367028884
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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JB code
IVITRA 31 Hb
15
9789027212733
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10.1075/ivitra.31
13
2022041957
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BB
08
580
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JB code
IVITRA
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2211-5412
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IVITRA Research in Linguistics and Literature
IVITRA Research in Linguistics and Literature
01
01
From Verbal Periphrases to Complex Predicates
From Verbal Periphrases to Complex Predicates
1
B01
01
JB code
75445821
Mar Garachana Camarero
Garachana Camarero, Mar
Mar
Garachana Camarero
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/75445821
2
B01
01
JB code
735445822
Sandra Montserrat Buendia
Montserrat Buendia, Sandra
Sandra
Montserrat Buendia
University of Alacant
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/735445822
3
B01
01
JB code
270445823
Claus Dieter Pusch
Pusch, Claus Dieter
Claus Dieter
Pusch
University of Freiburg im Breisgau
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/270445823
01
eng
11
244
03
03
vi
03
00
238
03
10
LAN009060
12
CF/2AD
24
JB code
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
01
06
02
00
This volume contains eleven studies on verbal periphrases in a wide array of Romance languages, both in a synchronic and in a historic perspective, thus addressing the Romance verbal periphrastic system as a whole and providing new insights in the grammatical, pragmatic, and cognitive foundations of verbal periphrases.
03
00
This volume, which can be considered as a follow-up publication to Pusch & Wesch (2003), contains ten studies on verbal periphrases in a wide array of Romance languages, both in a synchronic and in a historic perspective. Thus, this collective volume addresses the Romance verbal periphrastic system as a whole. The aim of the contributions is twofold: on the one hand, the authors intend to enrich the knowledge about the inventory of verbal periphrases of Romance languages, both in descriptive and analytical terms. On the other hand, the volume seeks to provide new insights for the study of the grammatical, pragmatic, and cognitive foundations of verbal periphrases, in order to enlarge our comprehension of their genesis, their evolution and their usage. Languages treated in the contributions include Catalan, (European) French, Friulian, (European) Portuguese, Romanian, (European) Spanish, and Catalan Sign Language (LSC).
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ivitra.31.01gar
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11
11
Chapter
1
01
04
From verbal periphrases to complex predicates
From verbal periphrases to complex predicates
01
04
An
introduction to the present volume
An introduction to the present volume
1
A01
01
JB code
732447264
Mar Garachana Camarero
Garachana Camarero, Mar
Mar
Garachana Camarero
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/732447264
2
A01
01
JB code
794447265
Sandra Montserrat Buendia
Montserrat Buendia, Sandra
Sandra
Montserrat Buendia
University of Alacant
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/794447265
3
A01
01
JB code
43447266
Claus Dieter Pusch
Pusch, Claus Dieter
Claus Dieter
Pusch
University of Freiburg im Breisgau
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/43447266
01
eng
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.02jar
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.02jar
13
40
28
Chapter
2
01
04
The
coding of aspectual values in periphrastic constructions across signed languages
The coding of aspectual values in periphrastic constructions across signed languages
1
A01
01
JB code
401447267
Maria Josep Jarque Moyano
Jarque Moyano, Maria Josep
Maria Josep
Jarque Moyano
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/401447267
01
eng
30
00
The research conducted over the last forty years shows that aspect in signed languages has formal, semantic and functional properties comparable to other languages of the world and that most of the aspectual categories already identified are expressed lexically/periphrastically and derivationally, rather than inflectionally as is generally assumed (Cf. Klima and Bellugi, 1979; Sexton, 1999). The purpose of this chapter is two-fold. First, we will review patterns of periphrastic expression of aspectual categories in the signed languages studied until present. Second, we will report our research on the periphrastic expression of aspectual values in Catalan Sign Language (LSC).
