247028143 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 357 Hb 15 9789027210128 06 10.1075/cilt.357 13 2021043995 00 BB 08 720 gr 10 01 JB code CILT 02 0304-0763 02 357.00 01 02 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 01 01 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2018 Selected papers from 'Going Romance' 32, Utrecht Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2018: Selected papers from 'Going Romance' 32, Utrecht 1 B01 01 JB code 923432923 Sergio Baauw Baauw, Sergio Sergio Baauw Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/923432923 2 B01 01 JB code 727432922 Frank Drijkoningen Drijkoningen, Frank Frank Drijkoningen Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/727432922 3 B01 01 JB code 824432924 Luisa Meroni Meroni, Luisa Luisa Meroni Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/824432924 01 eng 11 326 03 03 vi 03 00 320 03 01 23/eng/20211029 440 03 2018 PC11 04 Romance languages--Congresses. 10 LAN009000 12 CF/2AD 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 This volume contains a peer reviewed selection papers from Going Romance 32 (Utrecht 2018). The papers discuss data and formalized analyses of one or more Romance languages, with particular attention to variation. 03 00 This volume contains a peer reviewed selection of invited contributions, papers and posters that were presented at the 2018 venue of Going Romance (XXXII) in Utrecht (a four day program that included two thematic workshops).
The papers all discuss data and formalized analyses of one or more Romance languages or dialects, in either synchronic or diachronic perspective, and pay particular attention to the variation and the actual variability that is at stake, not only in syntax and morpho-syntax but also in semantics and phonology. Beyond the discussion of differences between languages and/or dialects from a formalist perspective, the volume also contains a number of papers linking the theme of variation to sociolinguistic issues such as natural bilingualism and micro-contact.
01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cilt.357.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027210128.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027210128.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cilt.357.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cilt.357.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cilt.357.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cilt.357.hb.png
01 01 JB code cilt.357.int 06 10.1075/cilt.357.int 1 10 10 Chapter 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 1 A01 01 JB code 169434427 Frank Drijkoningen Drijkoningen, Frank Frank Drijkoningen Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/169434427 2 A01 01 JB code 4434428 Sergio Baauw Baauw, Sergio Sergio Baauw Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/4434428 3 A01 01 JB code 481434429 Luisa Meroni Meroni, Luisa Luisa Meroni Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/481434429 01 eng 01 01 JB code cilt.357.01bru 06 10.1075/cilt.357.01bru 11 24 14 Chapter 2 01 04 Chapter 1. Processing clitic pronouns outside coargumenthood Chapter 1. Processing clitic pronouns outside coargumenthood 1 A01 01 JB code 410434430 Valentina Brunetto Brunetto, Valentina Valentina Brunetto University of Leeds 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/410434430 01 eng 30 00

Online adult processing of English pronouns is subject to early structural constraints. However, if a sentence fails to provide a licit antecedent for a pronoun, ungrammatical antecedents may be fleetingly considered, causing processing disruption. This paper investigates whether illicit antecedents exert any interference in the processing of clitic pronouns. Given an established asymmetry between simple and Exceptional Case Marking predicates in the acquisition of binding Principle B (Baauw & Cuetos 2003), this study asks whether the notion of coargumenthood plays a role during the online processing of clitic pronouns by Italian-speaking adults. I report experimental evidence from a self-paced reading study suggesting that the time course of pronoun resolution is affected by coargumenthood. In Exceptional Case Marking predicates, comprehenders appear to temporarily consider a feature-matching local antecedent as soon as the clitic trace is processed in its thematic position.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.02car 06 10.1075/cilt.357.02car 25 48 24 Chapter 3 01 04 Chapter 2. Infinitival complement clauses Chapter 2. Infinitival complement clauses 01 04 Data from L2 acquisition of European Portuguese Data from L2 acquisition of European Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 710434431 Aida Cardoso Cardoso, Aida Aida Cardoso University of Lisbon 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/710434431 2 A01 01 JB code 955434432 Inês Duarte Duarte, Inês Inês Duarte University of Lisbon 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/955434432 3 A01 01 JB code 374434433 Ana Lúcia Santos Santos, Ana Lúcia Ana Lúcia Santos University of Lisbon 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/374434433 01 eng 30 00

Assuming the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis (FRH) (Lardiere 2008, 2009), we argue that the acquisition of Exceptional Case Marking (ECM), Inflected Infinitive Structures (IIS) and Prepositional Infinitival Structures (PIC) by Spanish learners of European Portuguese (EP) presents different challenges. Two Acceptability Judgment Tasks show that identifying and reconfiguring the specific features associated with the PIC is a difficult task and that Spanish native speakers perform better in the case of ECM, whose properties can, for the most part, be transferred from the L1. However, the absence of an overt morphosyntactic counterpart for features related to Differential Object Marking (DOM) in EP represents a challenge. Finally, the results for the IIS present an interesting case study, since they force us to question the usual descriptions of the native grammar.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.03cru 06 10.1075/cilt.357.03cru 49 70 22 Chapter 4 01 04 Chapter 3. Focus fronting vs. wh-movement Chapter 3. Focus fronting vs. wh -movement 01 04 Evidence from Sardinian Evidence from Sardinian 1 A01 01 JB code 192434434 Silvio Cruschina Cruschina, Silvio Silvio Cruschina University of Helsinki 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/192434434 01 eng 30 00

