117007754 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CLL 35 Hb 15 9789027252579 06 10.1075/cll.35 13 2009036623 00 BB 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 895 gr 10 01 JB code CLL 02 0920-9026 02 35.00 01 02 Creole Language Library Creole Language Library 01 01 Complex Processes in New Languages Complex Processes in New Languages 1 B01 01 JB code 302107104 Enoch O. Aboh Aboh, Enoch O. Enoch O. Aboh University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/302107104 2 B01 01 JB code 633107105 Norval Smith Smith, Norval Norval Smith University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/633107105 01 eng 11 420 03 03 vii 03 00 409 03 01 22 417/.22 03 2009 PM7831 04 Creole dialects. 10 LAN009000 12 CFK 24 JB code LIN.CONT Contact Linguistics 24 JB code LIN.CREO Creole studies 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 03 00 In recent years, there has been a new interest in evaluating ‘complex’ structures in languages. The implications of such studies are varied, e.g., the distinction between supposedly more complex and less complex languages, how complexity relates to human knowledge of language, and the role of the reduction or increase of complexity in language change and creolization. This book focuses on the latter issue, but the conclusions presented here hold of typological ‘complexity’ in general. The chapters in this book show that the notion of complexity as conceived of in linguistics mainly centres on the outer manifestations of language (e.g., numbers of affixes). This exercise is useful in establishing the patterning of languages in terms of their degrees of analyticity or synthesis, but it fails to address the properties of the inner rules of these grammars, and how these relate to the computational system that governs the human language capacity. Put simply, issues of complexity should not be equated with the complexity observed in surface patterns of grammars alone. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cll.35.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027252579.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027252579.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cll.35.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cll.35.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cll.35.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cll.35.hb.png 01 01 JB code cll.35.01ack 06 10.1075/cll.35.01ack vii vii 1 Miscellaneous 1 01 04 Acknowledgments Acknowledgments 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.02abo 06 10.1075/cll.35.02abo 1 25 25 Article 2 01 04 Simplicity, simplification, complexity and complexification Simplicity, simplification, complexity and complexification 01 04 Where have the interfaces gone? Where have the interfaces gone? 1 A01 01 JB code 157113646 Enoch O. Aboh Aboh, Enoch O. Enoch O. Aboh 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/157113646 2 A01 01 JB code 497113647 Norval Smith Smith, Norval Norval Smith 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/497113647 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.03p1 06 10.1075/cll.35.03p1 Section header 3 01 04 Part I. Morpho-phonology Part I. Morpho-phonology 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.04hag 06 10.1075/cll.35.04hag 29 50 22 Article 4 01 04 Initial vowel agglutination in the Gulf of Guinea creoles Initial vowel agglutination in the Gulf of Guinea creoles 1 A01 01 JB code 915113648 Tjerk Hagemeijer Hagemeijer, Tjerk Tjerk Hagemeijer 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/915113648 01 eng 30 00

The Gulf of Guinea creoles (GGCs) exhibit a number of cases of initial vowel agglutination to etymologically consonant-initial words in the lexifier, Portuguese. This property is especially common in Lung’ie (Principense). Comparing agglutinated items in the four GGCs not only sheds light on their diachronic development, it also shows the linguistic compromise made between the different strata that gave rise to this feature. It will be argued that prosthetic vowels are phonetically calqued on the Portuguese definite article system, which bleached and became generalized as something else than a gender/number system, whereas the African contribution consists of creating vowel-initial items that are guided by rules of vowel harmony.

01 01 JB code cll.35.05smi 06 10.1075/cll.35.05smi 51 73 23 Article 5 01 04 Simplification of a complex part of grammar or not? Simplification of a complex part of grammar or not? 01 04 What happened to KiKoongo nouns in Saramaccan? What happened to KiKoongo nouns in Saramaccan? 1 A01 01 JB code 630113649 Norval Smith Smith, Norval Norval Smith 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/630113649 01 eng 30 00

In this article I attempt to approach the question of what effect the incorporation of a large number of KiKoongo vocabulary items by the creole languages of Surinam had vis-a-vis notions of simplification or complexification. So, we have the situation of a language lacking an extensive noun-class system with number marking having to absorb many words possessing such a system. An examination of the KiKoongo borrowings belonging to three classes is performed: 3/4, 5/6, 7/8. Each class appears to display a different constellation of singular and plural prefixes. 3/4 appears to represent only singular forms, either with an explicit suffix, or with no suffix. 5/6, where the KiKoongo dialect which seems to be best represented in Surinam has no explicit prefix in the singular, has a large preponderance of plural prefix forms. 7/8 has mixed results, possibly indicating KiKoongo dialect mixture. Most items occur without a prefix – presumably representing singulars, while a smaller number have explicit singular or plural prefixes. A surprisingly large number of forms display the wrong prefix. The common prefixes /ma-/ (pl.cl. 6) and /mu-/ (sg.cl. 3) seem to be involved frequently. I hypothesize that KiKoongo speakers initially used the relevant prefix in words borrowed from KiKoongo. This is however redundant given that the definite article is marked for number. Fongbe speakers would not know the correct number agreement, but would be able to recognize KiKoongo morphemes because of word length. In class 5/6 the preferred option was for a prefixed form (plural). The next stage is the loss of knowledge that KiKoongo loans contain a prefix at all. The loss of number distinctions, then gender distinctions, then parsability into discrete morphemes takes place in the lack of any meaningful function for the prefixes. The number distinctions presumably initially encoded by KiKoongo speakers would be redundant in any case. Gender distinctions play no role in the larger Surinam Creole lexica. And meaningless prefixes cease to have any role. The complexity that is lost in this corner of the lexicon never played a significant role in the creoles.

01 01 JB code cll.35.06zei 06 10.1075/cll.35.06zei 75 95 21 Article 6 01 04 Reducing phonological complexity and grammatical opaqueness Reducing phonological complexity and grammatical opaqueness 01 04 Old Tibetan as a lingua franca and the development of the modern Tibetan varieties Old Tibetan as a lingua franca and the development of the modern Tibetan varieties 1 A01 01 JB code 73113650 Bettina Zeisler Zeisler, Bettina Bettina Zeisler 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/73113650 01 eng 30 00

Old Tibetan shows extraordinary complexity in its syllable structure as well as highly complex or rather opaque verb morphology. The syllable structure (CCC)CV(CC) has broken down completely in the modern Central Tibetan dialects to CV(C), while the opaque alternations of prefixes, consonants and vowels in verb stem formation were levelled out and replaced by regular systems of periphrastic construction in the western and central varieties. Both developments can be described as processes of simplification that were triggered in a linguistic contact situation, where Old Tibetan served as a lingua franca for various non-Tibetan peoples.