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.03mel
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.03mel
41
61
21
Chapter
3
01
04
Come che al a vut dit
Come che al à vût dit
01
04
On the semantics of the formes surcomposees in Friulian
On the semantics of the formes surcomposées in Friulian
1
A01
01
JB code
772447268
Luca Melchior
Melchior, Luca
Luca
Melchior
University of Graz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/772447268
01
eng
30
00
Double compound forms (DCF) are widespread in European languages, especially in Romance and Germanic languages, and could be considered a Sprachbund phenomenon. In this article, I focus on DCF in Friulian. First, I will provide a morphosyntactic description of DCF in this language and analyze their syntactic behavior. Second, the results of a corpus-based analysis will be presented, as well as the results of an acceptability test with Friulian informants. Third, based on the analyzed data it will be illustrated that DCF may indeed convey different semantic values, but that the expression of experientiality can be seen as the core value.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.04sen
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.04sen
63
85
23
Chapter
4
01
04
The
rise of the evidential readings of the Catalan periphrasis deure + infinitive
The rise of the evidential readings of the Catalan periphrasis deure + infinitive
1
A01
01
JB code
262447269
Andreu Sentí
Sentí, Andreu
Andreu
Sentí
University of València
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/262447269
2
A01
01
JB code
550447270
Bert Cornillie
Cornillie, Bert
Bert
Cornillie
University of Leuven
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/550447270
01
eng
30
00
In Romance, epistemic readings of modal verbs have traditionally been dealt with in terms of probability or epistemic commitment of the speaker (Spanish deber, French devoir, Italian dovere). Over the last years, new contributions have suggested the shared epistemic and evidential nature of these auxiliary verbs, with special attention to their evidential inferential value (cf. Squartini 2004, 2008, Pietrandrea 2005, Cornillie 2007). Moreover, Cornillie (2009) argues that an evidential expression can have different epistemic readings and, hence, often demonstrates varying degrees of commitment. This chapter is concerned with the rise of the evidential reading of the Catalan modal verb deure which emerges from original dynamic and deontic readings (Sentí 2017). An in-depth analysis of the semantic and pragmatic features of the bridging contexts attested in the corpus (CICA) will account for the conventionalization of the new meaning between the origins of the Catalan language and the 16th century. The analysis of the empirical data confirms the view of deure as an evidential verb, with only secondary epistemic effects. In line with Cornillie (2009), inferential readings cannot be defined in terms of a specific degree of epistemic commitment.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.05mon
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.05mon
87
113
27
Chapter
5
01
04
A
diachronic analysis of the periphrasis soler + infinitive in Catalan
A diachronic analysis of the periphrasis soler + infinitive in Catalan
01
04
A
test-case of invited inferencing
A test-case of invited inferencing
1
A01
01
JB code
70447271
Sandra Montserrat Buendia
Montserrat Buendia, Sandra
Sandra
Montserrat Buendia
University of Alacant
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/70447271
01
eng
30
00
In current Catalan, as well as in other Romance languages, the periphrasis soler+infinitive (it. solere, fr. souloir, port. soer, occ. soler) expresses the common meaning of the imperfect aspect of the verb, in other words, it describes a situation that is repeated more or less regularly during a period of time. There are no diachronic studies on the periphrasis soler+infinitive in Catalan. However, the use of the periphrasis soler+infinitive in Old Catalan unfolds different meanings compared to current Catalan. We have observed that the periphrasis with soler has a different semantic distribution in old and current Catalan. Essentially, the periphrasis with soler has undergone a semantic reduction with the change of the prototypic centre in favour of the simple form of the imperfect indicative tense. We believe the hypothesis soler+infinitive unfolds a large network of values in medieval language that is coded, based on invited inferencing. (Invited Inferencing Theory of Semantic Change, TCSII). As we will see, these inferencings associated to what the speaker says in a specific context are motivated due to the knowledge shared between the speaker and the listener. In order to prove this, in this study we will analyse the semantic evolution of this construction from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the end. The analysis of all the data of the corpus shows that the Catalan periphrasis soler+infinitive has four essential values in Old Catalan: A: ‘the occurrence is repeated constantly’, B: ‘the occurrence always occurs’, C: ‘the occurrence is confined in the past’, and D: ‘the occurrence, constantly repeated, cannot occur’.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.06gem
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.06gem
115
130
16
Chapter
6
01
04
A
comparison of the early grammaticalization of vado + INF in Catalan, Spanish and French
A comparison of the early grammaticalization of vado + INF in Catalan, Spanish and French
01
04
Same point of departure - different results
Same point of departure – different results
1
A01
01
JB code
874447272
Sarah Feryal Gemicioglu
Gemicioglu, Sarah Feryal
Sarah Feryal