It is commonly held that focus fronting exhibits similar properties to wh-movement. The syntactic parallelism between the two types of movement has been supported by the semantic analyses of wh-questions that assume that when wh-words function as interrogative operators, they are inherently focal. The main goal of this paper is to challenge this highly attractive picture of the relationship between wh-words, focus, and movement, and to claim that wh-phrases are not inherently focal. The results of a prosodic production experiment on the distribution of the nuclear pitch accent in Sardinian wh-questions, together with the syntactic properties related to the asymmetry between direct and indirect wh-questions, form the empirical basis of this study.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.04dem 06 10.1075/cilt.357.04dem 71 96 26 Chapter 5 01 04 Chapter 4. The varieties of temporal anaphora and temporal coincidence Chapter 4. The varieties of temporal anaphora and temporal coincidence 1 A01 01 JB code 452434435 Hamida Demirdache Demirdache, Hamida Hamida Demirdache Nantes University/CNRS 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/452434435 01 eng 30 00

This paper explores the temporal construals of perfective vs. imperfective aspect in Sequence of Tense contexts in Spanish and French, in particular, under ellipsis. The distribution of past-shifted vs. simultaneous, as well as sloppy vs. strict, temporal construals is taken to support extending to viewpoint aspect a referential approach to tense, as Demirdache & Uribe-Etxebarria (2014) contend. I derive the distribution of simultaneous vs. past-shifted readings by extending their analysis of imperfective vs. perfective to embedded contexts. The intricate distribution of strict vs. sloppy (simultaneous, as well as past-shifted) readings is explained by extending the LF-parallelism constraint on ellipsis (Fox 2000) – specifically, the assumption that structural parallelism yields sloppy readings, while referential parallelism yields strict readings – to temporal anaphora under ellipsis.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.05fer 06 10.1075/cilt.357.05fer 97 116 20 Chapter 6 01 04 Chapter 5. The structure and interpretation of `non-matching' split interrogatives in Spanish Chapter 5. The structure and interpretation of ‘non-matching’ split interrogatives in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 497434436 Olga Fernández-Soriano Fernández-Soriano, Olga Olga Fernández-Soriano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/497434436 01 eng 30 00

The goal of this paper is to analyze the properties of (a special type of) ‘split interrogative’ (SI) constructions in Spanish. SIs are wh-questions followed by a phrase that constitutes a possible answer, the ‘tag’. The overall structure is interpreted as a yes/no question (as in what did John bring, a book?). In standard cases, the tag matches the (case and thematic) features of the wh-element. Nevertheless, in (spoken Peninsular) Spanish what I will call ‘Non-matching Split Interrogatives’ (NMSI) are also possible. In these cases, the wh-element and the XP in the tag may not match; instead, it is the dummy (neuter) qué “what” that heads the wh-clause. I investigate these cases and propose a (biclausal) analysis involving an ellipsis process similar to the one taking place in fragments (Merchant 2004). To support this hypothesis, I focus on a the fact that: in NMSI there is a form-meaning mismatch that, to my knowledge, has gone unnoticed both in theoretical and descriptive studies.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.06iri 06 10.1075/cilt.357.06iri 117 130 14 Chapter 7 01 04 Chapter 6. Differential object marking and scale reversals Chapter 6. Differential object marking and scale reversals 1 A01 01 JB code 302434437 Monica Alexandrina Irimia Irimia, Monica Alexandrina Monica Alexandrina Irimia University of Modena and Reggio Emilia 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/302434437 2 A01 01 JB code 563434438 Anna Pineda Pineda, Anna Anna Pineda Sorbonne Université 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/563434438 01 eng 30 00

This paper focuses on some problematic aspects of the diachrony of differential object marking in Old Catalan and Old Romanian (11th to 17th centuries). Corpus data from both languages reveal two unexpected facts: (i) there is a prominence of 3rd person to the exclusion of 1st and 2nd person, contrary to what the Animacy/Person scale would predict; (ii) differential marking appears to be present on nominals (especially proper names), to the exclusion of pronouns, this time contrary to the Specificity/Definiteness Scale. The account we propose for these types of scale reversals builds on the idea that languages can have more than one differential object marking strategy, as well as more than one type of structure for pronouns and animate nominals. Moreover, the co-existence of various mechanisms for nominal licensing can explain why, in some instances, classes lower down the hierarchies can get signaled to the exclusion of higher ones.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.07lop 06 10.1075/cilt.357.07lop 131 150 20 Chapter 8 01 04 Chapter 7. Contact phenomena Chapter 7. Contact phenomena 01 04 The I-language of a bilingual The I-language of a bilingual 1 A01 01 JB code 663434439 Luis López López, Luis Luis López University of Illinois at Chicago 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/663434439 01 eng 30 00

Against the common-sense notion that bilinguals have two grammatical systems I argue that the linguistic system of a bilingual should be integrated, following ideas developed in more detail in López (2020). In particular, I argue that both the lexicon and the post-syntactic operations that lead to the externalization systems are integrated. I further argue that the distinction between code-switching and borrowing is spurious and I extend the integrated hypothesis to syntactic transfer. I use Distributed Morphology to formally describe how an integrated system may work.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.08man 06 10.1075/cilt.357.08man 151 170 20 Chapter 9 01 04 Chapter 8. -ng plurals in North Lombard varieties Chapter 8. - ŋ plurals in North Lombard varieties 01 04 Differential plural marking and phases Differential plural marking and phases 1 A01 01 JB code 702434440 Maria Rita Manzini Manzini, Maria Rita Maria Rita Manzini University of Illinois at Chicago 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/702434440 2 A01 01 JB code 507434441 Leonardo M. Savoia Savoia, Leonardo M. Leonardo M. Savoia University of Illinois at Chicago 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/507434441 3 A01 01 JB code 684434442 Benedetta Baldi Baldi, Benedetta Benedetta Baldi University of Illinois at Chicago 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/684434442 01 eng 30 00