01 01 JB code cll.35.07p2 06 10.1075/cll.35.07p2 Section header 7 01 04 Part II. Verbal morphology Part II. Verbal morphology 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.08vee 06 10.1075/cll.35.08vee 99 113 15 Article 8 01 04 Verb allomorphy and the syntax of phases Verb allomorphy and the syntax of phases 1 A01 01 JB code 603113651 Tonjes Veenstra Veenstra, Tonjes Tonjes Veenstra 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/603113651 01 eng 30 00

In a number of French-related creoles a distinction is made between long and short forms of verbs. We argue that the alternation is a reflex of French inflectional morphology that has survived the creolization process, showing that the result is a long-short opposition of verb forms, similar to the formal variation in the learner varieties, and therefore ultimately due to learner strategies in the acquisition of French as a second language. We further discuss the potential role of substrate and argue that the alternation started out as a phonological/prosodic phenomenon (as it basically still is in Haitian Creole). We conclude that the alternation (or verb allomorphy) can be seen as a morphological reflex of the Spell-Out domain at the vP-level.

01 01 JB code cll.35.09kou 06 10.1075/cll.35.09kou 115 158 44 Article 9 01 04 The invisible hand in creole genesis The invisible hand in creole genesis 01 04 Reanalysis in the formation of Berbice Dutch Reanalysis in the formation of Berbice Dutch 1 A01 01 JB code 372113652 Silvia Kouwenberg Kouwenberg, Silvia Silvia Kouwenberg 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/372113652 01 eng 30 00

This paper considers the historical context in which Berbice Dutch was formed before turning to the significance of the presence in that language of function words derived from the Eastern Ịjọ substrate. The view that transfer of Eastern Ịjọ grammatical properties took place in the formation of Berbice Dutch, is subjected to detailed scrutiny for tense-mood-aspect marking and negation. Despite similarities, important areas of divergence or discontinuity between Berbice Dutch and its substrate are identified – areas which point to reanalysis of substrate-derived functional material in the genesis of Berbice Dutch. This runs counter to the view that Eastern Ịjọ speakers played a central role in the formation of Berbice Dutch, and suggests that ‘the invisible hand’ in its genesis must have been another group, possibly the mixed progeny of the plantation population, which included Dutch, Eastern Ịjọ and Arawak speakers.

01 01 JB code cll.35.10jou 06 10.1075/cll.35.10jou 159 170 12 Article 10 01 04 Complexification or regularization of paradigms Complexification or regularization of paradigms 01 04 The case of prepositional verbs in Solomon Islands Pijin The case of prepositional verbs in Solomon Islands Pijin 1 A01 01 JB code 895113653 Christine Jourdan Jourdan, Christine Christine Jourdan 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/895113653 01 eng 30 00

In Honiara, capital city of the Solomon Islands, speakers of the local variety of Pijin are making extensive usage of the transitive suffix -em (and its variants -im and -um) to transform prepositions into prepositional verbs: daon /down/ becomes daonem /to lower/; ap /up/ becomes apum /to raise/; insaet /inside/ becomes insaetim /to insert, to take inside/; aot /out/ becomes aotim /to remove/, etc. Looking at data gathered in Honiara since 1981, this paper will hypothesize that the formation of prepositional verbs in Solomon Island Pijin (SIP) is best understood as an instance of paradigmatic regularization that is also present in other parts of the morphosyntax. The paper will argue that: (1) simplification and complexification are not the only types of linguistic changes affecting the life of PCs (Pidgin and Creole language); and (2) that regularization is internally-induced, and may not be linked to any substrate or superstrate effect.

01 01 JB code cll.35.11p3 06 10.1075/cll.35.11p3 Section header 11 01 04 Part III. Nominals Part III. Nominals 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.12gui 06 10.1075/cll.35.12gui 173 200 28 Article 12 01 04 The Mauritian Creole determiner system The Mauritian Creole determiner system 01 04 A historical overview A historical overview 1 A01 01 JB code 482113654 Diana Guillemin Guillemin, Diana Diana Guillemin 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/482113654 01 eng 30 00

The process of article incorporation early in the genesis of Mauritian Creole (MC) resulted in the occurrence of a bare nouns in argument positions with ambiguous interpretations between (in)definite, singular, plural and generic. A new determiner system gradually emerged, but MC continues to admit bare nouns in argument positions. It is argued in this paper that the process of article incorporation triggered a shift in noun denotation from predicative in French to argumental in MC. Like English bare plurals, MC nouns are of an argumental kind-denoting terms that do not require a determiner in argument positions. The MC singular indefinite article enn and the plural marker bann serve to cderive instances of kinds. The differential behaviour of MC count and mass nouns is attributed to the number feature which must be checked for count nouns, and provides evidence for a phonologically null definite determiner which is licensed in subject position by the specificity marker la.

01 01 JB code cll.35.13bes 06 10.1075/cll.35.13bes 201 219 19 Article 13 01 04 Demonstratives in Afrikaans and Cape Dutch Pidgin Demonstratives in Afrikaans and Cape Dutch Pidgin 01 04 A first attempt A first attempt 1 A01 01 JB code 813113655 Hans Besten Besten, Hans Hans Besten 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/813113655 01 eng 30 00

Afrikaans seems to have lost the Dutch independent demonstrative dat ‘that’ as well as the pronoun het ‘it’ and the attributive element deze ‘this, these’, while independent dit ‘this’ seems to have taken over the functions of dat and het and while attributive die ‘that, those’ has acquired a proximate reading (Afr. dié week ‘this week’). In the present paper it is argued, however, that the weak pronoun het was bound to disappear anyway, that dat only underwent phonological change (so that dat and dit couldn’t be distinguished any longer) and that the changes in the system of attributive demonstratives are due to developments in Cape Dutch Pidgin.