Gemicioglu
Ruhr University Bochum
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/874447272
01
eng
30
00
The grammaticalization of the construction to a perfective past is a specificity of Catalan language, even though there is also evidence of this grammaticalization in other Romance languages such as Spanish or French. This paper seeks to explain this Catalan construction from a diatopic and diastratic point of view and shows that a convergence of different factors made possible the extension of this periphrasis. Beside dealing with already well known and discussed approaches, this paper uses a comparison between Catalan on the one side and Spanish and French on the other side to put the focus on three internal aspects: the frequency of use, the use of movement verbs and the specialization of verbal forms.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.07art
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.07art
131
148
18
Chapter
7
01
04
Origin and development of Spanish verbal periphrases haber + (nexus) + infinitive
Origin and development of Spanish verbal periphrases haber + ( nexus ) + infinitive
1
A01
01
JB code
142447273
Esther Artigas
Artigas, Esther
Esther
Artigas
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/142447273
2
A01
01
JB code
611447274
Mar Garachana Camarero
Garachana Camarero, Mar
Mar
Garachana Camarero
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/611447274
01
eng
30
00
It is a well attested fact that possessive verbs spread to different meanings. In many languages, these lexical verbs often lead to auxiliary and semi-auxiliary verbs. This is the case of Lat. habeo, and its Romance descendants, that gave rises to different periphrastic constructions whose meaning goes from a past and a future tense to a deontic modality. In this paper we reflect on the formation in Medieval Spanish of the deontic verbal periphrases haber + (nexus) + infinitive, which added some discursive meanings related to the modality to a new grammatical form. The emergence of these verbal constructions gave rise to a major change in the medieval verbal system, whose sources can be found in Latin.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.08ros
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.08ros
149
170
22
Chapter
8
01
04
Anteriors and resultatives in Old Spanish
Anteriors and resultatives in Old Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
717447275
Malte Rosemeyer
Rosemeyer, Malte
Malte
Rosemeyer
Albert-Ludwigs University Freiburg
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/717447275
01
eng
30
00
This paper proposes a quantitative analysis of the opposition between the Old Spanish intransitive constructions aver (‘have’) + participle and ser (‘be’) + participle. It is misleading to characterise this opposition as auxiliary selection in a strict sense because aver and ser are not allomorphs. Whereas aver + PtcP is used as an anterior, ser + PtcP often receives a resultative interpretation. For this reason, the two constructions display distributional differences. In particular, the use of ser + PtcP is disfavoured in contexts that also disfavour a resultative interpretation: sentences involving bounded temporal adverbials or stative locative adverbials, as well as sentences involving irrealis modality. The use of multivariate statistical methodology demonstrates the significance of these constraints. In addition, it suggests a difference in the use of the two constructions with reflexive morphology that illuminates their different historical origin, and likewise, their difference in function.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.09gar
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.09gar
171
188
18
Chapter
9
01
04
Unexpected grammaticalizations
Unexpected grammaticalizations
01
04
The
reanalysis of the Spanish verb ir 'to go' as a past marker
The reanalysis of the Spanish verb ir ‘to go’ as a past marker
1
A01
01
JB code
246447276
Mar Garachana Camarero
Garachana Camarero, Mar
Mar
Garachana Camarero
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/246447276
01
eng
30
00
From a typological perspective, the evolution of a verb meaning ‘to go’ as a future tense marker is a common grammaticalization chain. The evolution of an allative verb as a past tense is much less expected, though documented. In modern Spanish, for instance, it exists a past marker formed by a coordinating structure: ir ‘to go’ + y ‘and’ + finite verbal group. The aim of this paper is to explore the motivations behind the grammaticalization process experienced by the Spanish structure ir ‘to go’ + y ‘and’ + finite verbal group as a past marker and as a quotative marker. We follow a usage-based approach to language change, combined with Grammaticalization and Diachronic Construction Grammar. The examples in which we base our study are obtained from corpora databases (corde, crea, admyte, corpus biblia medieval). In analyzing the emergence of ir + y + verbal finite group, we will consider morphosyntactic, textual and pragmatic factors involved in the invited inferences that motivate the rise of this verbal construction. We will also consider the discursive context in which the structure is documented, since the discourse traditions have been shown to be central in the consolidation of verbal constructions whose etymon contains a verb meaning ‘go’. This analysis will show that discourse-pragmatic forces become central in the emergence of the construction ir + y + finite verbal group.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.10and
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.10and
189
209
21
Chapter
10
01
04
Degrammaticalisation indices in Iberian complex predicates?
