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74016468 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code IVITRA 9 Eb 15 9789027267856 06 10.1075/ivitra.9 13 2015032521 DG 002 02 01 IVITRA 02 2211-5412 IVITRA Research in Linguistics and Literature 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Verb Classes and Aspect</TitleText> 01 ivitra.9 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/ivitra.9 1 B01 Elisa Barrajón López Barrajón López, Elisa Elisa Barrajón López University of Alicante 2 B01 José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia Cifuentes Honrubia, José Luis José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia University of Alicante 3 B01 Susana Rodríguez Rosique Rodríguez Rosique, Susana Susana Rodríguez Rosique University of Alicante 01 eng 460 xviii 446 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This volume offers a variety of perspectives on two of the main topics situated at the crossroads between lexical semantics and syntax, namely: (a) aspect and its correspondence with syntactic structure; and (b) the delimitation of syntactic structures from verb classes. Almost from Aristotle’s <i>Metaphysics</i>, it has been assumed that verbs invoke a mental image about the way in which eventualities are distributed over time. When it comes to determining time schemata, the lexical class to which the verb belongs represents a first step. Speaking about verb classes does not exclusively mean a semantic similarity; rather, verb classes exhibit a bundle of common features and thus show a set of recursive behavior patterns. Beyond the meaning of the verb, both semantic and syntactic factors, together with pragmatic ones, play a decisive role when establishing the aspectual classification of an eventuality. The contributions collected in this book approach the aforementioned lines, either analyzing the relationships between aspect and syntactic structure or traversing the path from a verb class to its syntactic manifestation. Some of them stress diachronic filiations, while others include processes of word formation in the debate; some of them focus on certain classes, such as movement verbs or psychological verbs, while others examine specific constructions. A number of chapters also discuss relevant theoretical issues concerning the analysis of aspect. In sum, the kaleidoscopic view provided by this book allows the reader to delve deeper into one of the most controversial – as well as exciting – topics within current linguistics. 05 The papers included in this book represent an important contribution […] and are of interest to a large part of the scientific community working on the study of Spanish and other Romance languages. Gloria Vázquez, University of Lleida 05 An excellent volume on the interaction between verb classes and aspect […]. The authors make use of the most current theoretical tools and ideas […]. An outstanding text for students and scholars interested in the topic. Rafael Marín, University of Lille 3 05 A valuable collection of insightful and thought-provoking articles. Ruxandra Dragan, University of Bucharest 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/ivitra.9.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027240156.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027240156.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/ivitra.9.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/ivitra.9.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/ivitra.9.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/ivitra.9.hb.png 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.001pre vii xvi 10 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Preface</TitleText> 1 A01 Elisa Barrajón López Barrajón López, Elisa Elisa Barrajón López University of Alicante 2 A01 José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia Cifuentes Honrubia, José Luis José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia University of Alicante 3 A01 Susana Rodríguez Rosique Rodríguez Rosique, Susana Susana Rodríguez Rosique University of Alicante 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.002con xvii xviii 2 Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">List of contributors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.01bar 1 20 20 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The conceptualization of change of state in verbs coming from gentilicios</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">conceptualization of change of state in verbs coming from gentilicios</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Elisa Barrajón López Barrajón López, Elisa Elisa Barrajón López 20 amalgam 20 argument scheme 20 aspectuality 20 change of state 01 This paper has as its aim to examine the way in which the meaning of the derivative base (regardless of its denominal or deadjectival nature, although it will be demonstrated here that it rather follows an adjectival behavior) influences the semantics of verbs coming from gentilicios (africanizar/se, gauchear, etc.) and, consequently, to identify the underlying argument structure in each case, as well as their main aspectual properties. The conceptual components involved in the process leading to the formation of these complex units can appear explicitly or amalgamate with the verb. According to the semantically conflated component, the argument scheme will be different: Hacer&#160;X a Y [To make Y become X], Hacerse&#160;X [To become X] or Comportarse&#160;X [To behave X]. Nevertheless, it is worth highlighting that the border between the last two schemes is not always clear. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.02bat 21 59 39 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Event structure and lexical semantics in a scalar approach to actionality</TitleText> 1 A01 Olga Bathiukova Bathiukova, Olga Olga Bathiukova 20 change function 20 Dynamic Event Structure 20 Qualia Structure 20 Russian prefixation 20 scalarity 01 This paper offers a scalar analysis of Russian verbal forms derived with the prefix pro-. The proposed approach is crucially based on two notions integrated into the Generative Lexicon framework: Dynamic Event Structure, a representation of the internal makeup of events in terms of subevents or phases which allows tracking the change of the arguments&#8217; properties over time; and change function, which accounts for the different ways in which these properties may be affected (i.e., initiated, terminated, modified or left unchanged) in the course of the event. Special emphasis is placed on the role of scalar properties of the nominal arguments in the composition of change-of-state predicates. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.03ber 60 76 17 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Lexical synonymy and argumental structure</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Similarities and divergences in the syntactic-semantic schemes of two cognitive Spanish verbs:<i>recordar</i> and <i>acordar(se)</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Celia Berná Sicilia Berná Sicilia, Celia Celia Berná Sicilia 20 argumental structure 20 cognitive verbs 20 recordar-acordar(se) 20 synonyms 20 verb valency 01 Verbs that present synonymous relations usually articulate, due to their meaning identity, correlations of the syntactic-semantic order, and due to this, they constitute an interesting field of study for delimiting, with exactitude, where the specific character of each lexical unit resides. This work will try to delve into the similarities and divergences of two synonymous verbs, recordar and acordar(se). With this objective in mind, a comparative analysis on their peculiar syntactic-semantic behavior will be performed, using the information extracted from two databases (ADESSE and FramNet). The results point to the existence of zones of convergences, but also to specific features in their semotactic combination that helps with the configuration of their singular syntactic-semantic profile within the semantic class of cognition verbs. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.04bos 77 97 21 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Inner and outer prepositions with Spanish verbs of vertical movement</TitleText> 1 A01 Ignacio Bosque Muñoz Bosque Muñoz, Ignacio Ignacio Bosque Muñoz 20 conflation 20 lexical structure 20 movement 20 preposition 20 verb 01 The lexical structure of Spanish displacement verbs is argued to be built up out of prepositions, whether covert or overt, subject to a number of incorporation processes. Some fine-grained semantic distinctions are introduced on the concepts of &#8216;goal&#8217; and &#8216;path&#8217;. These and other conceptual components (specifically, direction and source) are shown to participate in various configurations involving conflation proceses at the lexical structure of verbs of vertical movement. A relationship is established between redundancy in transitive structures derived from unergative predicates and similarly redundant V-P structures with displacement verbs. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.05can 98 109 12 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Argumental comitative and reciprocity in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 José Antonio Candalija Reina Candalija Reina, José Antonio José Antonio Candalija Reina 20 alternations 20 argument 20 comitative 20 obligatory prepositional object 20 reciprocity 20 Spanish 01 This research paper deals with the reciprocity relationships in Spanish. It is our intention to establish the conditions needed in reciprocal constructions and their distinctive characteristics. One of these features is the presence of an argument characterized by being semantically obligatory and syntactically marked by the Spanish preposition con. This argument is referred to as &#8216;argumental comitative&#8217; and is determined by a certain kind of symmetrical reciprocity, which is gradual and is related to the active role of the agent. This argument has to do with some types of alternations in Spanish verbs that present a syntactic constraint that is referred to as complemento de regimen preposicional in Spanish and is the syntactic function that represents the argumental comitative in these types of reciprocal constructions. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.06cif 110 130 21 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Causativity and psychological verbs in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia Cifuentes Honrubia, José Luis José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia 20 causativity 20 dative 20 psychological verb 01 This paper analyzes the transitive/intransitive alternation in class 2 psychological verbs of Belletti and Rizzi. The transitive variant implies an agentive subject and an aspectual change of state. The intransitive variant implies a cause and a locative state. Spanish class 2 psychological verbs are causative due to the cause component conflated in the verbal structure which gives rise to the verb: most of the psychological verbs with a transitive/intransitive alternation are denominal or deadjetival causative verbs from Romance origin. Some others come from a Latin denominal or deadjectival structure or from a causative meaning which comes as a result of an evolution in their meaning (usually agentive and local). Psychological verbs result from a conflation process by means of which the verb semantically incorporates the psychological element&#160;&#8211; as it results from a verbal lexicalization of the emotional or psychological noun or adjective, thus shaping a complex predicate. Psychological verbs are consequently complex predicates with a semantically incorporated psychological element. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.07dem 131 152 22 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Lexical agreement processes</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">On the construction of verbal aspect</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elena De Miguel Aparicio De Miguel Aparicio, Elena Elena De Miguel Aparicio 20 aspectual meaning 20 lexical agreement processes 20 lexical features 20 verbal aspect 01 This paper examines the construction of verbal aspect as a sub-case of generation of verbal lexical meaning. The analysis is based on Pustejovsky&#8217;s (1995) Generative Lexicon and assumes the existence of a set of lexical agreement processes that match the lexical features of arguments (and adjuncts) with the information contained in the meta-entry of the verb in the mental lexicon. Verbal meta-entries include distinct sub-structures, among them the Event Structure, which is composed of different phases or sub-events. The materialization of some subevents or others depends on the agreement processes triggered by the arguments and adjuncts and gives rise to different aspectual meanings for the same verb. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.08del 153 184 32 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Variable aspectual coercion in Spanish fictive motion expressions</TitleText> 1 A01 Nicole Delbecque Delbecque, Nicole Nicole Delbecque 20 aspectuality 20 blending 20 dynamism 20 fictive motion 20 perspective 20 Spanish 01 Fictive motion expressions blur the distinction between stativity and dynamicity. The paper presents a corpus-based exploration of the variable ways in which structural and procedural knowledge merge in Spanish fictive motion expressions with oriented-motion verbs and manner-of-motion verbs. The metaphorical projection from motion to stativity does not necessarily conform to the aspectual restrictions associated with state descriptions. In addition to the verb&#8217;s semantics and the profile of the depicted entity, the degree of dynamicity of the blend is further determined by a range of lexical and grammatical choices. Among them figure the kind of spatial coordinates, grammatical aspect, quantifying and temporal adverbial modifiers, as well as viewing perspective. Per parameter, some factors reinforce the bias towards dynamism, whereas others downgrade it. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.09dem 185 217 33 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Agent control over non culminating events</TitleText> 1 A01 Hamida Demirdache Demirdache, Hamida Hamida Demirdache University of Nantes 2 A01 Fabienne Martin Martin, Fabienne Fabienne Martin University of Stuttgart 20 agent vs. causer subjects 20 agentivity 20 non-culminating accomplishments 20 non-culminating causation 01 This paper investigates a correlation between the availability of non-culminating construals for accomplishments and the control of the agent over the described event (the Agent Control Hypothesis, ach). We consider two versions of the ach, on the basis of a new typology of non-culminating construals. On the strong version, non-culmination requires agent control whether what is being denied is the occurrence of any change of state of the type &#966; encoded by the verb, or merely that the change of state satisfies the property &#966; to degree 1. On its weak version, agent control is required in the former case only.&#160;The evidence reviewed from Romance, Germanic, Salish, and Mandarin, suggests that the weak version of the ach might indeed hold. The weak version of the ach seems, however, to be too weak for Salish languages. The final section shows how the existing analyses of non-culminating construals could capture the link between non-culmination and agentivity. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.10fer 218 237 20 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The pseudo-copulative verbs<i> verse</i> and <i>sentirse</i></TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">pseudo-copulative verbs<i> verse</i> and <i>sentirse</i></TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">diachronic and conceptual aspects</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jorge Fernández Jaén Fernández Jaén, Jorge Jorge Fernández Jaén 20 cognitive semantics 20 grammaticalization 20 pseudo-copulative verbs 01 This paper has as its purpose to present a diachronic analysis of the pseudo-copulative verbs verse and sentirse carried out from the theoretical postulates of cognitive semantics and the grammaticalization theory. It will be proved that these two pseudo-copulas in Spanish have been formed within a historical process determined by the conceptual properties of the transitive verbs ver [see] and sentir [feel], additionally highlighting the main functional differences between verse and sentirse and their specific semantic nuances. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.11fer 238 263 26 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On events that express properties</TitleText> 1 A01 María Jesús Fernández Leborans Fernández Leborans, María Jesús María Jesús Fernández Leborans Complutense University of Madrid 2 A01 Cristina Sánchez López Sánchez López, Cristina Cristina Sánchez López Complutense University of Madrid 20 dispositional 20 habitual 20 IL predicates 20 imperfective gnomics 20 infinitive 20 SL predicates 01 This paper provides empirical support to the hypothesis that habitual readings and dispositional/capacitative readings are different kinds of generic statements, generated by different operators: an aspectual operator HABASP is responsible for the habitual reading and a like modal dispositional operator MODDISP is responsible for the dispositional reading. We analyze the Spanish construction &#60;ser muy de + infinitive&#62;, ex. Mar&#237;a es muy de fumar puros (lit. [Mar&#237;a is very of smoking cigars]). This construction put together the meaning of a habitual sentence like Mar&#237;a often smokes cigars, realized in the infinitive clause, and the meaning of an Individual Level predicate like Mar&#237;a is a cigar smoker, realized in a predicative prepositional phrase muy de. Our analysis explains both the properties of the construction as an IL-predicate that contain an infinitive clause with habitual reading and the restrictions about the predicates that can enter the construction. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.12gar 264 287 24 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Some reflections on verbs with clitic increase</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Verbs of motion</Subtitle> 1 A01 Luis García Fernández García Fernández, Luis Luis García Fernández 20 agentivity 20 clitic ‘se’ 20 control 20 movement verbs 20 thematic roles 01 In this paper we will address the different values of se, one of the classic problems in Spanish grammar. Specifically, we will talk about the clitic which in the usual descriptions has no argumental value and is non-referential: the clitic sometimes called the reflexive-intensive and more recently the aspectual. We will also examine the clitic which appears with a number of verbs of motion and has also been termed aspectual. As we are dealing with a paradigmatic use of se, we will use the term &#8220;clitic increase&#8221; in order not to give the impression that we are dealing with a specific problem of the form se. This study is set out as follows: in Section 1 we introduce the two structures to be analysed. The first, is the use with transitive verbs, what we might call prototypical (comerse la paella ([to eat up the paella]) and the second deals with intransitive verbs. In Section&#160;2, verbs of motion with clitic increase are analysed, the more relevant grammatical properties are described and a constant meaning is assigned to the appearance of the clitic. This leads us to a proposal for syntactic analysis in which the clitic is the head of the VoiceP. Then, in Section 3, we review the main properties of the first structure type and we show that our analysis also takes these into consideration. In 4, we consider the question of whether the differences introduced by the appearance of the clitic should be explained by lexicon or grammar. We end with conclusions and bibliography. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.13gar 288 311 24 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Transitivity and verb classes</TitleText> 1 A01 José María García-Miguel García-Miguel, José María José María García-Miguel 20 process type 20 transitivity 20 verb class 01 The received concept of transitivity includes several semantic properties based on the idea that transitive clauses express an action performed by an agent on a patient, and suggest that transitive syntactic structures typically refer to concrete actions. Arguably, a semantic characterization of syntactic transitivity requires independent definitions of semantic and syntactic transitivity and needs more empirical support. This paper is an initial quantitative exploration of semantic verb types and transitive syntactic structures in a Spanish corpus-based syntactic-semantic database (ADESSE) and in a typological valency patterns database (ValPaL), and it somewhat calls into question the hypothesis that transitive syntactic structures are more strongly associated with verbs expressing concrete actions performed by an agent than with verbs expressing certain kinds of mental states. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.14kai 312 333 22 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance object-experiencer verbs</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">From aktionsart to activity hierarchy</Subtitle> 1 A01 Rolf Kailuweit Kailuweit, Rolf Rolf Kailuweit 20 activity hierarchy 20 causativity 20 experiencer 20 unaccusativity 20 verbs of emotion 01 The present paper deals with Romance Objective-Experiencer verbs (OE-verbs). I will show that the different subclasses fit into a continuum between a causative and an unaccusative pole. In order to describe their varying syntactic behaviour, a finer-grained analysis of the subevents they denote will elucidate that a traditional approach following the Vendler-Dowty classes of aktionsart will reach its limit when it comes to OE-verbs. My claim is that case assignment to the experiencer does not straightforwardly follow from the aktionsart class, but from the activity contrast between the two arguments of the verb. The presence or absence of causativity explains the differentiation between two types of &#173;experiencer: (a) a more passive causatively affected experiencer and (b)&#160;a&#160;less passive experiencer undergoing a change of state in a particular situation without being affected by an external causer. In addition, we find a third type of OE-verb: prototypically unaccustative (ergative) verbs, such as verbs of liking, which select a more active experiencer expressing a subjective judgement. These three types constitute prototypical categories with fuzzy edges. Romance languages differ in the way they code the three types at the lexical level and at the level of the constructional inventory. The results can be formalized following the activity hierarchy approach (Kailuweit 2013). 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.15lav 334 356 23 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Aspectual approach to causative-resultative denominal verbs</TitleText> 1 A01 Ruth María Lavale-Ortiz Lavale-Ortiz, Ruth María Ruth María Lavale-Ortiz 20 aspect 20 causation 20 result 20 verbal semantics 01 This paper has as its aim to verify the hypothesis according to which a verbal semantic class might correspond to a homogeneous aspectual characterization, since it could be thought that all the lexical items which share semantic features within the same class should be given the same aspectual definition. With that aim in mind, and after considering the whole set of causative denominal verbs in Spanish, our choice was to focus on the subset of causative-resultative denominal verbs where in turn it is possible to distinguish two semantic subtypes. Working on the basis of a corpus and the application of grammatical tests, the present study proves that the aspectual characterization of these verbs is not homogeneous; instead, a certain degree of variation exists within the semantic category. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.16mer 357 377 21 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Denominal parasynthesis and inchoativity from both lexical-semantic and aspectual points of view</TitleText> 1 A01 Nuria Merchán Aravid Merchán Aravid, Nuria Nuria Merchán Aravid 20 aspect 20 denominal 20 inchoativity 20 morphology 20 parasynthesis 20 semantics 20 verb class 01 The present paper deals with a specific verb class: parasynthetic denominal verbs with an inchoative meaning. Analyzing them requires connecting two notions that belong to different linguistic analysis levels: the morphological mechanism of denominal parasynthesis&#160;&#8211; a particular word formation process starting from a noun &#8211; and the semantic notion of inchoativity&#160;&#8211; which expresses a change of state in the notional subject. This relation is especially productive with affixes such as a- and em-/en-, and with the verbal endings -ar, -ecer and -ear. The aim of this survey is twofold: on the one hand, to show how the study of the conceptualization base in the resulting structure makes it possible to establish different groups of denominal parasynthetic verbs; and, on the other hand, to determine the aspectual characteristics of inchoative denominal parasynthetic verbs so as to try to identify the aspectual class to which they could belong. The outcome is a proposal of characterization and classification that fills the gap concerning inchoative parasynthetic denominal verbs, since they have not been systematically analyzed in Spanish grammars so far. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.17pro 378 411 34 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Diachronic prototypicity and stativity in Spanish physical affection verbs</TitleText> 1 A01 Herminia Provencio Garrigós Provencio Garrigós, Herminia Herminia Provencio Garrigós 20 actionality 20 diachrony 20 prototypes 20 transitory states 01 This paper shows a diachronic research about the aspectual nature of the verbs doler [to hurt], picar [to itch], arder [to burn], escocer [to sting] and hormiguear [to tingle]. Special attention is paid to physical affection meanings (to suffer or experience pain, itch, burning, stinging and tingling in some part of the body), which basically denote a stative aspectual value. The priority aim of this research is to prove that, throughout the diachrony of the Spanish language, these verbs have traveled between staticity and dynamism, which permits to establish a prototypicity scale within the class of transitory, uncontrolled states where these verbs belong. The existing theoretical proposals about state predicates are considered, and a diachronic-corpus-based is utilized in order to achieve this aim. Our findings suggest that the aspectual continuum results from the combination of three elements: the lexico-semantic characteristics of the verb; the syntactic contexts where it is inserted; and the pragmatic conditions perceived by the person who experiences the affection denoted by the predicate. This union is projected in the different ways to conceptualize transitory, uncontrolled states, and it highlights that, despite being the prototypical physical affection state verb in Spain, doler [to hurt] is the one which presents a higher degree of dynamism because it appears in a greater number of dynamic contexts. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.18rod 412 437 26 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Negative imperatives with Spanish copulas ser y estar</TitleText> 1 A01 Susana Rodríguez Rosique Rodríguez Rosique, Susana Susana Rodríguez Rosique 20 behavior predicates 20 controlled states 20 emotional states 20 imperative mood 20 negative imperatives 20 states 20 subjunctive 01 This chapter analyzes a number of predicates with Spanish ser and estar which may occur in the imperative: behavior predicates, controlled states, and emotional predicates. The imperative mood is usually related to action and, therefore, it would seem somewhat strange to think of constructions where this mood could combine with prototypical copular verbs such as ser and estar, initially conceived as stative. More precisely, this paper focuses on the negative imperative, which is expressed in Spanish through the adverb no + the subjunctive mood when appearing in specific discourse situations. Both the occurrence of negation and that of the subjunctive lead to take into account the information structure, which in fact reveals decisive data about the nature and behavior of these predicates. In this respect, the imperative serves as a source of evidence when it comes to proving heterogeneity within the &#8216;states&#8217; class as well as to exploring its boundaries. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.19ind 439 446 8 Miscellaneous 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20151125 2015 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027240156 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 99.00 EUR R 01 00 83.