01 01 JB code cll.35.14p4 06 10.1075/cll.35.14p4 Section header 14 01 04 Part IV. The selection of features in complex morphology Part IV. The selection of features in complex morphology 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.15gra 06 10.1075/cll.35.15gra 223 241 19 Article 15 01 04 Contact, complexification and change in Mindanao Chabacano structure Contact, complexification and change in Mindanao Chabacano structure 1 A01 01 JB code 9113656 Anthony P. Grant Grant, Anthony P. Anthony P. Grant 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/9113656 01 eng 30 00

This paper examines several instances of phonological and structural complexification in Mindanao Chabacano, a predominantly Spanish-lexifier creole of southwestern Mindanao, which have arisen as the result of the interaction of elements of Philippine (especially Tagalog and the Bisayan languages), Spanish and English origin in the language, which have given rise to contact-induced change in the language’s structure.

01 01 JB code cll.35.16slo 06 10.1075/cll.35.16slo 243 264 22 Article 16 01 04 Morphosyntactic finiteness as increased complexity in a mixed negation system Morphosyntactic finiteness as increased complexity in a mixed negation system 1 A01 01 JB code 603113657 Peter Slomanson Slomanson, Peter Peter Slomanson 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/603113657 01 eng 30 00

This paper presents data from negation in Sri Lankan Malay (SLM), a language whose grammar has converged typologically on the grammar of Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil, and to some extent of Sinhala. SLM negation exhibits greater inflectional complexity than its lexifier, by encoding finiteness and tense features. SLM has also developed independently of the other Sri Lankan languages. It has developed a strict morphological contrast between all non-finite negation contexts on the one hand (infinitives, participles, and imperatives), and finite negation contexts (tensed verbs). This effectively circumvents the Dravidian constraint blocking co-occurring tense and negation morphology, in order to emphasize a contrast which is salient in the discourse structure that is common to the languages in the sprachbund.

01 01 JB code cll.35.17ans 06 10.1075/cll.35.17ans 265 289 25 Article 17 01 04 Contact language formation in evolutionary terms Contact language formation in evolutionary terms 1 A01 01 JB code 32113658 Umberto Ansaldo Ansaldo, Umberto Umberto Ansaldo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/32113658 01 eng 30 00

The aim of this paper is to present a view of contact language formation in which language creation in multilingual ecologies follows the same principles as language maintenance in monolingual ecologies, i.e. selection and replication of features available to speakers in a given environment. In order to do so, I introduce the foundations underlying an evolutionary framework to contact language formation and the views they offer for our understanding of language contact and change. The view of grammar as an evolving system, I believe, can be best appreciated in a functional-typological theory of language. For this reason, I first introduce the basic functionalist, usage-based linguistic theories required for an evolutionary framework. I then synthesize a view on language contact and change in evolutionary terms based on Croft (2000, 2006a) and Mufwene (2001). Finally, I apply the views presented here to a case of contact language formation, namely the evolution of case markers in a variety of Sri Lanka Malay. These are particularly interesting as, from a classic or orthodox view, they might be seen as ‘complex’, ‘marked’ or at least ‘unexpected’ instances of contact-induced change. The evolutionary framework however can explain these as natural acts of linguistic replication in multilingual settings, thus avoiding exceptionalist explanations. Instead, an evolutionary framework offers an integration of socio-historical and functional-typological observation, something that our current approaches to language change still largely lack (Croft 2006b). Among the advantages of the framework applied here, as discussed in the concluding section, is the suggestion that overall structural complexity, however defined, does not change as a result of contact language formation: a new grammar is simply the result of a recombination of grammatical features of the input languages.

01 01 JB code cll.35.18p5 06 10.1075/cll.35.18p5 Section header 18 01 04 Part V. Evaluating simplification and complexification Part V. Evaluating simplification and complexification 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.19bap 06 10.1075/cll.35.19bap 293 315 23 Article 19 01 04 Economy, innovation and degrees of complexity in creole formation Economy, innovation and degrees of complexity in creole formation 1 A01 01 JB code 713113659 Marlyse Baptista Baptista, Marlyse Marlyse Baptista 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/713113659 01 eng 30 00

This paper explores the idea that in contact situations, there exists a process whereby so-called morpho-syntactic simplification is correlated to semantic complexification. In examining this process in the verbal and nominal domains, we show that a given morpheme may actually carry in Cape Verdean Creole (CVC) and Guinea-Bissau Creole (GBC) a cluster of semantic feature values where the European language only has one. In order to measure degrees of simplification versus complexification, this paper uses Kusters’ (2003) complexity evaluation metrics involving inflectional morphology specifically. This paper also shows to what extent two sister creoles such as CVC and GBC, assumed to have emerged from the same source languages, display similarities and distinct differences in their morphological properties.

01 01 JB code cll.35.20abo 06 10.1075/cll.35.20abo 317 344 28 Article 20 01 04 Competition and selection Competition and selection 01 04 That's all! That’s all! 1 A01 01 JB code 202113660 Enoch O. Aboh Aboh, Enoch O. Enoch O. Aboh 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/202113660 01 eng 30 00

This paper demonstrates that the notion of simplicity as often used in creole studies is completely irrelevant to the understanding of the structure, as well as the genesis, of creole languages. This is because creole languages are linguistic hybrids in the biological sense. They emerge from the recombination of linguistic features from different languages. Given this perspective, it appears that what could be of some relevance to the study of language change is rather the notion of complexity. Within the framework of Competition and Selection as proposed in Mufwene (2001ff.), and adopted in this paper, creole languages develop opaque syntactic and semantic features. These could not have arisen solely in the context of their source languages. Accordingly, the common claim that creoles are simplified versions of their sources is a fallacy, just as it would be to claim in biology that hybrids are genetically simplified children of their parents.

01 01 JB code cll.35.21ans 06 10.1075/cll.35.21ans 345 363 19 Article 21 01 04 Complexity and the age of languages Complexity and the age of languages 1 A01 01 JB code 539113661 Umberto Ansaldo Ansaldo, Umberto Umberto Ansaldo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/539113661 2 A01 01 JB code 880113662 Sebastian Nordhoff Nordhoff, Sebastian Sebastian Nordhoff 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/880113662 01 eng 30 00

This paper addresses the issue of complexity in language creation and the time it takes for ‘complex’ structures to emerge in the history of a language. The presence of morphological material is often equated to a certain degree of complexity or is taken to signify a certain time-depth in the history of a language (e.g. Dahl 2004; McWhorter 2005). Though this assumption may be seen as trivial in the absence of a theoretically-based definition of complexity (Muysken 1988), or even misleading (Aboh and Ansaldo 2007; Farquharson 2007), we here put it to a test by looking at morphology in a relatively ‘young’ language, namely Sri Lanka Malay (SLM). SLM is a mixed language which shows considerably more morphological material and other signs of old age than ‘prototypical’ creoles. We explain this by arguing (a) that structural output in language genesis is closely motivated by the typology of the input languages and (b) that our understanding of rate of change needs to be revised to take into account ecological matters.