Degrammaticalisation indices in Iberian complex predicates?
1
A01
01
JB code
624447277
Aroldo Andrade
Andrade, Aroldo
Aroldo
Andrade
State University of Campinas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/624447277
2
A01
01
JB code
933447278
Susann Fischer
Fischer, Susann
Susann
Fischer
University of Hamburg
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/933447278
01
eng
30
00
This chapter presents evidence for a loss in auxiliary status of Iberian complex predicate verbs, focusing on Catalan and European Portuguese. This change in structural status can be assessed by criteria such as: the decreasing occurrence of clitic climbing; the increasing use of subcategorised prepositions; the loss of complement fronting; and the change in the class of intervening adverbs (see Jones 1988), exemplified by means of a comparison of old and modern varieties of these languages. We argue that the motivation for this change can be found in the general word-order changes in Old Iberian languages, especially those of informational-structural marked expressions, with reflex on the creation of significant variability in the occurrence of clitic climbing. Finally we entertain the idea that, instead of interpreting this change as a true case of degrammaticalisation, it should be better considered as an epiphenomenon; in fact, some changes point out to grammaticalisation paths, inferrable either as loss of movement or as the result of selection of a smaller complement.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.11fer
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.11fer
211
233
23
Chapter
11
01
04
A
contrastive study of the degree of grammaticalization of verbal periphrases in Catalan, Spanish and Romanian
A contrastive study of the degree of grammaticalization of verbal periphrases in Catalan, Spanish and Romanian
1
A01
01
JB code
435447279
Ana Fernández-Montraveta
Fernández-Montraveta, Ana
Ana
Fernández-Montraveta
Autonomous University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/435447279
2
A01
01
JB code
741447280
Gloria Vázquez
Vázquez, Gloria
Gloria
Vázquez
University of Lleida
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/741447280
3
A01
01
JB code
794447281
Mihaela Topor
Topor, Mihaela
Mihaela
Topor
University of Lleida
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/794447281
01
eng
30
00
The aim of this study is to compare verbal periphrases (VPs) between three Romance languages (Spanish, Catalan and Romanian) and establish the degree of grammaticalization of these linguistic elements in each language. From the analysis of the data, we can assert that the degree of grammaticalization shown by the auxiliaries of a periphrastic complex in Catalan and Spanish is higher than that shown in Romanian. To measure the degree of grammaticalization of auxiliaries, we applied seven syntactic tests related to the two main parameters associated with this process: decategorization and cohesion (Heine and Kuteva 2002, 2007). We also established the signs of grammaticalization that are more consolidated in each language, highlighting similarities and differences. On the other hand, Romanian is the language with the lowest number of VPs.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.index
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.index
234
238
5
Miscellaneous
12
01
04
Index
Index
01
eng
01
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JBENJAMINS
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IVITRA 31 Eb
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2022041958
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IVITRA
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2211-5412
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IVITRA Research in Linguistics and Literature
IVITRA Research in Linguistics and Literature
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jbe-all
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Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles)
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From Verbal Periphrases to Complex Predicates
From Verbal Periphrases to Complex Predicates
1
B01
01
JB code
75445821
Mar Garachana Camarero
Garachana Camarero, Mar
Mar
Garachana Camarero
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/75445821
2
B01
01
JB code
735445822
Sandra Montserrat Buendia
Montserrat Buendia, Sandra
Sandra
Montserrat Buendia
University of Alacant
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/735445822
3
B01
01
JB code
270445823
Claus Dieter Pusch
Pusch, Claus Dieter
Claus Dieter
Pusch
University of Freiburg im Breisgau
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/270445823
01
eng
11
244
03
03
vi
03
00
238
03
10
LAN009060
12
CF/2AD
24
JB code
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
01
06
02
00
This volume contains eleven studies on verbal periphrases in a wide array of Romance languages, both in a synchronic and in a historic perspective, thus addressing the Romance verbal periphrastic system as a whole and providing new insights in the grammatical, pragmatic, and cognitive foundations of verbal periphrases.