We focus on North Lombard -a and -n feminine plurals, for which we provide a morphological analysis. At the syntactic level, the relevant varieties are characterized by the phenomenon of Differential Plural Marking, whereby phasal domains have different realizations of plural morphology on the head of the phase and on the complement of the phase. We provide an account of DPM based on the assumption that under the PIC the complement of the phase and its head are externalized separately. We draw consequences concerning clitics as phasal heads as well as object agreement with participles and with finite verbs.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.09mar 06 10.1075/cilt.357.09mar 171 190 20 Chapter 10 01 04 Chapter 9. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg's 2005 typology of null subject languages Chapter 9. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg’s 2005 typology of null subject languages 1 A01 01 JB code 37434443 Ana Maria Martins Martins, Ana Maria Ana Maria Martins Universidade de Lisboa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/37434443 2 A01 01 JB code 263434444 Jairo Nunes Nunes, Jairo Jairo Nunes Universidade de Lisboa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/263434444 01 eng 30 00

This paper rethinks Holmberg’s (2005) characterization of partial vs. consistent null subject languages (NSL) based on data from Brazilian and European Portuguese, the former a partial, the latter a consistent NSL. The paper proposes that rather than overt morphological distinctions, what is relevant for null subject licensing is the underlying feature specification of the verbal inflection, after agreement between T and a pronominal subject values the relevant person/number/gender/Case feature. Hence, only close inspection of the pronominal and agreement systems of individual NSLs permits an adequate characterization of them, for the same language may behave as a ‘partial’, ‘consistent’, or ‘radical’ NSL depending on the morphological feature specification of its nominative pronouns and T heads.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.10per 06 10.1075/cilt.357.10per 191 204 14 Chapter 11 01 04 Chapter 10. Aspect in the acquisition of the Spanish locative paradigm by Italian L2 learners Chapter 10. Aspect in the acquisition of the Spanish locative paradigm by Italian L2 learners 1 A01 01 JB code 869434445 Silvia Perpiñán Perpiñán, Silvia Silvia Perpiñán Universitat Pompeu Fabra/CNRS 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/869434445 2 A01 01 JB code 255434446 Rafael Marín Marín, Rafael Rafael Marín Université de Lille 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/255434446 01 eng 30 00

The present study investigates the development of the expression of the locative paradigm in the L2 Spanish of Italian-speaking learners. We investigate (i) whether the developmental stages proposed for English-speaking learners (VanPatten 1987; Perpiñán, Marín & Moreno Villamar 2020) hold for Italian-speaking learners; and (ii) whether Italian, a language that partially overlaps with the distribution of the Spanish copulas has a facilitative role in the process. 33 Italian-speaking learners of Spanish and 21 monolingual Spanish speakers completed a short proficiency test, an acceptability judgement task, and a picture matching task targeting these constructions. Results indicate that unlike what VanPatten (1987, 2010) has proposed for English-speaking learners of Spanish, Italian speakers do not present a delay in the acquisition of estar, but instead, it is overproduced in locative contexts from very early on. We argue that this overproduction of estar is due to the readily available mapping of ‘temporal boundedness’ with estar in the grammar of these L2 learners, whereas the presence of the feature ‘dynamicity’, even though it is relevant in the distribution of copulas in Italian, comes later in L2 development.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.11pon 06 10.1075/cilt.357.11pon 205 224 20 Chapter 12 01 04 Chapter 11. Catalan nativization patterns in the light of weighted scalar constraints Chapter 11. Catalan nativization patterns in the light of weighted scalar constraints 1 A01 01 JB code 83434447 Claudia Pons-Moll Pons-Moll, Claudia Claudia Pons-Moll Universitat de Barcelona 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/83434447 2 A01 01 JB code 259434448 Francesc Torres-Tamarit Torres-Tamarit, Francesc Francesc Torres-Tamarit CNRS, Paris 8 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/259434448 01 eng 30 00

In this paper we analyze, from an experimental and formal perspective, the interaction and the implicational relationships between vowel reduction and word-final nasal deletion in Catalan loanwords. We present the results of both a production and a perception test carried out with 31 young speakers from the Barcelona area. Loanwords susceptible to undergoing both nasal deletion and vowel reduction display different patterns, which, according to the tests, show different degrees of likeliness. The most common pattern is underapplication of both processes, followed closely by underapplication of nasal deletion alone and at a large distance by the application of both processes. Finally, underapplication of vowel reduction and application of nasal deletion is unattested in the production test and obtains a very low score in the perception test, that is, it is a very unlikely nativization pattern. The typology of possible nativizations and the implicational relationships between the processes under scrutiny are analyzed in the framework of Harmonic Grammar under Weighted Scalar Constraints, following recent proposals by Hsu & Jesney (2017, 2018).

01 01 JB code cilt.357.12pra 06 10.1075/cilt.357.12pra 225 248 24 Chapter 13 01 04 Chapter 12. Temporal marking and (in)accessibility in Capeverdean Chapter 12. Temporal marking and (in)accessibility in Capeverdean 1 A01 01 JB code 371434449 Fernanda Pratas Pratas, Fernanda Fernanda Pratas University of Lisbon 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/371434449 01 eng 30 00