01 01 JB code cll.35.22p6 06 10.1075/cll.35.22p6 Section header 22 01 04 Part VI. Postscript Part VI. Postscript 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.23muf 06 10.1075/cll.35.23muf 367 400 34 Article 23 01 04 Restructuring, hybridization, and complexity in language evolution Restructuring, hybridization, and complexity in language evolution 1 A01 01 JB code 173113663 Salikoko S. Mufwene Mufwene, Salikoko S. Salikoko S. Mufwene 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/173113663 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.24index 06 10.1075/cll.35.24index 401 403 3 Miscellaneous 24 01 04 Language index Language index 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.25index 06 10.1075/cll.35.25index 405 409 5 Miscellaneous 25 01 04 Subject index Subject index 01 eng
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336007755 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CLL 35 Eb 15 9789027288776 06 10.1075/cll.35 00 EA E107 10 01 JB code CLL 02 0920-9026 02 35.00 01 02 Creole Language Library Creole Language Library 11 01 JB code jbe-2015-cll 01 02 Creole Language Library (vols. 1–51, 1986–2015) 05 02 CLL (vols. 1–51, 1986–2015) 11 01 JB code jbe-all 01 02 Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles) 11 01 JB code jbe-2015-all 01 02 Complete backlist (3,208 titles, 1967–2015) 05 02 Complete backlist (1967–2015) 11 01 JB code jbe-2015-linguistics 01 02 Subject collection: Linguistics (2,773 titles, 1967–2015) 05 02 Linguistics (1967–2015) 01 01 Complex Processes in New Languages Complex Processes in New Languages 1 B01 01 JB code 302107104 Enoch O. Aboh Aboh, Enoch O. Enoch O. Aboh University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/302107104 2 B01 01 JB code 633107105 Norval Smith Smith, Norval Norval Smith University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/633107105 01 eng 11 420 03 03 vii 03 00 409 03 01 22 417/.22 03 2009 PM7831 04 Creole dialects. 10 LAN009000 12 CFK 24 JB code LIN.CONT Contact Linguistics 24 JB code LIN.CREO Creole studies 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 03 00 In recent years, there has been a new interest in evaluating ‘complex’ structures in languages. The implications of such studies are varied, e.g., the distinction between supposedly more complex and less complex languages, how complexity relates to human knowledge of language, and the role of the reduction or increase of complexity in language change and creolization. This book focuses on the latter issue, but the conclusions presented here hold of typological ‘complexity’ in general. The chapters in this book show that the notion of complexity as conceived of in linguistics mainly centres on the outer manifestations of language (e.g., numbers of affixes). This exercise is useful in establishing the patterning of languages in terms of their degrees of analyticity or synthesis, but it fails to address the properties of the inner rules of these grammars, and how these relate to the computational system that governs the human language capacity. Put simply, issues of complexity should not be equated with the complexity observed in surface patterns of grammars alone. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cll.35.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027252579.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027252579.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cll.35.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cll.35.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cll.35.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cll.35.hb.png 01 01 JB code cll.35.01ack 06 10.1075/cll.35.01ack vii vii 1 Miscellaneous 1 01 04 Acknowledgments Acknowledgments 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.02abo 06 10.1075/cll.35.02abo 1 25 25 Article 2 01 04 Simplicity, simplification, complexity and complexification Simplicity, simplification, complexity and complexification 01 04 Where have the interfaces gone? Where have the interfaces gone? 1 A01 01 JB code 157113646 Enoch O. Aboh Aboh, Enoch O. Enoch O. Aboh 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/157113646 2 A01 01 JB code 497113647 Norval Smith Smith, Norval Norval Smith 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/497113647 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.03p1 06 10.1075/cll.35.03p1 Section header 3 01 04 Part I. Morpho-phonology Part I. Morpho-phonology 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.04hag 06 10.1075/cll.35.04hag 29 50 22 Article 4 01 04 Initial vowel agglutination in the Gulf of Guinea creoles Initial vowel agglutination in the Gulf of Guinea creoles 1 A01 01 JB code 915113648 Tjerk Hagemeijer Hagemeijer, Tjerk Tjerk Hagemeijer 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/915113648 01 eng 30 00

The Gulf of Guinea creoles (GGCs) exhibit a number of cases of initial vowel agglutination to etymologically consonant-initial words in the lexifier, Portuguese. This property is especially common in Lung’ie (Principense). Comparing agglutinated items in the four GGCs not only sheds light on their diachronic development, it also shows the linguistic compromise made between the different strata that gave rise to this feature. It will be argued that prosthetic vowels are phonetically calqued on the Portuguese definite article system, which bleached and became generalized as something else than a gender/number system, whereas the African contribution consists of creating vowel-initial items that are guided by rules of vowel harmony.

01 01 JB code cll.35.05smi 06 10.1075/cll.35.05smi 51 73 23 Article 5 01 04 Simplification of a complex part of grammar or not? Simplification of a complex part of grammar or not? 01 04 What happened to KiKoongo nouns in Saramaccan? What happened to KiKoongo nouns in Saramaccan? 1 A01 01 JB code 630113649 Norval Smith Smith, Norval Norval Smith 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/630113649 01 eng 30 00

