983027460 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code IHLL 33 Eb 15 9789027259929 06 10.1075/ihll.33 13 2021003478 DG 002 02 01 IHLL 02 2213-3887 Issues in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 33 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">East and West of The Pentacrest</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Linguistic studies in honor of Paula Kempchinsky</Subtitle> 01 ihll.33 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/ihll.33 1 B01 Timothy Gupton Gupton, Timothy Timothy Gupton University of Georgia 2 B01 Elizabeth Gielau Gielau, Elizabeth Elizabeth Gielau Miami University 01 eng 225 viii 217 LAN009060 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book is a collection of contemporary essays and squibs exploring the mental representation of Spanish and other languages in the Romance family. Although largely formal in orientation, they incorporate experimental and corpus data to inform questions of synchronic and diachronic importance. As a whole, these contributions explore two areas of particular interest to linguistic theorizing. The first is linguistic interfaces with chapters on syntax-information structure, syntax-prosody, syntax-semantics, and lexicon-phonology. The second consists of explorations of noun phrases of all sizes—from clitics to nominalized clauses. The results and conclusions of these studies encourage researchers to continue to explore individual languages in particular in order to gain insight on human language in general. This edited volume in honor of Dr. Paula Kempchinsky is reflective of the diversity of approaches that inspired her teaching, research, and mentoring for over thirty years at the University of Iowa and beyond. 46 01 http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 47 Open access -- this title is available under a CC BY-NC-ND license. For full details, see: http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/ihll.33.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027208675.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027208675.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/ihll.33.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/ihll.33.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/ihll.33.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/ihll.33.hb.png 10 01 JB code ihll.33.ack vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acknowledgements</TitleText> 10 01 JB code ihll.33.int 1 14 14 Chapter 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 1 A01 Timothy Gupton Gupton, Timothy Timothy Gupton University of Georgia 2 A01 Elizabeth Gielau Gielau, Elizabeth Elizabeth Gielau Miami University 10 01 JB code ihll.33.p1 Section header 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Crosslinguistic explorations at the interfaces</TitleText> 10 01 JB code ihll.33.01wal 17 40 24 Chapter 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 1. Interpretation of focus in Haitian Creole <i>se</i>-clefts</TitleText> 1 A01 Kezia Walker-Cecil Walker-Cecil, Kezia Kezia Walker-Cecil University of Iowa 2 A01 Emilie Destruel Johnson Destruel Johnson, Emilie Emilie Destruel Johnson University of Iowa 01 While past literature on Haitian Creole focus structures primarily concentrates on predicate clefts (see DeGraff, 1995; Glaude &#38; Zribi-Hertz, 2012; Harbour, 2008; Lefebvre, 1990), few authors use empirical data to justify proposed interpretations of clefts. In this paper, we empirically test which interpretations are available in <i>se-</i>clefts, expanding on previous work on clefts in Haitian Creole and other languages. Our first experiment investigates the influence of predicate gradability (Harbour, 2008) and syntactic structure (Glaude &#38; Zribi-Hertz, 2012) on predicate cleft interpretation, using a felicity judgment task. Prior work on Haitian <i>se</i>-clefts has not discussed the exhaustive inference, an inference conveyed in similar clefts cross-linguistically (see Destruel et al., 2015; Horn, 1981). Our second experiment examines the exhaustivity inference in both predicate and nominal <i>se-</i>clefts, comparing Haitian speakers’ judgments to results from similar clefts in other languages, particularly French, via a forced-choice task adapted from Onea and Beaver (2011). 10 01 JB code ihll.33.02gup 41 68 28 Chapter 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 2. Aligning syntax and prosody in Galician</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Against a prosodic isomorphism account</Subtitle> 1 A01 Timothy Gupton Gupton, Timothy Timothy Gupton University of Georgia 01 The current chapter contributes to recent studies on the syntax and prosody of the left periphery (LP) in Romance in general and Galician in particular. The experimental data examined establish prosodic contours for six information structure contexts in Galician using the Melodic Analysis of Speech (MAS) protocol (Cantero, 2002; Cantero &#38; Font-Rotchés, 2009). I test the claim in e.g. Frascarelli &#38; Hinterhölzl (2007) that left-peripheral syntactic projections each have a unique, corresponding prosodic contour, a claim based on one-to-one correspondences between pitch and information structure in Italian and German data. Findings suggest that, despite some tendencies in support of this account, certain intonation contours are used to encode more than one information structure type. The data examined militate against an isomorphic account of intonation and syntax, and instead favor a homomorphic relation between the two, thus supporting a more parsimonious view of the LP (Emonds, 2004; Kempchinsky, 2013; López, 2009). 