Recent descriptions have argued that what seem to be past tense markers in Capeverdean, a Portuguese-related language spoken in Cabo Verde, are instead allomorphs of a temporal agreement morpheme (Pratas 2018a). The rationale for this goes as follows. It is true that both -ba, from the variety of Santiago, and the related (and more complex) form tava, from São Vicente, are sometimes associated with a past tense in the terms of Klein (1994): the Topic Time is located before the Time of Utterance (Pratas 2014). This is the case in (i) past progressives and past habituals. But they also appear in (ii) subordinate clauses where no past interpretation is certain, such as some conditionals and other modal contexts. Since this subordinate lexical item is often licensed in the context of past situations denoted by their respective main clauses, it seems indeed better accounted for by this recent agreement proposal. That analysis, however, still leaves open the question of what this morpheme agrees with, and this is even more intriguing when it occurs fully separated from past situations. Alternatively, the approach taken in Pratas (2021) identifies a common point between (i) and (ii): all these structures denote situations with a low degree of accessibility from the speaker’s perspective. This (in)accessibility is perceived in terms of time: in the first case, we cannot go back to the past; in the second case, external factors may (have) provide(d) an (in)accessible time location. The main goal of this paper then is to further defend this novel insight on that apparent mismatch, which can bring clues to similar problems crosslinguistically.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.13ros 06 10.1075/cilt.357.13ros 249 262 14 Chapter 14 01 04 Chapter 13. Very x. extracted Chapter 13. Very …. extracted 01 04 On old Italian molto On old Italian molto 1 A01 01 JB code 385434451 Cecilia Poletto Poletto, Cecilia Cecilia Poletto Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/385434451 2 A01 01 JB code 576436946 Cecilia Poletto Poletto, Cecilia Cecilia Poletto Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/576436946 01 eng 30 00

In this paper we consider cases of extraction of the degree word molto “very, much” from its modifier position within an AdjP (Giusti 2010a; b; Poletto 2014) in Old Italian. Such cases are reminiscent of Left Branch Extractions (LBE; Ross 1967), but, differently from what happens with adverb extraction in Slavic (Talić 2017), the conditions under which molto-extraction is possible are very restricted: molto can be extracted only when the AdjP is (or modifies a nominal expression) in post-copular predicative position but not outside a fully-fledged DP. We propose that the reason why the structure is so restricted has to do with the presence/absence of a phase boundary, while the reason why this has been lost in modern Italian is the loss of the target position in the CP layer. This allows us to show that the loss of the Verb Second property (V2) in Italian has fine-grained consequences in unexpected domains like quantifier extraction.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.14sil 06 10.1075/cilt.357.14sil 263 286 24 Chapter 15 01 04 Chapter 14. On adverbial perfect participial clauses in Portuguese varieties and British English Chapter 14. On adverbial perfect participial clauses in Portuguese varieties and British English 1 A01 01 JB code 548434452 Purificação Silvano Silvano, Purificação Purificação Silvano Universidade do Porto 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/548434452 2 A01 01 JB code 785434453 António Leal Leal, António António Leal Universidade do Porto 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/785434453 3 A01 01 JB code 185434454 João Cordeiro Cordeiro, João João Cordeiro Universidade de Beira Interior/INESC TEC – Porto 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/185434454 01 eng 30 00

The purpose of this paper is twofold: (i) to discuss the validity of Lobo’s proposal (2003) of distinguishing two types of adverbial perfect participial clauses (APC) in European Portuguese; and (ii) to ascertain the key factors behind their temporal interpretation. To achieve these aims, we compare and contrast patterns displayed by APC in European, Brazilian, Mozambican and Angolan Portuguese and British English across a corpus built from newspapers. Our research reveals that the data do not reflect the bipartite division argued for by Lobo and that, for Portuguese varieties, the position of APC in the sentence and the combinations of some aspectual classes are important to infer temporal relations, whereas, for British English, the anterior orientation/perfect aspect of the perfect participle imposes for most cases an anteriority temporal relation, surpassing the influence of any other factor.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.15tah 06 10.1075/cilt.357.15tah 287 302 16 Chapter 16 01 04 Chapter 15. Craindre ("fear") and expletive negation in diachrony Chapter 15. Craindre (“fear”) and expletive negation in diachrony 1 A01 01 JB code 59434455 Chloé Tahar Tahar, Chloé Chloé Tahar Institut Jean Nicod, DEC, ENS, EHESS, CNRS, 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/59434455 01 eng 30 00

This paper investigates the distribution of expletive negation in the complement clause of craindre (“fear”) in French. Building on Anand & Hacquard’s (2013) proposal that fear verbs are hybrid attitude verbs, featuring both a doxastic and a (dis)preferential component, this paper argues that these two components are conveyed by different layers of meaning (in line with Giannakidou & Mari (2020)). More precisely, I argue that, in actual discourse context, craindre may receive two main interpretations: a volitive (dispreference-related) or a psychological (belief-related) interpretation, depending on whether the verb asserts or presupposes dispreference. Based on a diachronic corpus study of the distribution of expletive negation, I show that expletive negation, in the earliest stages of French, places semantic restrictions on the main verb, which are met when the interpretation of craindre is volitive.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.16ter 06 10.1075/cilt.357.16ter 303 316 14 Chapter 17 01 04 Chapter 16. Fission in Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions Chapter 16. Fission in Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions 1 A01 01 JB code 96434456 Silvia Terenghi Terenghi, Silvia Silvia Terenghi Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/96434456 01 eng 30 00