In this article I attempt to approach the question of what effect the incorporation of a large number of KiKoongo vocabulary items by the creole languages of Surinam had vis-a-vis notions of simplification or complexification. So, we have the situation of a language lacking an extensive noun-class system with number marking having to absorb many words possessing such a system. An examination of the KiKoongo borrowings belonging to three classes is performed: 3/4, 5/6, 7/8. Each class appears to display a different constellation of singular and plural prefixes. 3/4 appears to represent only singular forms, either with an explicit suffix, or with no suffix. 5/6, where the KiKoongo dialect which seems to be best represented in Surinam has no explicit prefix in the singular, has a large preponderance of plural prefix forms. 7/8 has mixed results, possibly indicating KiKoongo dialect mixture. Most items occur without a prefix – presumably representing singulars, while a smaller number have explicit singular or plural prefixes. A surprisingly large number of forms display the wrong prefix. The common prefixes /ma-/ (pl.cl. 6) and /mu-/ (sg.cl. 3) seem to be involved frequently. I hypothesize that KiKoongo speakers initially used the relevant prefix in words borrowed from KiKoongo. This is however redundant given that the definite article is marked for number. Fongbe speakers would not know the correct number agreement, but would be able to recognize KiKoongo morphemes because of word length. In class 5/6 the preferred option was for a prefixed form (plural). The next stage is the loss of knowledge that KiKoongo loans contain a prefix at all. The loss of number distinctions, then gender distinctions, then parsability into discrete morphemes takes place in the lack of any meaningful function for the prefixes. The number distinctions presumably initially encoded by KiKoongo speakers would be redundant in any case. Gender distinctions play no role in the larger Surinam Creole lexica. And meaningless prefixes cease to have any role. The complexity that is lost in this corner of the lexicon never played a significant role in the creoles.

01 01 JB code cll.35.06zei 06 10.1075/cll.35.06zei 75 95 21 Article 6 01 04 Reducing phonological complexity and grammatical opaqueness Reducing phonological complexity and grammatical opaqueness 01 04 Old Tibetan as a lingua franca and the development of the modern Tibetan varieties Old Tibetan as a lingua franca and the development of the modern Tibetan varieties 1 A01 01 JB code 73113650 Bettina Zeisler Zeisler, Bettina Bettina Zeisler 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/73113650 01 eng 30 00

Old Tibetan shows extraordinary complexity in its syllable structure as well as highly complex or rather opaque verb morphology. The syllable structure (CCC)CV(CC) has broken down completely in the modern Central Tibetan dialects to CV(C), while the opaque alternations of prefixes, consonants and vowels in verb stem formation were levelled out and replaced by regular systems of periphrastic construction in the western and central varieties. Both developments can be described as processes of simplification that were triggered in a linguistic contact situation, where Old Tibetan served as a lingua franca for various non-Tibetan peoples.

01 01 JB code cll.35.07p2 06 10.1075/cll.35.07p2 Section header 7 01 04 Part II. Verbal morphology Part II. Verbal morphology 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.08vee 06 10.1075/cll.35.08vee 99 113 15 Article 8 01 04 Verb allomorphy and the syntax of phases Verb allomorphy and the syntax of phases 1 A01 01 JB code 603113651 Tonjes Veenstra Veenstra, Tonjes Tonjes Veenstra 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/603113651 01 eng 30 00

In a number of French-related creoles a distinction is made between long and short forms of verbs. We argue that the alternation is a reflex of French inflectional morphology that has survived the creolization process, showing that the result is a long-short opposition of verb forms, similar to the formal variation in the learner varieties, and therefore ultimately due to learner strategies in the acquisition of French as a second language. We further discuss the potential role of substrate and argue that the alternation started out as a phonological/prosodic phenomenon (as it basically still is in Haitian Creole). We conclude that the alternation (or verb allomorphy) can be seen as a morphological reflex of the Spell-Out domain at the vP-level.

01 01 JB code cll.35.09kou 06 10.1075/cll.35.09kou 115 158 44 Article 9 01 04 The invisible hand in creole genesis The invisible hand in creole genesis 01 04 Reanalysis in the formation of Berbice Dutch Reanalysis in the formation of Berbice Dutch 1 A01 01 JB code 372113652 Silvia Kouwenberg Kouwenberg, Silvia Silvia Kouwenberg 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/372113652 01 eng 30 00

This paper considers the historical context in which Berbice Dutch was formed before turning to the significance of the presence in that language of function words derived from the Eastern Ịjọ substrate. The view that transfer of Eastern Ịjọ grammatical properties took place in the formation of Berbice Dutch, is subjected to detailed scrutiny for tense-mood-aspect marking and negation. Despite similarities, important areas of divergence or discontinuity between Berbice Dutch and its substrate are identified – areas which point to reanalysis of substrate-derived functional material in the genesis of Berbice Dutch. This runs counter to the view that Eastern Ịjọ speakers played a central role in the formation of Berbice Dutch, and suggests that ‘the invisible hand’ in its genesis must have been another group, possibly the mixed progeny of the plantation population, which included Dutch, Eastern Ịjọ and Arawak speakers.

01 01 JB code cll.35.10jou 06 10.1075/cll.35.10jou 159 170 12 Article 10 01 04 Complexification or regularization of paradigms Complexification or regularization of paradigms 01 04 The case of prepositional verbs in Solomon Islands Pijin The case of prepositional verbs in Solomon Islands Pijin 1 A01 01 JB code 895113653 Christine Jourdan Jourdan, Christine Christine Jourdan 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/895113653 01 eng 30 00

In Honiara, capital city of the Solomon Islands, speakers of the local variety of Pijin are making extensive usage of the transitive suffix -em (and its variants -im and -um) to transform prepositions into prepositional verbs: daon /down/ becomes daonem /to lower/; ap /up/ becomes apum /to raise/; insaet /inside/ becomes insaetim /to insert, to take inside/; aot /out/ becomes aotim /to remove/, etc. Looking at data gathered in Honiara since 1981, this paper will hypothesize that the formation of prepositional verbs in Solomon Island Pijin (SIP) is best understood as an instance of paradigmatic regularization that is also present in other parts of the morphosyntax. The paper will argue that: (1) simplification and complexification are not the only types of linguistic changes affecting the life of PCs (Pidgin and Creole language); and (2) that regularization is internally-induced, and may not be linked to any substrate or superstrate effect.

01 01 JB code cll.35.11p3 06 10.1075/cll.35.11p3 Section header 11 01 04 Part III. Nominals Part III. Nominals 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.12gui 06 10.1075/cll.35.12gui 173 200 28 Article 12 01 04 The Mauritian Creole determiner system The Mauritian Creole determiner system 01 04 A historical overview A historical overview 1 A01 01 JB code 482113654 Diana Guillemin Guillemin, Diana Diana Guillemin 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/482113654 01 eng 30 00

The process of article incorporation early in the genesis of Mauritian Creole (MC) resulted in the occurrence of a bare nouns in argument positions with ambiguous interpretations between (in)definite, singular, plural and generic. A new determiner system gradually emerged, but MC continues to admit bare nouns in argument positions. It is argued in this paper that the process of article incorporation triggered a shift in noun denotation from predicative in French to argumental in MC. Like English bare plurals, MC nouns are of an argumental kind-denoting terms that do not require a determiner in argument positions. The MC singular indefinite article enn and the plural marker bann serve to cderive instances of kinds. The differential behaviour of MC count and mass nouns is attributed to the number feature which must be checked for count nouns, and provides evidence for a phonologically null definite determiner which is licensed in subject position by the specificity marker la.