03
00
This volume, which can be considered as a follow-up publication to Pusch & Wesch (2003), contains ten studies on verbal periphrases in a wide array of Romance languages, both in a synchronic and in a historic perspective. Thus, this collective volume addresses the Romance verbal periphrastic system as a whole. The aim of the contributions is twofold: on the one hand, the authors intend to enrich the knowledge about the inventory of verbal periphrases of Romance languages, both in descriptive and analytical terms. On the other hand, the volume seeks to provide new insights for the study of the grammatical, pragmatic, and cognitive foundations of verbal periphrases, in order to enlarge our comprehension of their genesis, their evolution and their usage. Languages treated in the contributions include Catalan, (European) French, Friulian, (European) Portuguese, Romanian, (European) Spanish, and Catalan Sign Language (LSC).
01
00
03
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01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.01gar
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.01gar
1
11
11
Chapter
1
01
04
From verbal periphrases to complex predicates
From verbal periphrases to complex predicates
01
04
An
introduction to the present volume
An introduction to the present volume
1
A01
01
JB code
732447264
Mar Garachana Camarero
Garachana Camarero, Mar
Mar
Garachana Camarero
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/732447264
2
A01
01
JB code
794447265
Sandra Montserrat Buendia
Montserrat Buendia, Sandra
Sandra
Montserrat Buendia
University of Alacant
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/794447265
3
A01
01
JB code
43447266
Claus Dieter Pusch
Pusch, Claus Dieter
Claus Dieter
Pusch
University of Freiburg im Breisgau
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/43447266
01
eng
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.02jar
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.02jar
13
40
28
Chapter
2
01
04
The
coding of aspectual values in periphrastic constructions across signed languages
The coding of aspectual values in periphrastic constructions across signed languages
1
A01
01
JB code
401447267
Maria Josep Jarque Moyano
Jarque Moyano, Maria Josep
Maria Josep
Jarque Moyano
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/401447267
01
eng
30
00
The research conducted over the last forty years shows that aspect in signed languages has formal, semantic and functional properties comparable to other languages of the world and that most of the aspectual categories already identified are expressed lexically/periphrastically and derivationally, rather than inflectionally as is generally assumed (Cf. Klima and Bellugi, 1979; Sexton, 1999). The purpose of this chapter is two-fold. First, we will review patterns of periphrastic expression of aspectual categories in the signed languages studied until present. Second, we will report our research on the periphrastic expression of aspectual values in Catalan Sign Language (LSC).