This paper proposes a new approach to Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions. The account is based on a binary valued feature system for deictic person and is embedded in the Distributed Morphology framework. Looking at data from Romance varieties, some (implicit) shortcomings of previous accounts are repaired via a morphological operation: Fission. Specifically, those accounts do not provide formal means to make sense of the deictic compatibility constraint between the demonstrative and its reinforcer, nor do they discuss categorisation issues relative to reinforcers. Via Fission, instead, a featural reason is given to ensure deictic compatibility, and I put forward a new approach to the category of reinforcers, aiming to overcome their problematic categorisation as DP-internal adverbs.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.ind 06 10.1075/cilt.357.ind 317 317 1 Miscellaneous 18 01 04 Index Index 01 eng
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380028144 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CILT 357 Eb 15 9789027258298 06 10.1075/cilt.357 13 2021043996 00 EA E107 10 01 JB code CILT 02 0304-0763 02 357.00 01 02 Current Issues in Linguistic Theory Current Issues in Linguistic Theory 11 01 JB code jbe-all 01 02 Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles) 11 01 JB code jbe-eba-2023 01 02 Compact EBA Collection 2023 (ca. 700 titles, starting 2018) 11 01 JB code jbe-2021 01 02 2021 collection (118 titles) 11 01 JB code jbe.2021.all 01 01 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2018 Selected papers from 'Going Romance' 32, Utrecht Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2018: Selected papers from 'Going Romance' 32, Utrecht 1 B01 01 JB code 923432923 Sergio Baauw Baauw, Sergio Sergio Baauw Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/923432923 2 B01 01 JB code 727432922 Frank Drijkoningen Drijkoningen, Frank Frank Drijkoningen Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/727432922 3 B01 01 JB code 824432924 Luisa Meroni Meroni, Luisa Luisa Meroni Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/824432924 01 eng 11 326 03 03 vi 03 00 320 03 01 23/eng/20211029 440 03 2018 PC11 04 Romance languages--Congresses. 10 LAN009000 12 CF/2AD 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 This volume contains a peer reviewed selection papers from Going Romance 32 (Utrecht 2018). The papers discuss data and formalized analyses of one or more Romance languages, with particular attention to variation. 03 00 This volume contains a peer reviewed selection of invited contributions, papers and posters that were presented at the 2018 venue of Going Romance (XXXII) in Utrecht (a four day program that included two thematic workshops).
The papers all discuss data and formalized analyses of one or more Romance languages or dialects, in either synchronic or diachronic perspective, and pay particular attention to the variation and the actual variability that is at stake, not only in syntax and morpho-syntax but also in semantics and phonology. Beyond the discussion of differences between languages and/or dialects from a formalist perspective, the volume also contains a number of papers linking the theme of variation to sociolinguistic issues such as natural bilingualism and micro-contact.
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01 01 JB code cilt.357.int 06 10.1075/cilt.357.int 1 10 10 Chapter 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 1 A01 01 JB code 169434427 Frank Drijkoningen Drijkoningen, Frank Frank Drijkoningen Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/169434427 2 A01 01 JB code 4434428 Sergio Baauw Baauw, Sergio Sergio Baauw Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/4434428 3 A01 01 JB code 481434429 Luisa Meroni Meroni, Luisa Luisa Meroni Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/481434429 01 eng 01 01 JB code cilt.357.01bru 06 10.1075/cilt.357.01bru 11 24 14 Chapter 2 01 04 Chapter 1. Processing clitic pronouns outside coargumenthood Chapter 1. Processing clitic pronouns outside coargumenthood 1 A01 01 JB code 410434430 Valentina Brunetto Brunetto, Valentina Valentina Brunetto University of Leeds 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/410434430 01 eng 30 00

Online adult processing of English pronouns is subject to early structural constraints. However, if a sentence fails to provide a licit antecedent for a pronoun, ungrammatical antecedents may be fleetingly considered, causing processing disruption. This paper investigates whether illicit antecedents exert any interference in the processing of clitic pronouns. Given an established asymmetry between simple and Exceptional Case Marking predicates in the acquisition of binding Principle B (Baauw & Cuetos 2003), this study asks whether the notion of coargumenthood plays a role during the online processing of clitic pronouns by Italian-speaking adults. I report experimental evidence from a self-paced reading study suggesting that the time course of pronoun resolution is affected by coargumenthood. In Exceptional Case Marking predicates, comprehenders appear to temporarily consider a feature-matching local antecedent as soon as the clitic trace is processed in its thematic position.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.02car 06 10.1075/cilt.357.02car 25 48 24 Chapter 3 01 04 Chapter 2. Infinitival complement clauses Chapter 2. Infinitival complement clauses 01 04 Data from L2 acquisition of European Portuguese Data from L2 acquisition of European Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 710434431 Aida Cardoso Cardoso, Aida Aida Cardoso University of Lisbon 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/710434431 2 A01 01 JB code 955434432 Inês Duarte Duarte, Inês Inês Duarte University of Lisbon 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/955434432 3 A01 01 JB code 374434433 Ana Lúcia Santos Santos, Ana Lúcia Ana Lúcia Santos University of Lisbon 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/374434433 01 eng 30 00

Assuming the Feature Reassembly Hypothesis (FRH) (Lardiere 2008, 2009), we argue that the acquisition of Exceptional Case Marking (ECM), Inflected Infinitive Structures (IIS) and Prepositional Infinitival Structures (PIC) by Spanish learners of European Portuguese (EP) presents different challenges. Two Acceptability Judgment Tasks show that identifying and reconfiguring the specific features associated with the PIC is a difficult task and that Spanish native speakers perform better in the case of ECM, whose properties can, for the most part, be transferred from the L1. However, the absence of an overt morphosyntactic counterpart for features related to Differential Object Marking (DOM) in EP represents a challenge. Finally, the results for the IIS present an interesting case study, since they force us to question the usual descriptions of the native grammar.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.03cru 06 10.1075/cilt.357.03cru 49 70 22 Chapter 4 01 04 Chapter 3. Focus fronting vs. wh-movement Chapter 3. Focus fronting vs. wh -movement 01 04 Evidence from Sardinian Evidence from Sardinian 1 A01 01 JB code 192434434 Silvio Cruschina Cruschina, Silvio Silvio Cruschina University of Helsinki 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/192434434 01 eng 30 00

It is commonly held that focus fronting exhibits similar properties to wh-movement. The syntactic parallelism between the two types of movement has been supported by the semantic analyses of wh-questions that assume that when wh-words function as interrogative operators, they are inherently focal. The main goal of this paper is to challenge this highly attractive picture of the relationship between wh-words, focus, and movement, and to claim that wh-phrases are not inherently focal. The results of a prosodic production experiment on the distribution of the nuclear pitch accent in Sardinian wh-questions, together with the syntactic properties related to the asymmetry between direct and indirect wh-questions, form the empirical basis of this study.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.04dem 06 10.1075/cilt.357.04dem 71 96 26 Chapter 5 01 04 Chapter 4. The varieties of temporal anaphora and temporal coincidence Chapter 4. The varieties of temporal anaphora and temporal coincidence 1 A01 01 JB code 452434435 Hamida Demirdache Demirdache, Hamida Hamida Demirdache Nantes University/CNRS 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/452434435 01 eng 30 00