01 01 JB code cll.35.13bes 06 10.1075/cll.35.13bes 201 219 19 Article 13 01 04 Demonstratives in Afrikaans and Cape Dutch Pidgin Demonstratives in Afrikaans and Cape Dutch Pidgin 01 04 A first attempt A first attempt 1 A01 01 JB code 813113655 Hans Besten Besten, Hans Hans Besten 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/813113655 01 eng 30 00

Afrikaans seems to have lost the Dutch independent demonstrative dat ‘that’ as well as the pronoun het ‘it’ and the attributive element deze ‘this, these’, while independent dit ‘this’ seems to have taken over the functions of dat and het and while attributive die ‘that, those’ has acquired a proximate reading (Afr. dié week ‘this week’). In the present paper it is argued, however, that the weak pronoun het was bound to disappear anyway, that dat only underwent phonological change (so that dat and dit couldn’t be distinguished any longer) and that the changes in the system of attributive demonstratives are due to developments in Cape Dutch Pidgin.

01 01 JB code cll.35.14p4 06 10.1075/cll.35.14p4 Section header 14 01 04 Part IV. The selection of features in complex morphology Part IV. The selection of features in complex morphology 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.15gra 06 10.1075/cll.35.15gra 223 241 19 Article 15 01 04 Contact, complexification and change in Mindanao Chabacano structure Contact, complexification and change in Mindanao Chabacano structure 1 A01 01 JB code 9113656 Anthony P. Grant Grant, Anthony P. Anthony P. Grant 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/9113656 01 eng 30 00

This paper examines several instances of phonological and structural complexification in Mindanao Chabacano, a predominantly Spanish-lexifier creole of southwestern Mindanao, which have arisen as the result of the interaction of elements of Philippine (especially Tagalog and the Bisayan languages), Spanish and English origin in the language, which have given rise to contact-induced change in the language’s structure.

01 01 JB code cll.35.16slo 06 10.1075/cll.35.16slo 243 264 22 Article 16 01 04 Morphosyntactic finiteness as increased complexity in a mixed negation system Morphosyntactic finiteness as increased complexity in a mixed negation system 1 A01 01 JB code 603113657 Peter Slomanson Slomanson, Peter Peter Slomanson 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/603113657 01 eng 30 00

This paper presents data from negation in Sri Lankan Malay (SLM), a language whose grammar has converged typologically on the grammar of Sri Lankan Muslim Tamil, and to some extent of Sinhala. SLM negation exhibits greater inflectional complexity than its lexifier, by encoding finiteness and tense features. SLM has also developed independently of the other Sri Lankan languages. It has developed a strict morphological contrast between all non-finite negation contexts on the one hand (infinitives, participles, and imperatives), and finite negation contexts (tensed verbs). This effectively circumvents the Dravidian constraint blocking co-occurring tense and negation morphology, in order to emphasize a contrast which is salient in the discourse structure that is common to the languages in the sprachbund.

01 01 JB code cll.35.17ans 06 10.1075/cll.35.17ans 265 289 25 Article 17 01 04 Contact language formation in evolutionary terms Contact language formation in evolutionary terms 1 A01 01 JB code 32113658 Umberto Ansaldo Ansaldo, Umberto Umberto Ansaldo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/32113658 01 eng 30 00

The aim of this paper is to present a view of contact language formation in which language creation in multilingual ecologies follows the same principles as language maintenance in monolingual ecologies, i.e. selection and replication of features available to speakers in a given environment. In order to do so, I introduce the foundations underlying an evolutionary framework to contact language formation and the views they offer for our understanding of language contact and change. The view of grammar as an evolving system, I believe, can be best appreciated in a functional-typological theory of language. For this reason, I first introduce the basic functionalist, usage-based linguistic theories required for an evolutionary framework. I then synthesize a view on language contact and change in evolutionary terms based on Croft (2000, 2006a) and Mufwene (2001). Finally, I apply the views presented here to a case of contact language formation, namely the evolution of case markers in a variety of Sri Lanka Malay. These are particularly interesting as, from a classic or orthodox view, they might be seen as ‘complex’, ‘marked’ or at least ‘unexpected’ instances of contact-induced change. The evolutionary framework however can explain these as natural acts of linguistic replication in multilingual settings, thus avoiding exceptionalist explanations. Instead, an evolutionary framework offers an integration of socio-historical and functional-typological observation, something that our current approaches to language change still largely lack (Croft 2006b). Among the advantages of the framework applied here, as discussed in the concluding section, is the suggestion that overall structural complexity, however defined, does not change as a result of contact language formation: a new grammar is simply the result of a recombination of grammatical features of the input languages.

01 01 JB code cll.35.18p5 06 10.1075/cll.35.18p5 Section header 18 01 04 Part V. Evaluating simplification and complexification Part V. Evaluating simplification and complexification 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.19bap 06 10.1075/cll.35.19bap 293 315 23 Article 19 01 04 Economy, innovation and degrees of complexity in creole formation Economy, innovation and degrees of complexity in creole formation 1 A01 01 JB code 713113659 Marlyse Baptista Baptista, Marlyse Marlyse Baptista 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/713113659 01 eng 30 00

This paper explores the idea that in contact situations, there exists a process whereby so-called morpho-syntactic simplification is correlated to semantic complexification. In examining this process in the verbal and nominal domains, we show that a given morpheme may actually carry in Cape Verdean Creole (CVC) and Guinea-Bissau Creole (GBC) a cluster of semantic feature values where the European language only has one. In order to measure degrees of simplification versus complexification, this paper uses Kusters’ (2003) complexity evaluation metrics involving inflectional morphology specifically. This paper also shows to what extent two sister creoles such as CVC and GBC, assumed to have emerged from the same source languages, display similarities and distinct differences in their morphological properties.