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.03mel
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.03mel
41
61
21
Chapter
3
01
04
Come che al a vut dit
Come che al à vût dit
01
04
On the semantics of the formes surcomposees in Friulian
On the semantics of the formes surcomposées in Friulian
1
A01
01
JB code
772447268
Luca Melchior
Melchior, Luca
Luca
Melchior
University of Graz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/772447268
01
eng
30
00
Double compound forms (DCF) are widespread in European languages, especially in Romance and Germanic languages, and could be considered a Sprachbund phenomenon. In this article, I focus on DCF in Friulian. First, I will provide a morphosyntactic description of DCF in this language and analyze their syntactic behavior. Second, the results of a corpus-based analysis will be presented, as well as the results of an acceptability test with Friulian informants. Third, based on the analyzed data it will be illustrated that DCF may indeed convey different semantic values, but that the expression of experientiality can be seen as the core value.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.04sen
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.04sen
63
85
23
Chapter
4
01
04
The
rise of the evidential readings of the Catalan periphrasis deure + infinitive
The rise of the evidential readings of the Catalan periphrasis deure + infinitive
1
A01
01
JB code
262447269
Andreu Sentí
Sentí, Andreu
Andreu
Sentí
University of València
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/262447269
2
A01
01
JB code
550447270
Bert Cornillie
Cornillie, Bert
Bert
Cornillie
University of Leuven
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/550447270
01
eng
30
00
In Romance, epistemic readings of modal verbs have traditionally been dealt with in terms of probability or epistemic commitment of the speaker (Spanish deber, French devoir, Italian dovere). Over the last years, new contributions have suggested the shared epistemic and evidential nature of these auxiliary verbs, with special attention to their evidential inferential value (cf. Squartini 2004, 2008, Pietrandrea 2005, Cornillie 2007). Moreover, Cornillie (2009) argues that an evidential expression can have different epistemic readings and, hence, often demonstrates varying degrees of commitment. This chapter is concerned with the rise of the evidential reading of the Catalan modal verb deure which emerges from original dynamic and deontic readings (Sentí 2017). An in-depth analysis of the semantic and pragmatic features of the bridging contexts attested in the corpus (CICA) will account for the conventionalization of the new meaning between the origins of the Catalan language and the 16th century. The analysis of the empirical data confirms the view of deure as an evidential verb, with only secondary epistemic effects. In line with Cornillie (2009), inferential readings cannot be defined in terms of a specific degree of epistemic commitment.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.05mon
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.05mon
87
113
27
Chapter
5
01
04
A
diachronic analysis of the periphrasis soler + infinitive in Catalan
A diachronic analysis of the periphrasis soler + infinitive in Catalan
01
04
A
test-case of invited inferencing
A test-case of invited inferencing
1
A01
01
JB code
70447271
Sandra Montserrat Buendia
Montserrat Buendia, Sandra
Sandra
Montserrat Buendia
University of Alacant
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/70447271
01
eng
30
00
In current Catalan, as well as in other Romance languages, the periphrasis soler+infinitive (it. solere, fr. souloir, port. soer, occ. soler) expresses the common meaning of the imperfect aspect of the verb, in other words, it describes a situation that is repeated more or less regularly during a period of time. There are no diachronic studies on the periphrasis soler+infinitive in Catalan. However, the use of the periphrasis soler+infinitive in Old Catalan unfolds different meanings compared to current Catalan. We have observed that the periphrasis with soler has a different semantic distribution in old and current Catalan. Essentially, the periphrasis with soler has undergone a semantic reduction with the change of the prototypic centre in favour of the simple form of the imperfect indicative tense. We believe the hypothesis soler+infinitive unfolds a large network of values in medieval language that is coded, based on invited inferencing. (Invited Inferencing Theory of Semantic Change, TCSII). As we will see, these inferencings associated to what the speaker says in a specific context are motivated due to the knowledge shared between the speaker and the listener. In order to prove this, in this study we will analyse the semantic evolution of this construction from the beginning of the sixteenth century to the end. The analysis of all the data of the corpus shows that the Catalan periphrasis soler+infinitive has four essential values in Old Catalan: A: ‘the occurrence is repeated constantly’, B: ‘the occurrence always occurs’, C: ‘the occurrence is confined in the past’, and D: ‘the occurrence, constantly repeated, cannot occur’.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.06gem
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.06gem
115
130
16
Chapter
6
01
04
A
comparison of the early grammaticalization of vado + INF in Catalan, Spanish and French
A comparison of the early grammaticalization of vado + INF in Catalan, Spanish and French
01
04
Same point of departure - different results
Same point of departure – different results
1
A01
01
JB code
874447272
Sarah Feryal Gemicioglu
Gemicioglu, Sarah Feryal
Sarah Feryal
Gemicioglu