10 01 JB code ihll.33.03goo 69 82 14 Chapter 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 3. Why does D-linking reduce the need for inversion in Spanish <i>wh</i>-questions?</TitleText> 1 A01 Grant Goodall Goodall, Grant Grant Goodall University of California 01 Spanish <i>wh</i>-questions without inversion are much more acceptable when the <i>wh</i>-phrase is D-linked. Standard semantic and syntactic analyses of D-linking, developed for the more well-known case of D-linking in weak islands, make incorrect predictions regarding the Spanish case, while analyses based on working memory fare better. In these analyses, the effect obtains because at the time when the gap is posited, the processor is able to retrieve a D-linked filler more easily, and this results in increased acceptability. This type of analysis makes correct predictions about D-linking in Spanish <i>wh</i>-questions, and the Spanish facts provide new evidence that such an approach to D-linking based on working memory is correct. The analysis adopted leaves open the question of the proper analysis of inversion itself. Even if D-linking results from properties of working memory, the inversion phenomenon could still be the result of a grammatical constraint. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.04gie 83 92 10 Chapter 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 4. Negation and mood in epistemic contexts</TitleText> 1 A01 Elizabeth Gielau Gielau, Elizabeth Elizabeth Gielau Miami University 01 This squib examines mood contrasts in Spanish and (Modern) Greek. It is argued that the dual interpretation of negation, first analyzed in Horn’s (1989) seminal work, can provide new insights for mood contrasts in negated epistemic contexts. I show that metalinguistic (narrow-scope) negation of Spanish <i>creo</i> ‘I believe’ and Greek <i>pistévo</i> ‘I believe’ entails an intentional, rather than intensional, pragmatic function: the speaker wishes to reserve truth-value judgment, resulting in an unevaluated propositional complement. In intentional contexts, the subjunctive is exhibited in Spanish, and the indicative in Greek. I suggest that the subjunctive is exhibited in Spanish because unevaluated propositions fail to update the context, in keeping with Farkas (2003). Conversely, the indicative surfaces in Greek because unevaluated propositions are not non-veridical, aligning with Giannakidou (1997, 1998, 1999, 2006, 2009, 2013). I then extend the investigation to emotive predicates, another context of mood variation, providing more evidence that metalinguistic negation marks unassertive propositional complements. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.05one 93 106 14 Chapter 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 5. The complicated timeline of Spanish</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Implications for lexical processing</Subtitle> 1 A01 Sarah O’Neill O’Neill, Sarah Sarah O’Neill University of Iowa 2 A01 Christine Shea Shea, Christine Christine Shea University of Iowa 01 Sound change is a dynamic process that shapes the phonology and lexicon of a language across a language’s history. The existence of loanwords and <i>cultismos</i> (<i>learned forms</i>) complicate this process. Not all words are equally subjected to sound change. In Spanish, <i>cultismos</i> and loanwords often exhibit characteristics that differ from <i>derived</i> words (words that underwent regular phonological sound changes in Spanish). In either instance, the resulting word differs from other items in the Spanish lexicon. We discuss the significance of loanwords and <i>cultismos</i> for the Spanish lexicon. We suggest that although they result in less regularity across the lexicon, there are also consistent patterns that arise. Through these ‘regular irregularities,’ speakers may build associations between lexical forms and possibly access them to facilitate lexical activation. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.p2 Section header 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Innovative approaches to clitics and noun phrases in Romance</TitleText> 10 01 JB code ihll.33.06gar 109 134 26 Chapter 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 6. Me gohtaba ehta linguaji barranquenha</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Variable object clitics in Barranquenho</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jordan Garrett Garrett, Jordan Jordan Garrett Indiana University/Iowa City High School 01 The villa of Barrancos, Portugal, has a multilingual population that in addition to European Portuguese and Spanish also speaks an autochthonous contact variety, Barranquenho. Previous research on several phonological and morphosyntactic properties suggest Barranquenho is a mixed language albeit not a prototypical one. The current study analyzes 895 tokens of object clitics taken from a corpus of 20 native-speaker interviews and examines their placement, morphology and distribution in specific constructions. Results suggest that Barranquenho speakers possess a mixed clitic system containing both Spanish and Portuguese-like properties. The data also suggest a more Spanish-like placement pattern; one that is sensitive to finiteness rather than the presence/absence of various operators or morphophonological (PF) restrictions when interpreted in light of current approaches to the syntax of clitics. Moreover, this study has implications for existing typological models of contact varieties and point to future research regarding the application of syntactic models to these approaches. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.7mac 135 156 22 Chapter 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 7. Spanish impersonal <i>se</i> in control infinitivals and the ungrammaticality of <i>se se</i> sequences</TitleText> 1 A01 Jonathan E. MacDonald MacDonald, Jonathan E. Jonathan E. MacDonald University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 2 A01 Almike Vázquez-Lozares Vázquez-Lozares, Almike Almike Vázquez-Lozares University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 01 In this paper, we offer an analysis of impersonal <i>se</i> (Imp<sub>se</sub>) constructions in control infinitivals. We claim that <i>se</i> itself spells out the valued version of the [uD] feature that Holmberg (2010) and Roberts (2010) propose is a property of T in consistent null subject languages. As a corollary, we link Imp<sub>se</sub> constructions to the consistent null subject status of a language (in the spirit of Belletti, 1982). Moreover, we claim that in Imp<sub>se</sub> constructions there is a projected null external argument (<i>pro</i> <sub>se</sub>) interpreted as non-referential because of the valued version of Holmberg’s [uD] feature in T that <i>se</i> spells out. We also argue that ungrammatical sequences of Imp<sub>se</sub> and other <i>se</i> result from the featural deficiency of <i>pro</i> <sub>se</sub>; specifically, it lacks a specification for number. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.08lea 157 188 32 Chapter 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 8. Case assignment in Spanish nominalizations</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A self-paced reading investigation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Tania Leal Leal, Tania Tania Leal University of Nevada, Reno 2 A01 Jeffrey Renaud Renaud, Jeffrey Jeffrey Renaud Augustana College 01 Spanish nominalizations, structures in which a determiner precedes an infinitive (<i>el susurrar de Mario</i> “Mario’s whispering”), present a syntactic contradiction in which a verb exists within a Determiner Phrase (DP). Speakers attest two types: nominalizations co-occurring with nominal modifiers (e.g., adjectives, genitive case for argument expression) and those whose modifiers are verbal (adverbs, nominative/accusative arguments). Absent cartographic approaches (Cinque, 2002) predetermining the order of functional heads, the point in the derivation at which verbal categories transition into nominal ones, and this transition’s effect on case assignment, are thus far unanswered empirical questions. Using a self-paced reading task, we adopt Alexiadou et al.’s (2011) proposal to experimentally determine the cases available in each nominalization type. Results show that speakers process nominal nominalizations as expected but may allow for the possibility of adverbial adjunction, as suggested by Ramírez (2003). We propose that this data reveals the value of empirically testing syntactic proposals. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.09sat 189 214 26 Chapter 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 9. Dual competence in dual language learners</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Gradience and variability of object clitics in Spanish heritage language learners</Subtitle> 1 A01 Teresa Satterfield Satterfield, Teresa Teresa Satterfield University of Michigan 01 This chapter focuses on grammatical variability in object clitic placement (omission and clitic climbing) and morphology (gender and number) in child heritage Spanish. Implementing Wexler’s (2003) Clitic Acquisition Theory (CAT), original corpus data from 60 U.S. Spanish heritage speakers (SHS), ages 4–7, are analyzed and compared to previous research on adult L1/L2/child L1 and bilingual acquisition on clitic expression and acceptability judgments. Results show SHS at all proficiency levels produce clitics to some degree; however compared to Wexler (2003) and subsequent CAT studies, SHS demonstrate ongoing clitic optionality. A high percentage of this variability is grammatical: for instance, no substantial difference in SHS frequencies for proclisis or enclisis occurs. In the spirit of L2 work by Slabakova, Rothman and Kempchinsky (2011), the Underlying and Surface Competence (Duffield, 2003) is tested as a generative-based account of variability in more mature child grammars, complementing CAT. The dual competence model provides a finer-grained snapshot of ‘adult-like’ Spanish clitic expression in children. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.index 215 217 3 Miscellaneous 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20210510 2021 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027208675 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 40 01 278027459 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code IHLL 33 Hb 15 9789027208675 13 2021003477 BB 01 IHLL 02 2213-3887 Issues in Hispanic and Lusophone Linguistics 33 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">East and West of The Pentacrest</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Linguistic studies in honor of Paula Kempchinsky</Subtitle> 01 ihll.33 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/ihll.33 1 B01 Timothy Gupton Gupton, Timothy Timothy Gupton University of Georgia 2 B01 Elizabeth Gielau Gielau, Elizabeth Elizabeth Gielau Miami University 01 eng 225 viii 217 LAN009060 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book is a collection of contemporary essays and squibs exploring the mental representation of Spanish and other languages in the Romance family. Although largely formal in orientation, they incorporate experimental and corpus data to inform questions of synchronic and diachronic importance. As a whole, these contributions explore two areas of particular interest to linguistic theorizing. The first is linguistic interfaces with chapters on syntax-information structure, syntax-prosody, syntax-semantics, and lexicon-phonology. The second consists of explorations of noun phrases of all sizes—from clitics to nominalized clauses. The results and conclusions of these studies encourage researchers to continue to explore individual languages in particular in order to gain insight on human language in general. This edited volume in honor of Dr. Paula Kempchinsky is reflective of the diversity of approaches that inspired her teaching, research, and mentoring for over thirty years at the University of Iowa and beyond. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/ihll.33.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027208675.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027208675.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/ihll.33.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/ihll.33.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/ihll.33.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/ihll.33.hb.png 10 01 JB code ihll.33.ack vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acknowledgements</TitleText> 10 01 JB code ihll.33.int 1 14 14 Chapter 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 1 A01 Timothy Gupton Gupton, Timothy Timothy Gupton University of Georgia 2 A01 Elizabeth Gielau Gielau, Elizabeth Elizabeth Gielau Miami University 10 01 JB code ihll.33.p1 Section header 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Crosslinguistic explorations at the interfaces</TitleText> 10 01 JB code ihll.33.01wal 17 40 24 Chapter 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 1. Interpretation of focus in Haitian Creole <i>se</i>-clefts</TitleText> 1 A01 Kezia Walker-Cecil Walker-Cecil, Kezia Kezia Walker-Cecil University of Iowa 2 A01 Emilie Destruel Johnson Destruel Johnson, Emilie Emilie Destruel Johnson University of Iowa 01 While past literature on Haitian Creole focus structures primarily concentrates on predicate clefts (see DeGraff, 1995; Glaude &#38; Zribi-Hertz, 2012; Harbour, 2008; Lefebvre, 1990), few authors use empirical data to justify proposed interpretations of clefts. In this paper, we empirically test which interpretations are available in <i>se-</i>clefts, expanding on previous work on clefts in Haitian Creole and other languages. Our first experiment investigates the influence of predicate gradability (Harbour, 2008) and syntactic structure (Glaude &#38; Zribi-Hertz, 2012) on predicate cleft interpretation, using a felicity judgment task. Prior work on Haitian <i>se</i>-clefts has not discussed the exhaustive inference, an inference conveyed in similar clefts cross-linguistically (see Destruel et al., 2015; Horn, 1981). Our second experiment examines the exhaustivity inference in both predicate and nominal <i>se-</i>clefts, comparing Haitian speakers’ judgments to results from similar clefts in other languages, particularly French, via a forced-choice task adapted from Onea and Beaver (2011). 10 01 JB code ihll.33.02gup 41 68 28 Chapter 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 2. Aligning syntax and prosody in Galician</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Against a prosodic isomorphism account</Subtitle> 1 A01 Timothy Gupton Gupton, Timothy Timothy Gupton University of Georgia 01 The current chapter contributes to recent studies on the syntax and prosody of the left periphery (LP) in Romance in general and Galician in particular. The experimental data examined establish prosodic contours for six information structure contexts in Galician using the Melodic Analysis of Speech (MAS) protocol (Cantero, 2002; Cantero &#38; Font-Rotchés, 2009). I test the claim in e.g. Frascarelli &#38; Hinterhölzl (2007) that left-peripheral syntactic projections each have a unique, corresponding prosodic contour, a claim based on one-to-one correspondences between pitch and information structure in Italian and German data. Findings suggest that, despite some tendencies in support of this account, certain intonation contours are used to encode more than one information structure type. The data examined militate against an isomorphic account of intonation and syntax, and instead favor a homomorphic relation between the two, thus supporting a more parsimonious view of the LP (Emonds, 2004; Kempchinsky, 2013; López, 2009). 