This paper explores the temporal construals of perfective vs. imperfective aspect in Sequence of Tense contexts in Spanish and French, in particular, under ellipsis. The distribution of past-shifted vs. simultaneous, as well as sloppy vs. strict, temporal construals is taken to support extending to viewpoint aspect a referential approach to tense, as Demirdache & Uribe-Etxebarria (2014) contend. I derive the distribution of simultaneous vs. past-shifted readings by extending their analysis of imperfective vs. perfective to embedded contexts. The intricate distribution of strict vs. sloppy (simultaneous, as well as past-shifted) readings is explained by extending the LF-parallelism constraint on ellipsis (Fox 2000) – specifically, the assumption that structural parallelism yields sloppy readings, while referential parallelism yields strict readings – to temporal anaphora under ellipsis.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.05fer 06 10.1075/cilt.357.05fer 97 116 20 Chapter 6 01 04 Chapter 5. The structure and interpretation of `non-matching' split interrogatives in Spanish Chapter 5. The structure and interpretation of ‘non-matching’ split interrogatives in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 497434436 Olga Fernández-Soriano Fernández-Soriano, Olga Olga Fernández-Soriano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/497434436 01 eng 30 00

The goal of this paper is to analyze the properties of (a special type of) ‘split interrogative’ (SI) constructions in Spanish. SIs are wh-questions followed by a phrase that constitutes a possible answer, the ‘tag’. The overall structure is interpreted as a yes/no question (as in what did John bring, a book?). In standard cases, the tag matches the (case and thematic) features of the wh-element. Nevertheless, in (spoken Peninsular) Spanish what I will call ‘Non-matching Split Interrogatives’ (NMSI) are also possible. In these cases, the wh-element and the XP in the tag may not match; instead, it is the dummy (neuter) qué “what” that heads the wh-clause. I investigate these cases and propose a (biclausal) analysis involving an ellipsis process similar to the one taking place in fragments (Merchant 2004). To support this hypothesis, I focus on a the fact that: in NMSI there is a form-meaning mismatch that, to my knowledge, has gone unnoticed both in theoretical and descriptive studies.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.06iri 06 10.1075/cilt.357.06iri 117 130 14 Chapter 7 01 04 Chapter 6. Differential object marking and scale reversals Chapter 6. Differential object marking and scale reversals 1 A01 01 JB code 302434437 Monica Alexandrina Irimia Irimia, Monica Alexandrina Monica Alexandrina Irimia University of Modena and Reggio Emilia 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/302434437 2 A01 01 JB code 563434438 Anna Pineda Pineda, Anna Anna Pineda Sorbonne Université 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/563434438 01 eng 30 00

This paper focuses on some problematic aspects of the diachrony of differential object marking in Old Catalan and Old Romanian (11th to 17th centuries). Corpus data from both languages reveal two unexpected facts: (i) there is a prominence of 3rd person to the exclusion of 1st and 2nd person, contrary to what the Animacy/Person scale would predict; (ii) differential marking appears to be present on nominals (especially proper names), to the exclusion of pronouns, this time contrary to the Specificity/Definiteness Scale. The account we propose for these types of scale reversals builds on the idea that languages can have more than one differential object marking strategy, as well as more than one type of structure for pronouns and animate nominals. Moreover, the co-existence of various mechanisms for nominal licensing can explain why, in some instances, classes lower down the hierarchies can get signaled to the exclusion of higher ones.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.07lop 06 10.1075/cilt.357.07lop 131 150 20 Chapter 8 01 04 Chapter 7. Contact phenomena Chapter 7. Contact phenomena 01 04 The I-language of a bilingual The I-language of a bilingual 1 A01 01 JB code 663434439 Luis López López, Luis Luis López University of Illinois at Chicago 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/663434439 01 eng 30 00

Against the common-sense notion that bilinguals have two grammatical systems I argue that the linguistic system of a bilingual should be integrated, following ideas developed in more detail in López (2020). In particular, I argue that both the lexicon and the post-syntactic operations that lead to the externalization systems are integrated. I further argue that the distinction between code-switching and borrowing is spurious and I extend the integrated hypothesis to syntactic transfer. I use Distributed Morphology to formally describe how an integrated system may work.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.08man 06 10.1075/cilt.357.08man 151 170 20 Chapter 9 01 04 Chapter 8. -ng plurals in North Lombard varieties Chapter 8. - ŋ plurals in North Lombard varieties 01 04 Differential plural marking and phases Differential plural marking and phases 1 A01 01 JB code 702434440 Maria Rita Manzini Manzini, Maria Rita Maria Rita Manzini University of Illinois at Chicago 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/702434440 2 A01 01 JB code 507434441 Leonardo M. Savoia Savoia, Leonardo M. Leonardo M. Savoia University of Illinois at Chicago 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/507434441 3 A01 01 JB code 684434442 Benedetta Baldi Baldi, Benedetta Benedetta Baldi University of Illinois at Chicago 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/684434442 01 eng 30 00