Ruhr University Bochum
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/874447272
01
eng
30
00
The grammaticalization of the construction to a perfective past is a specificity of Catalan language, even though there is also evidence of this grammaticalization in other Romance languages such as Spanish or French. This paper seeks to explain this Catalan construction from a diatopic and diastratic point of view and shows that a convergence of different factors made possible the extension of this periphrasis. Beside dealing with already well known and discussed approaches, this paper uses a comparison between Catalan on the one side and Spanish and French on the other side to put the focus on three internal aspects: the frequency of use, the use of movement verbs and the specialization of verbal forms.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.07art
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.07art
131
148
18
Chapter
7
01
04
Origin and development of Spanish verbal periphrases haber + (nexus) + infinitive
Origin and development of Spanish verbal periphrases haber + ( nexus ) + infinitive
1
A01
01
JB code
142447273
Esther Artigas
Artigas, Esther
Esther
Artigas
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/142447273
2
A01
01
JB code
611447274
Mar Garachana Camarero
Garachana Camarero, Mar
Mar
Garachana Camarero
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/611447274
01
eng
30
00
It is a well attested fact that possessive verbs spread to different meanings. In many languages, these lexical verbs often lead to auxiliary and semi-auxiliary verbs. This is the case of Lat. habeo, and its Romance descendants, that gave rises to different periphrastic constructions whose meaning goes from a past and a future tense to a deontic modality. In this paper we reflect on the formation in Medieval Spanish of the deontic verbal periphrases haber + (nexus) + infinitive, which added some discursive meanings related to the modality to a new grammatical form. The emergence of these verbal constructions gave rise to a major change in the medieval verbal system, whose sources can be found in Latin.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.08ros
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.08ros
149
170
22
Chapter
8
01
04
Anteriors and resultatives in Old Spanish
Anteriors and resultatives in Old Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
717447275
Malte Rosemeyer
Rosemeyer, Malte
Malte
Rosemeyer
Albert-Ludwigs University Freiburg
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/717447275
01
eng
30
00
This paper proposes a quantitative analysis of the opposition between the Old Spanish intransitive constructions aver (‘have’) + participle and ser (‘be’) + participle. It is misleading to characterise this opposition as auxiliary selection in a strict sense because aver and ser are not allomorphs. Whereas aver + PtcP is used as an anterior, ser + PtcP often receives a resultative interpretation. For this reason, the two constructions display distributional differences. In particular, the use of ser + PtcP is disfavoured in contexts that also disfavour a resultative interpretation: sentences involving bounded temporal adverbials or stative locative adverbials, as well as sentences involving irrealis modality. The use of multivariate statistical methodology demonstrates the significance of these constraints. In addition, it suggests a difference in the use of the two constructions with reflexive morphology that illuminates their different historical origin, and likewise, their difference in function.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.09gar
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.09gar
171
188
18
Chapter
9
01
04
Unexpected grammaticalizations
Unexpected grammaticalizations
01
04
The
reanalysis of the Spanish verb ir 'to go' as a past marker
The reanalysis of the Spanish verb ir ‘to go’ as a past marker
1
A01
01
JB code
246447276
Mar Garachana Camarero
Garachana Camarero, Mar
Mar
Garachana Camarero
University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/246447276
01
eng
30
00
From a typological perspective, the evolution of a verb meaning ‘to go’ as a future tense marker is a common grammaticalization chain. The evolution of an allative verb as a past tense is much less expected, though documented. In modern Spanish, for instance, it exists a past marker formed by a coordinating structure: ir ‘to go’ + y ‘and’ + finite verbal group. The aim of this paper is to explore the motivations behind the grammaticalization process experienced by the Spanish structure ir ‘to go’ + y ‘and’ + finite verbal group as a past marker and as a quotative marker. We follow a usage-based approach to language change, combined with Grammaticalization and Diachronic Construction Grammar. The examples in which we base our study are obtained from corpora databases (corde, crea, admyte, corpus biblia medieval). In analyzing the emergence of ir + y + verbal finite group, we will consider morphosyntactic, textual and pragmatic factors involved in the invited inferences that motivate the rise of this verbal construction. We will also consider the discursive context in which the structure is documented, since the discourse traditions have been shown to be central in the consolidation of verbal constructions whose etymon contains a verb meaning ‘go’. This analysis will show that discourse-pragmatic forces become central in the emergence of the construction ir + y + finite verbal group.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.10and
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.10and
189
209
21
Chapter
10
01
04
Degrammaticalisation indices in Iberian complex predicates?
