of this cluster as a complex head is problematic because auxiliaries, mood particles and negation display a head-initial order inside the cluster, instead of the normal head-final order inside complex heads found in Indo-European languages. Examining the alternatives proposed in the literature and a possible analysis as PF head-clitics, I conclude that the verbal cluster involves nevertheless complex head formation in syntax. I discuss the solutions proposed for the head-initial order in the literature and I offer an alternative analysis, based on the idea of PF-linearization. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.18fal 287 302 16 Article 23 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">New challenges in the area of semantic dependencies</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Romanian epistemic constraint</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anamaria Fălăus Fălăus, Anamaria Anamaria Fălăus University of the Basque Country 01 This paper investigates the parameters of variation in the area of semantically dependent indefinites, by focusing on the distribution of the Romanian dependent determiner <i>vreun</i>. Refining previous descriptions in the literature (Farkas 2002, 2006), I argue that the occurrence of <i>vreun</i> in intensional contexts is sensitive to epistemic alternatives. To account for this, I endorse the unitary approach to polarity-sensitivity due to Chierchia (2006) and argue that the differences between <i>vreun</i> and other dependent indefinites stem from the types of alternatives they activate and the way these alternatives contribute to the overall meaning. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.19far 303 328 26 Article 24 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Polarity particles in English and Romanian</TitleText> 1 A01 Donka F. Farkas Farkas, Donka F. Donka F. Farkas University of California, Santa Cruz 01 This paper contrasts the distribution and interpretation of &#8216;polarity particles&#8217; in English and Romanian. Polarity particles (<i>yes, no</i> in English, <i>da, nu, ba</i> in Romanian) occur at the left edge of utterances that react to assertions, polar questions and imperatives but cannot be used in &#8216;out of the blue&#8217; contexts. The paper makes sense of this distribution as well as of the contrasts between the two languages against the background of a context structure proposed in earlier work, which allows us to understand in what sense assertions, polar questions and imperatives form a natural class. Of particular interest here are cases where both <i>yes</i> and <i>no</i> can be used in otherwise identical responses in English as well as the distribution of these particles in reactions to imperatives. 10 01 JB code cilt.318.20ind 329 332 4 Article 25 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20111130 2011 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 780 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 23 14 01 02 JB 1 00 110.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 116.60 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 14 02 02 JB 1 00 92.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 14 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 165.00 USD