List of figures
Figure 1.
Overlapping lexical sets
10
Figure 2.
Integrated levels of meaning
37
Figure 3.
A scale of idiomaticity
49
Figure 4.
A modified variant of Bühler’s Organon Model
96
Figure 5.
Proposal for a complex notion of image schema
126
Figure 6.
Different meanings or different active zones
139
Figure 7.
A partial network for open
140
Figure 8.
Full-verb vs. support-verb readings of hold
143
Figure 9.
Distribution of data by construction type
147
Figure 10.
break domains
149
Figure 11.
Subdomain: Artefacts and natural things (damage)
150
Figure 12.
Subdomain: Body parts
151
Figure 13.
Collocations using object event-structure
161
Figure 14.
Collocations using location event-structure
162
Figure 15.
Construction types in two domains
169
Figure 16.
Proposed readings of break
176
Figure 17.
Blueprint for Figures 21–31
177
Figure 18.
‘Damaging physical objects’ & ‘violation of social institutions and constructs’
178
Figure 19.
Specific ways of breaking physical objects’ & ‘social institutions & constructs’
181
Figure 20.
‘Overcoming physical and psychological barriers’
182
Figure 21.
‘Opening physical and metaphorical containers’
184
Figure 22.
‘Damaging body parts’ & ‘causing psychological damage’
186
Figure 23.
‘Interrupting an activity’ &’ changing from a way of doing something’
190
Figure 24.
‘Starting an activity & changing to a new way of doing something’
190
Figure 25.
‘Interrupting visual experience’ & ‘Interrupting an abstract (visual) pattern’
191
Figure 26.
‘Interrupting auditory experience’ & ‘Interrupting an abstract (auditory) pattern’
193
Figure 27.
‘Interrupting a physical state’ & ‘Interrupting a psychological state’
196
Figure 28.
Readings of break: revised proposal
198
Figure 29.
break as a complex category
200
Figure 30.
Distribution of data by construction type
203
Figure 31.
appointment domains
204
Figure 32.
Subdomain: Social institutions & constructs (‘arrangement for a meeting’)
206
Figure 33.
Subdomain: Social institutions & constructs (‘position’)
206
Figure 34.
Object event-structure in two appointment domains
216
Figure 35.
Location event-structure in appointment domain (‘arranging/arrangement for a meeting’)
219
Figure 36.
Past participles of basic-level verbs as premodifiers
225
Figure 37.
Basic-level predications in two appointment domains (by number of occurrence)
228
Figure 38.
Schematic frame appointment I: ‘arranging/arrangement for a meeting’
231
Figure 39.
Schematic frames appointment II: ‘placing sb in a position’ + ‘position’
235
Figure 40.
appointment as a complex category and a network of meanings
239
Figure 41.
The composite structure break an-appointment
241
Figure 42.
A/D alignment of break an-appointment construed as an entrenched collocation
248
Figure 43.
A/D alignment of break an-appointment construed as a free combination
248
Figure 44.
A taxonomy of verb + nominal object combinations based on relative salience
255
Figure 45.
The frame semantics of support verbs I (based on Fillmore et al. 2002, Section 4.2)
263
Figure 46.
The frame semantics of support verbs II (based on Fillmore 2003: slides
51–66)
263
Figure 47.
Collocations in the traditional phraseological framework
302
Figure 48.
Collocations in a functional and cognitive framework
303