Degrammaticalisation indices in Iberian complex predicates?
1
A01
01
JB code
624447277
Aroldo Andrade
Andrade, Aroldo
Aroldo
Andrade
State University of Campinas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/624447277
2
A01
01
JB code
933447278
Susann Fischer
Fischer, Susann
Susann
Fischer
University of Hamburg
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/933447278
01
eng
30
00
This chapter presents evidence for a loss in auxiliary status of Iberian complex predicate verbs, focusing on Catalan and European Portuguese. This change in structural status can be assessed by criteria such as: the decreasing occurrence of clitic climbing; the increasing use of subcategorised prepositions; the loss of complement fronting; and the change in the class of intervening adverbs (see Jones 1988), exemplified by means of a comparison of old and modern varieties of these languages. We argue that the motivation for this change can be found in the general word-order changes in Old Iberian languages, especially those of informational-structural marked expressions, with reflex on the creation of significant variability in the occurrence of clitic climbing. Finally we entertain the idea that, instead of interpreting this change as a true case of degrammaticalisation, it should be better considered as an epiphenomenon; in fact, some changes point out to grammaticalisation paths, inferrable either as loss of movement or as the result of selection of a smaller complement.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.11fer
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.11fer
211
233
23
Chapter
11
01
04
A
contrastive study of the degree of grammaticalization of verbal periphrases in Catalan, Spanish and Romanian
A contrastive study of the degree of grammaticalization of verbal periphrases in Catalan, Spanish and Romanian
1
A01
01
JB code
435447279
Ana Fernández-Montraveta
Fernández-Montraveta, Ana
Ana
Fernández-Montraveta
Autonomous University of Barcelona
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/435447279
2
A01
01
JB code
741447280
Gloria Vázquez
Vázquez, Gloria
Gloria
Vázquez
University of Lleida
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/741447280
3
A01
01
JB code
794447281
Mihaela Topor
Topor, Mihaela
Mihaela
Topor
University of Lleida
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/794447281
01
eng
30
00
The aim of this study is to compare verbal periphrases (VPs) between three Romance languages (Spanish, Catalan and Romanian) and establish the degree of grammaticalization of these linguistic elements in each language. From the analysis of the data, we can assert that the degree of grammaticalization shown by the auxiliaries of a periphrastic complex in Catalan and Spanish is higher than that shown in Romanian. To measure the degree of grammaticalization of auxiliaries, we applied seven syntactic tests related to the two main parameters associated with this process: decategorization and cohesion (Heine and Kuteva 2002, 2007). We also established the signs of grammaticalization that are more consolidated in each language, highlighting similarities and differences. On the other hand, Romanian is the language with the lowest number of VPs.
01
01
JB code
ivitra.31.index
06
10.1075/ivitra.31.index
234
238
5
Miscellaneous
12
01
04
Index
Index
01
eng
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/ivitra.31
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
00
20221201
C
2022
John Benjamins
D
2022
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027212733
WORLD
09
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
https://jbe-platform.com
29
https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027256928
21
01
00
Unqualified price
02
95.00
EUR
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Unqualified price
02
80.00
GBP
GB
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Unqualified price
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143.00
USD