We focus on North Lombard -a and -n feminine plurals, for which we provide a morphological analysis. At the syntactic level, the relevant varieties are characterized by the phenomenon of Differential Plural Marking, whereby phasal domains have different realizations of plural morphology on the head of the phase and on the complement of the phase. We provide an account of DPM based on the assumption that under the PIC the complement of the phase and its head are externalized separately. We draw consequences concerning clitics as phasal heads as well as object agreement with participles and with finite verbs.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.09mar 06 10.1075/cilt.357.09mar 171 190 20 Chapter 10 01 04 Chapter 9. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg's 2005 typology of null subject languages Chapter 9. Brazilian and European Portuguese and Holmberg’s 2005 typology of null subject languages 1 A01 01 JB code 37434443 Ana Maria Martins Martins, Ana Maria Ana Maria Martins Universidade de Lisboa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/37434443 2 A01 01 JB code 263434444 Jairo Nunes Nunes, Jairo Jairo Nunes Universidade de Lisboa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/263434444 01 eng 30 00

This paper rethinks Holmberg’s (2005) characterization of partial vs. consistent null subject languages (NSL) based on data from Brazilian and European Portuguese, the former a partial, the latter a consistent NSL. The paper proposes that rather than overt morphological distinctions, what is relevant for null subject licensing is the underlying feature specification of the verbal inflection, after agreement between T and a pronominal subject values the relevant person/number/gender/Case feature. Hence, only close inspection of the pronominal and agreement systems of individual NSLs permits an adequate characterization of them, for the same language may behave as a ‘partial’, ‘consistent’, or ‘radical’ NSL depending on the morphological feature specification of its nominative pronouns and T heads.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.10per 06 10.1075/cilt.357.10per 191 204 14 Chapter 11 01 04 Chapter 10. Aspect in the acquisition of the Spanish locative paradigm by Italian L2 learners Chapter 10. Aspect in the acquisition of the Spanish locative paradigm by Italian L2 learners 1 A01 01 JB code 869434445 Silvia Perpiñán Perpiñán, Silvia Silvia Perpiñán Universitat Pompeu Fabra/CNRS 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/869434445 2 A01 01 JB code 255434446 Rafael Marín Marín, Rafael Rafael Marín Université de Lille 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/255434446 01 eng 30 00

The present study investigates the development of the expression of the locative paradigm in the L2 Spanish of Italian-speaking learners. We investigate (i) whether the developmental stages proposed for English-speaking learners (VanPatten 1987; Perpiñán, Marín & Moreno Villamar 2020) hold for Italian-speaking learners; and (ii) whether Italian, a language that partially overlaps with the distribution of the Spanish copulas has a facilitative role in the process. 33 Italian-speaking learners of Spanish and 21 monolingual Spanish speakers completed a short proficiency test, an acceptability judgement task, and a picture matching task targeting these constructions. Results indicate that unlike what VanPatten (1987, 2010) has proposed for English-speaking learners of Spanish, Italian speakers do not present a delay in the acquisition of estar, but instead, it is overproduced in locative contexts from very early on. We argue that this overproduction of estar is due to the readily available mapping of ‘temporal boundedness’ with estar in the grammar of these L2 learners, whereas the presence of the feature ‘dynamicity’, even though it is relevant in the distribution of copulas in Italian, comes later in L2 development.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.11pon 06 10.1075/cilt.357.11pon 205 224 20 Chapter 12 01 04 Chapter 11. Catalan nativization patterns in the light of weighted scalar constraints Chapter 11. Catalan nativization patterns in the light of weighted scalar constraints 1 A01 01 JB code 83434447 Claudia Pons-Moll Pons-Moll, Claudia Claudia Pons-Moll Universitat de Barcelona 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/83434447 2 A01 01 JB code 259434448 Francesc Torres-Tamarit Torres-Tamarit, Francesc Francesc Torres-Tamarit CNRS, Paris 8 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/259434448 01 eng 30 00

In this paper we analyze, from an experimental and formal perspective, the interaction and the implicational relationships between vowel reduction and word-final nasal deletion in Catalan loanwords. We present the results of both a production and a perception test carried out with 31 young speakers from the Barcelona area. Loanwords susceptible to undergoing both nasal deletion and vowel reduction display different patterns, which, according to the tests, show different degrees of likeliness. The most common pattern is underapplication of both processes, followed closely by underapplication of nasal deletion alone and at a large distance by the application of both processes. Finally, underapplication of vowel reduction and application of nasal deletion is unattested in the production test and obtains a very low score in the perception test, that is, it is a very unlikely nativization pattern. The typology of possible nativizations and the implicational relationships between the processes under scrutiny are analyzed in the framework of Harmonic Grammar under Weighted Scalar Constraints, following recent proposals by Hsu & Jesney (2017, 2018).

01 01 JB code cilt.357.12pra 06 10.1075/cilt.357.12pra 225 248 24 Chapter 13 01 04 Chapter 12. Temporal marking and (in)accessibility in Capeverdean Chapter 12. Temporal marking and (in)accessibility in Capeverdean 1 A01 01 JB code 371434449 Fernanda Pratas Pratas, Fernanda Fernanda Pratas University of Lisbon 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/371434449 01 eng 30 00

