Chapter 11
Constraints constrained
Equipollent verb constructions in Emai
We investigate the framing typology for motion events initiated by Talmy (1985, 2000) relative to predications in Emai from West Benue Congo. We concentrate on Path, which appears either in a satellite or a verb. Two main framing patterns emerge. With a Cause co-event verb, Path lexicalizes in a verb when articulating punctual or durative contact but in a satellite when expressing basic dislocation and extended dislocation. Extended dislocation requires a Cause co-event verb in series with a verb of extended motion and a Path satellite. We interpret extended dislocation not as representing an additional framing type but as a reflex of Emai lexical and morphosyntactic resources. Consequently, we hold to a semantic typology whose primary design principle is Path assignment to a verb or a non-verb, with equipollent framing receiving a secondary status.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.Basic motion
- 3.Complex motion
- 3.1Manner co-event
- 3.2Cause co-event
- 3.2.1Contact
- 3.2.2Dislocation
- 4.Discussion
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Acknowledgements
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Note
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Abbreviations
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References
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Appendix