01 01 JB code cll.35.20abo 06 10.1075/cll.35.20abo 317 344 28 Article 20 01 04 Competition and selection Competition and selection 01 04 That's all! That’s all! 1 A01 01 JB code 202113660 Enoch O. Aboh Aboh, Enoch O. Enoch O. Aboh 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/202113660 01 eng 30 00

This paper demonstrates that the notion of simplicity as often used in creole studies is completely irrelevant to the understanding of the structure, as well as the genesis, of creole languages. This is because creole languages are linguistic hybrids in the biological sense. They emerge from the recombination of linguistic features from different languages. Given this perspective, it appears that what could be of some relevance to the study of language change is rather the notion of complexity. Within the framework of Competition and Selection as proposed in Mufwene (2001ff.), and adopted in this paper, creole languages develop opaque syntactic and semantic features. These could not have arisen solely in the context of their source languages. Accordingly, the common claim that creoles are simplified versions of their sources is a fallacy, just as it would be to claim in biology that hybrids are genetically simplified children of their parents.

01 01 JB code cll.35.21ans 06 10.1075/cll.35.21ans 345 363 19 Article 21 01 04 Complexity and the age of languages Complexity and the age of languages 1 A01 01 JB code 539113661 Umberto Ansaldo Ansaldo, Umberto Umberto Ansaldo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/539113661 2 A01 01 JB code 880113662 Sebastian Nordhoff Nordhoff, Sebastian Sebastian Nordhoff 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/880113662 01 eng 30 00

This paper addresses the issue of complexity in language creation and the time it takes for ‘complex’ structures to emerge in the history of a language. The presence of morphological material is often equated to a certain degree of complexity or is taken to signify a certain time-depth in the history of a language (e.g. Dahl 2004; McWhorter 2005). Though this assumption may be seen as trivial in the absence of a theoretically-based definition of complexity (Muysken 1988), or even misleading (Aboh and Ansaldo 2007; Farquharson 2007), we here put it to a test by looking at morphology in a relatively ‘young’ language, namely Sri Lanka Malay (SLM). SLM is a mixed language which shows considerably more morphological material and other signs of old age than ‘prototypical’ creoles. We explain this by arguing (a) that structural output in language genesis is closely motivated by the typology of the input languages and (b) that our understanding of rate of change needs to be revised to take into account ecological matters.