Recent descriptions have argued that what seem to be past tense markers in Capeverdean, a Portuguese-related language spoken in Cabo Verde, are instead allomorphs of a temporal agreement morpheme (Pratas 2018a). The rationale for this goes as follows. It is true that both -ba, from the variety of Santiago, and the related (and more complex) form tava, from São Vicente, are sometimes associated with a past tense in the terms of Klein (1994): the Topic Time is located before the Time of Utterance (Pratas 2014). This is the case in (i) past progressives and past habituals. But they also appear in (ii) subordinate clauses where no past interpretation is certain, such as some conditionals and other modal contexts. Since this subordinate lexical item is often licensed in the context of past situations denoted by their respective main clauses, it seems indeed better accounted for by this recent agreement proposal. That analysis, however, still leaves open the question of what this morpheme agrees with, and this is even more intriguing when it occurs fully separated from past situations. Alternatively, the approach taken in Pratas (2021) identifies a common point between (i) and (ii): all these structures denote situations with a low degree of accessibility from the speaker’s perspective. This (in)accessibility is perceived in terms of time: in the first case, we cannot go back to the past; in the second case, external factors may (have) provide(d) an (in)accessible time location. The main goal of this paper then is to further defend this novel insight on that apparent mismatch, which can bring clues to similar problems crosslinguistically.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.13ros 06 10.1075/cilt.357.13ros 249 262 14 Chapter 14 01 04 Chapter 13. Very x. extracted Chapter 13. Very …. extracted 01 04 On old Italian molto On old Italian molto 1 A01 01 JB code 385434451 Cecilia Poletto Poletto, Cecilia Cecilia Poletto Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/385434451 2 A01 01 JB code 576436946 Cecilia Poletto Poletto, Cecilia Cecilia Poletto Goethe-Universität Frankfurt am Main 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/576436946 01 eng 30 00

In this paper we consider cases of extraction of the degree word molto “very, much” from its modifier position within an AdjP (Giusti 2010a; b; Poletto 2014) in Old Italian. Such cases are reminiscent of Left Branch Extractions (LBE; Ross 1967), but, differently from what happens with adverb extraction in Slavic (Talić 2017), the conditions under which molto-extraction is possible are very restricted: molto can be extracted only when the AdjP is (or modifies a nominal expression) in post-copular predicative position but not outside a fully-fledged DP. We propose that the reason why the structure is so restricted has to do with the presence/absence of a phase boundary, while the reason why this has been lost in modern Italian is the loss of the target position in the CP layer. This allows us to show that the loss of the Verb Second property (V2) in Italian has fine-grained consequences in unexpected domains like quantifier extraction.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.14sil 06 10.1075/cilt.357.14sil 263 286 24 Chapter 15 01 04 Chapter 14. On adverbial perfect participial clauses in Portuguese varieties and British English Chapter 14. On adverbial perfect participial clauses in Portuguese varieties and British English 1 A01 01 JB code 548434452 Purificação Silvano Silvano, Purificação Purificação Silvano Universidade do Porto 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/548434452 2 A01 01 JB code 785434453 António Leal Leal, António António Leal Universidade do Porto 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/785434453 3 A01 01 JB code 185434454 João Cordeiro Cordeiro, João João Cordeiro Universidade de Beira Interior/INESC TEC – Porto 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/185434454 01 eng 30 00

The purpose of this paper is twofold: (i) to discuss the validity of Lobo’s proposal (2003) of distinguishing two types of adverbial perfect participial clauses (APC) in European Portuguese; and (ii) to ascertain the key factors behind their temporal interpretation. To achieve these aims, we compare and contrast patterns displayed by APC in European, Brazilian, Mozambican and Angolan Portuguese and British English across a corpus built from newspapers. Our research reveals that the data do not reflect the bipartite division argued for by Lobo and that, for Portuguese varieties, the position of APC in the sentence and the combinations of some aspectual classes are important to infer temporal relations, whereas, for British English, the anterior orientation/perfect aspect of the perfect participle imposes for most cases an anteriority temporal relation, surpassing the influence of any other factor.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.15tah 06 10.1075/cilt.357.15tah 287 302 16 Chapter 16 01 04 Chapter 15. Craindre ("fear") and expletive negation in diachrony Chapter 15. Craindre (“fear”) and expletive negation in diachrony 1 A01 01 JB code 59434455 Chloé Tahar Tahar, Chloé Chloé Tahar Institut Jean Nicod, DEC, ENS, EHESS, CNRS, 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/59434455 01 eng 30 00

This paper investigates the distribution of expletive negation in the complement clause of craindre (“fear”) in French. Building on Anand & Hacquard’s (2013) proposal that fear verbs are hybrid attitude verbs, featuring both a doxastic and a (dis)preferential component, this paper argues that these two components are conveyed by different layers of meaning (in line with Giannakidou & Mari (2020)). More precisely, I argue that, in actual discourse context, craindre may receive two main interpretations: a volitive (dispreference-related) or a psychological (belief-related) interpretation, depending on whether the verb asserts or presupposes dispreference. Based on a diachronic corpus study of the distribution of expletive negation, I show that expletive negation, in the earliest stages of French, places semantic restrictions on the main verb, which are met when the interpretation of craindre is volitive.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.16ter 06 10.1075/cilt.357.16ter 303 316 14 Chapter 17 01 04 Chapter 16. Fission in Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions Chapter 16. Fission in Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions 1 A01 01 JB code 96434456 Silvia Terenghi Terenghi, Silvia Silvia Terenghi Utrecht University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/96434456 01 eng 30 00

This paper proposes a new approach to Romance demonstrative-reinforcer constructions. The account is based on a binary valued feature system for deictic person and is embedded in the Distributed Morphology framework. Looking at data from Romance varieties, some (implicit) shortcomings of previous accounts are repaired via a morphological operation: Fission. Specifically, those accounts do not provide formal means to make sense of the deictic compatibility constraint between the demonstrative and its reinforcer, nor do they discuss categorisation issues relative to reinforcers. Via Fission, instead, a featural reason is given to ensure deictic compatibility, and I put forward a new approach to the category of reinforcers, aiming to overcome their problematic categorisation as DP-internal adverbs.

01 01 JB code cilt.357.ind 06 10.1075/cilt.357.ind 317 317 1 Miscellaneous 18 01 04 Index Index 01 eng
01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cilt.357 Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20211217 C 2021 John Benjamins D 2021 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027210128 WORLD 09 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 https://jbe-platform.com 29 https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027258298 21 01 00 Unqualified price 02 105.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 02 88.00 GBP GB 01 00 Unqualified price 02 158.00 USD