10 01 JB code ihll.33.03goo 69 82 14 Chapter 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 3. Why does D-linking reduce the need for inversion in Spanish <i>wh</i>-questions?</TitleText> 1 A01 Grant Goodall Goodall, Grant Grant Goodall University of California 01 Spanish <i>wh</i>-questions without inversion are much more acceptable when the <i>wh</i>-phrase is D-linked. Standard semantic and syntactic analyses of D-linking, developed for the more well-known case of D-linking in weak islands, make incorrect predictions regarding the Spanish case, while analyses based on working memory fare better. In these analyses, the effect obtains because at the time when the gap is posited, the processor is able to retrieve a D-linked filler more easily, and this results in increased acceptability. This type of analysis makes correct predictions about D-linking in Spanish <i>wh</i>-questions, and the Spanish facts provide new evidence that such an approach to D-linking based on working memory is correct. The analysis adopted leaves open the question of the proper analysis of inversion itself. Even if D-linking results from properties of working memory, the inversion phenomenon could still be the result of a grammatical constraint. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.04gie 83 92 10 Chapter 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 4. Negation and mood in epistemic contexts</TitleText> 1 A01 Elizabeth Gielau Gielau, Elizabeth Elizabeth Gielau Miami University 01 This squib examines mood contrasts in Spanish and (Modern) Greek. It is argued that the dual interpretation of negation, first analyzed in Horn’s (1989) seminal work, can provide new insights for mood contrasts in negated epistemic contexts. I show that metalinguistic (narrow-scope) negation of Spanish <i>creo</i> ‘I believe’ and Greek <i>pistévo</i> ‘I believe’ entails an intentional, rather than intensional, pragmatic function: the speaker wishes to reserve truth-value judgment, resulting in an unevaluated propositional complement. In intentional contexts, the subjunctive is exhibited in Spanish, and the indicative in Greek. I suggest that the subjunctive is exhibited in Spanish because unevaluated propositions fail to update the context, in keeping with Farkas (2003). Conversely, the indicative surfaces in Greek because unevaluated propositions are not non-veridical, aligning with Giannakidou (1997, 1998, 1999, 2006, 2009, 2013). I then extend the investigation to emotive predicates, another context of mood variation, providing more evidence that metalinguistic negation marks unassertive propositional complements. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.05one 93 106 14 Chapter 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 5. The complicated timeline of Spanish</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Implications for lexical processing</Subtitle> 1 A01 Sarah O’Neill O’Neill, Sarah Sarah O’Neill University of Iowa 2 A01 Christine Shea Shea, Christine Christine Shea University of Iowa 01 Sound change is a dynamic process that shapes the phonology and lexicon of a language across a language’s history. The existence of loanwords and <i>cultismos</i> (<i>learned forms</i>) complicate this process. Not all words are equally subjected to sound change. In Spanish, <i>cultismos</i> and loanwords often exhibit characteristics that differ from <i>derived</i> words (words that underwent regular phonological sound changes in Spanish). In either instance, the resulting word differs from other items in the Spanish lexicon. We discuss the significance of loanwords and <i>cultismos</i> for the Spanish lexicon. We suggest that although they result in less regularity across the lexicon, there are also consistent patterns that arise. Through these ‘regular irregularities,’ speakers may build associations between lexical forms and possibly access them to facilitate lexical activation. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.p2 Section header 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Innovative approaches to clitics and noun phrases in Romance</TitleText> 10 01 JB code ihll.33.06gar 109 134 26 Chapter 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 6. Me gohtaba ehta linguaji barranquenha</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Variable object clitics in Barranquenho</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jordan Garrett Garrett, Jordan Jordan Garrett Indiana University/Iowa City High School 01 The villa of Barrancos, Portugal, has a multilingual population that in addition to European Portuguese and Spanish also speaks an autochthonous contact variety, Barranquenho. Previous research on several phonological and morphosyntactic properties suggest Barranquenho is a mixed language albeit not a prototypical one. The current study analyzes 895 tokens of object clitics taken from a corpus of 20 native-speaker interviews and examines their placement, morphology and distribution in specific constructions. Results suggest that Barranquenho speakers possess a mixed clitic system containing both Spanish and Portuguese-like properties. The data also suggest a more Spanish-like placement pattern; one that is sensitive to finiteness rather than the presence/absence of various operators or morphophonological (PF) restrictions when interpreted in light of current approaches to the syntax of clitics. Moreover, this study has implications for existing typological models of contact varieties and point to future research regarding the application of syntactic models to these approaches. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.7mac 135 156 22 Chapter 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 7. Spanish impersonal <i>se</i> in control infinitivals and the ungrammaticality of <i>se se</i> sequences</TitleText> 1 A01 Jonathan E. MacDonald MacDonald, Jonathan E. Jonathan E. MacDonald University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 2 A01 Almike Vázquez-Lozares Vázquez-Lozares, Almike Almike Vázquez-Lozares University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 01 In this paper, we offer an analysis of impersonal <i>se</i> (Imp<sub>se</sub>) constructions in control infinitivals. We claim that <i>se</i> itself spells out the valued version of the [uD] feature that Holmberg (2010) and Roberts (2010) propose is a property of T in consistent null subject languages. As a corollary, we link Imp<sub>se</sub> constructions to the consistent null subject status of a language (in the spirit of Belletti, 1982). Moreover, we claim that in Imp<sub>se</sub> constructions there is a projected null external argument (<i>pro</i> <sub>se</sub>) interpreted as non-referential because of the valued version of Holmberg’s [uD] feature in T that <i>se</i> spells out. We also argue that ungrammatical sequences of Imp<sub>se</sub> and other <i>se</i> result from the featural deficiency of <i>pro</i> <sub>se</sub>; specifically, it lacks a specification for number. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.08lea 157 188 32 Chapter 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 8. Case assignment in Spanish nominalizations</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A self-paced reading investigation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Tania Leal Leal, Tania Tania Leal University of Nevada, Reno 2 A01 Jeffrey Renaud Renaud, Jeffrey Jeffrey Renaud Augustana College 01 Spanish nominalizations, structures in which a determiner precedes an infinitive (<i>el susurrar de Mario</i> “Mario’s whispering”), present a syntactic contradiction in which a verb exists within a Determiner Phrase (DP). Speakers attest two types: nominalizations co-occurring with nominal modifiers (e.g., adjectives, genitive case for argument expression) and those whose modifiers are verbal (adverbs, nominative/accusative arguments). Absent cartographic approaches (Cinque, 2002) predetermining the order of functional heads, the point in the derivation at which verbal categories transition into nominal ones, and this transition’s effect on case assignment, are thus far unanswered empirical questions. Using a self-paced reading task, we adopt Alexiadou et al.’s (2011) proposal to experimentally determine the cases available in each nominalization type. Results show that speakers process nominal nominalizations as expected but may allow for the possibility of adverbial adjunction, as suggested by Ramírez (2003). We propose that this data reveals the value of empirically testing syntactic proposals. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.09sat 189 214 26 Chapter 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 9. Dual competence in dual language learners</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Gradience and variability of object clitics in Spanish heritage language learners</Subtitle> 1 A01 Teresa Satterfield Satterfield, Teresa Teresa Satterfield University of Michigan 01 This chapter focuses on grammatical variability in object clitic placement (omission and clitic climbing) and morphology (gender and number) in child heritage Spanish. Implementing Wexler’s (2003) Clitic Acquisition Theory (CAT), original corpus data from 60 U.S. Spanish heritage speakers (SHS), ages 4–7, are analyzed and compared to previous research on adult L1/L2/child L1 and bilingual acquisition on clitic expression and acceptability judgments. Results show SHS at all proficiency levels produce clitics to some degree; however compared to Wexler (2003) and subsequent CAT studies, SHS demonstrate ongoing clitic optionality. A high percentage of this variability is grammatical: for instance, no substantial difference in SHS frequencies for proclisis or enclisis occurs. In the spirit of L2 work by Slabakova, Rothman and Kempchinsky (2011), the Underlying and Surface Competence (Duffield, 2003) is tested as a generative-based account of variability in more mature child grammars, complementing CAT. The dual competence model provides a finer-grained snapshot of ‘adult-like’ Spanish clitic expression in children. 10 01 JB code ihll.33.index 215 217 3 Miscellaneous 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20210510 2021 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 08 550 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 40 10 01 02 JB 1 00 105.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 111.30 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 10 02 02 JB 1 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 3 10 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 158.00 USD