01 01 JB code cll.35.22p6 06 10.1075/cll.35.22p6 Section header 22 01 04 Part VI. Postscript Part VI. Postscript 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.23muf 06 10.1075/cll.35.23muf 367 400 34 Article 23 01 04 Restructuring, hybridization, and complexity in language evolution Restructuring, hybridization, and complexity in language evolution 1 A01 01 JB code 173113663 Salikoko S. Mufwene Mufwene, Salikoko S. Salikoko S. Mufwene 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/173113663 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.24index 06 10.1075/cll.35.24index 401 403 3 Miscellaneous 24 01 04 Language index Language index 01 eng 01 01 JB code cll.35.25index 06 10.1075/cll.35.25index 405 409 5 Miscellaneous 25 01 04 Subject index Subject index 01 eng
01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/cll.35 Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20091217 C 2009 John Benjamins Publishing Company D 2009 John Benjamins Publishing Company 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027252579 WORLD 09 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 https://jbe-platform.com 29 https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027288776 21 01 00 Unqualified price 02 105.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 02 88.00 GBP GB 01 00 Unqualified price 02 158.00 USD
652013192 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code CLL 35 GE 15 9789027288776 06 10.1075/cll.35 00 EA E133 10 01 JB code CLL 02 JB code 0920-9026 02 35.00 01 02 Creole Language Library Creole Language Library 01 01 Complex Processes in New Languages Complex Processes in New Languages 1 B01 01 JB code 302107104 Enoch O. Aboh Aboh, Enoch O. Enoch O. Aboh University of Amsterdam 2 B01 01 JB code 633107105 Norval Smith Smith, Norval Norval Smith University of Amsterdam 01 eng 11 420 03 03 vii 03 00 409 03 24 JB code LIN.CONT Contact Linguistics 24 JB code LIN.CREO Creole studies 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 10 LAN009000 12 CFK 01 06 03 00 In recent years, there has been a new interest in evaluating ‘complex’ structures in languages. The implications of such studies are varied, e.g., the distinction between supposedly more complex and less complex languages, how complexity relates to human knowledge of language, and the role of the reduction or increase of complexity in language change and creolization. This book focuses on the latter issue, but the conclusions presented here hold of typological ‘complexity’ in general. The chapters in this book show that the notion of complexity as conceived of in linguistics mainly centres on the outer manifestations of language (e.g., numbers of affixes). This exercise is useful in establishing the patterning of languages in terms of their degrees of analyticity or synthesis, but it fails to address the properties of the inner rules of these grammars, and how these relate to the computational system that governs the human language capacity. Put simply, issues of complexity should not be equated with the complexity observed in surface patterns of grammars alone. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/cll.35.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027252579.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027252579.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/cll.35.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/cll.35.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/cll.35.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/cll.35.hb.png 01 01 JB code cll.35.01ack 06 10.1075/cll.35.01ack vii vii 1 Miscellaneous 1 01 04 Acknowledgments Acknowledgments 01 01 JB code cll.35.02abo 06 10.1075/cll.35.02abo 1 25 25 Article 2 01 04 Simplicity, simplification, complexity and complexification Simplicity, simplification, complexity and complexification 01 04 Where have the interfaces gone? Where have the interfaces gone? 1 A01 01 JB code 157113646 Enoch O. Aboh Aboh, Enoch O. Enoch O. Aboh 2 A01 01 JB code 497113647 Norval Smith Smith, Norval Norval Smith 01 01 JB code cll.35.03p1 06 10.1075/cll.35.03p1 Section header 3 01 04 Part I. Morpho-phonology Part I. Morpho-phonology 01 01 JB code cll.35.04hag 06 10.1075/cll.35.04hag 29 50 22 Article 4 01 04 Initial vowel agglutination in the Gulf of Guinea creoles Initial vowel agglutination in the Gulf of Guinea creoles 1 A01 01 JB code 915113648 Tjerk Hagemeijer Hagemeijer, Tjerk Tjerk Hagemeijer 01 01 JB code cll.35.05smi 06 10.1075/cll.35.05smi 51 73 23 Article 5 01 04 Simplification of a complex part of grammar or not? Simplification of a complex part of grammar or not? 01 04 What happened to KiKoongo nouns in Saramaccan? What happened to KiKoongo nouns in Saramaccan? 1 A01 01 JB code 630113649 Norval Smith Smith, Norval Norval Smith 01 01 JB code cll.35.06zei 06 10.1075/cll.35.06zei 75 95 21 Article 6 01 04 Reducing phonological complexity and grammatical opaqueness Reducing phonological complexity and grammatical opaqueness 01 04 Old Tibetan as a lingua franca and the development of the modern Tibetan varieties Old Tibetan as a lingua franca and the development of the modern Tibetan varieties 1 A01 01 JB code 73113650 Bettina Zeisler Zeisler, Bettina Bettina Zeisler 01 01 JB code cll.35.07p2 06 10.1075/cll.35.07p2 Section header 7 01 04 Part II. Verbal morphology Part II. Verbal morphology 01 01 JB code cll.35.08vee 06 10.1075/cll.35.08vee 99 113 15 Article 8 01 04 Verb allomorphy and the syntax of phases Verb allomorphy and the syntax of phases 1 A01 01 JB code 603113651 Tonjes Veenstra Veenstra, Tonjes Tonjes Veenstra 01 01 JB code cll.35.09kou 06 10.1075/cll.35.09kou 115 158 44 Article 9 01 04 The invisible hand in creole genesis The invisible hand in creole genesis 01 04 Reanalysis in the formation of Berbice Dutch Reanalysis in the formation of Berbice Dutch 1 A01 01 JB code 372113652 Silvia Kouwenberg Kouwenberg, Silvia Silvia Kouwenberg 01 01 JB code cll.35.10jou 06 10.1075/cll.35.10jou 159 170 12 Article 10 01 04 Complexification or regularization of paradigms Complexification or regularization of paradigms 01 04 The case of prepositional verbs in Solomon Islands Pijin The case of prepositional verbs in Solomon Islands Pijin 1 A01 01 JB code 895113653 Christine Jourdan Jourdan, Christine Christine Jourdan 01 01 JB code cll.35.11p3 06 10.1075/cll.35.11p3 Section header 11 01 04 Part III. Nominals Part III. Nominals 01 01 JB code cll.35.12gui 06 10.1075/cll.35.12gui 173 200 28 Article 12 01 04 The Mauritian Creole determiner system The Mauritian Creole determiner system 01 04 A historical overview A historical overview 1 A01 01 JB code 482113654 Diana Guillemin Guillemin, Diana Diana Guillemin 01 01 JB code cll.35.13bes 06 10.1075/cll.35.13bes 201 219 19 Article 13 01 04 Demonstratives in Afrikaans and Cape Dutch Pidgin Demonstratives in Afrikaans and Cape Dutch Pidgin 01 04 A first attempt A first attempt 1 A01 01 JB code 813113655 Hans Besten Besten, Hans Hans Besten 01 01 JB code cll.35.14p4 06 10.1075/cll.35.14p4 Section header 14 01 04 Part IV. The selection of features in complex morphology Part IV. The selection of features in complex morphology 01 01 JB code cll.35.15gra 06 10.1075/cll.35.15gra 223 241 19 Article 15 01 04 Contact, complexification and change in Mindanao Chabacano structure Contact, complexification and change in Mindanao Chabacano structure 1 A01 01 JB code 9113656 Anthony P. Grant Grant, Anthony P. Anthony P. Grant 01 01 JB code cll.35.16slo 06 10.1075/cll.35.16slo 243 264 22 Article 16 01 04 Morphosyntactic finiteness as increased complexity in a mixed negation system Morphosyntactic finiteness as increased complexity in a mixed negation system 1 A01 01 JB code 603113657 Peter Slomanson Slomanson, Peter Peter Slomanson 01 01 JB code cll.35.17ans 06 10.1075/cll.35.17ans 265 289 25 Article 17 01 04 Contact language formation in evolutionary terms Contact language formation in evolutionary terms 1 A01 01 JB code 32113658 Umberto Ansaldo Ansaldo, Umberto Umberto Ansaldo 01 01 JB code cll.35.18p5 06 10.1075/cll.35.18p5 Section header 18 01 04 Part V. Evaluating simplification and complexification Part V. Evaluating simplification and complexification 01 01 JB code cll.35.19bap 06 10.1075/cll.35.19bap 293 315 23 Article 19 01 04 Economy, innovation and degrees of complexity in creole formation Economy, innovation and degrees of complexity in creole formation 1 A01 01 JB code 713113659 Marlyse Baptista Baptista, Marlyse Marlyse Baptista 01 01 JB code cll.35.20abo 06 10.1075/cll.35.20abo 317 344 28 Article 20 01 04 Competition and selection Competition and selection 01 04 That's all! That’s all! 1 A01 01 JB code 202113660 Enoch O. Aboh Aboh, Enoch O. Enoch O. Aboh 01 01 JB code cll.35.21ans 06 10.1075/cll.35.21ans 345 363 19 Article 21 01 04 Complexity and the age of languages Complexity and the age of languages 1 A01 01 JB code 539113661 Umberto Ansaldo Ansaldo, Umberto Umberto Ansaldo 2 A01 01 JB code 880113662 Sebastian Nordhoff Nordhoff, Sebastian Sebastian Nordhoff 01 01 JB code cll.35.22p6 06 10.1075/cll.35.22p6 Section header 22 01 04 Part VI. Postscript Part VI. Postscript 01 01 JB code cll.35.23muf 06 10.1075/cll.35.23muf 367 400 34 Article 23 01 04 Restructuring, hybridization, and complexity in language evolution Restructuring, hybridization, and complexity in language evolution 1 A01 01 JB code 173113663 Salikoko S. Mufwene Mufwene, Salikoko S. Salikoko S. Mufwene 01 01 JB code cll.35.24index 06 10.1075/cll.35.24index 401 403 3 Miscellaneous 24 01 04 Language index Language index 01 01 JB code cll.35.25index 06 10.1075/cll.35.25index 405 409 5 Miscellaneous 25 01 04 Subject index Subject index 01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20091217 C 2009 John Benjamins Publishing Company D 2009 John Benjamins Publishing Company 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027252579 WORLD 03 01 JB 17 Google 03 https://play.google.com/store/books 21 01 00 Unqualified price 00 105.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 00 88.00 GBP 01 00 Unqualified price 00 158.00 USD