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 149.00 USD S 88016467 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code IVITRA 9 Hb 15 9789027240156 13 2015027934 BB 01 IVITRA 02 2211-5412 IVITRA Research in Linguistics and Literature 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Verb Classes and Aspect</TitleText> 01 ivitra.9 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/ivitra.9 1 B01 Elisa Barrajón López Barrajón López, Elisa Elisa Barrajón López University of Alicante 2 B01 José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia Cifuentes Honrubia, José Luis José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia University of Alicante 3 B01 Susana Rodríguez Rosique Rodríguez Rosique, Susana Susana Rodríguez Rosique University of Alicante 01 eng 460 xviii 446 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This volume offers a variety of perspectives on two of the main topics situated at the crossroads between lexical semantics and syntax, namely: (a) aspect and its correspondence with syntactic structure; and (b) the delimitation of syntactic structures from verb classes. Almost from Aristotle’s <i>Metaphysics</i>, it has been assumed that verbs invoke a mental image about the way in which eventualities are distributed over time. When it comes to determining time schemata, the lexical class to which the verb belongs represents a first step. Speaking about verb classes does not exclusively mean a semantic similarity; rather, verb classes exhibit a bundle of common features and thus show a set of recursive behavior patterns. Beyond the meaning of the verb, both semantic and syntactic factors, together with pragmatic ones, play a decisive role when establishing the aspectual classification of an eventuality. The contributions collected in this book approach the aforementioned lines, either analyzing the relationships between aspect and syntactic structure or traversing the path from a verb class to its syntactic manifestation. Some of them stress diachronic filiations, while others include processes of word formation in the debate; some of them focus on certain classes, such as movement verbs or psychological verbs, while others examine specific constructions. A number of chapters also discuss relevant theoretical issues concerning the analysis of aspect. In sum, the kaleidoscopic view provided by this book allows the reader to delve deeper into one of the most controversial – as well as exciting – topics within current linguistics. 05 The papers included in this book represent an important contribution […] and are of interest to a large part of the scientific community working on the study of Spanish and other Romance languages. Gloria Vázquez, University of Lleida 05 An excellent volume on the interaction between verb classes and aspect […]. The authors make use of the most current theoretical tools and ideas […]. An outstanding text for students and scholars interested in the topic. Rafael Marín, University of Lille 3 05 A valuable collection of insightful and thought-provoking articles. Ruxandra Dragan, University of Bucharest 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/ivitra.9.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027240156.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027240156.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/ivitra.9.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/ivitra.9.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/ivitra.9.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/ivitra.9.hb.png 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.001pre vii xvi 10 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Preface</TitleText> 1 A01 Elisa Barrajón López Barrajón López, Elisa Elisa Barrajón López University of Alicante 2 A01 José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia Cifuentes Honrubia, José Luis José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia University of Alicante 3 A01 Susana Rodríguez Rosique Rodríguez Rosique, Susana Susana Rodríguez Rosique University of Alicante 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.002con xvii xviii 2 Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">List of contributors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.01bar 1 20 20 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The conceptualization of change of state in verbs coming from gentilicios</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">conceptualization of change of state in verbs coming from gentilicios</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Elisa Barrajón López Barrajón López, Elisa Elisa Barrajón López 20 amalgam 20 argument scheme 20 aspectuality 20 change of state 01 This paper has as its aim to examine the way in which the meaning of the derivative base (regardless of its denominal or deadjectival nature, although it will be demonstrated here that it rather follows an adjectival behavior) influences the semantics of verbs coming from gentilicios (africanizar/se, gauchear, etc.) and, consequently, to identify the underlying argument structure in each case, as well as their main aspectual properties. The conceptual components involved in the process leading to the formation of these complex units can appear explicitly or amalgamate with the verb. According to the semantically conflated component, the argument scheme will be different: Hacer&#160;X a Y [To make Y become X], Hacerse&#160;X [To become X] or Comportarse&#160;X [To behave X]. Nevertheless, it is worth highlighting that the border between the last two schemes is not always clear. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.02bat 21 59 39 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Event structure and lexical semantics in a scalar approach to actionality</TitleText> 1 A01 Olga Bathiukova Bathiukova, Olga Olga Bathiukova 20 change function 20 Dynamic Event Structure 20 Qualia Structure 20 Russian prefixation 20 scalarity 01 This paper offers a scalar analysis of Russian verbal forms derived with the prefix pro-. The proposed approach is crucially based on two notions integrated into the Generative Lexicon framework: Dynamic Event Structure, a representation of the internal makeup of events in terms of subevents or phases which allows tracking the change of the arguments&#8217; properties over time; and change function, which accounts for the different ways in which these properties may be affected (i.e., initiated, terminated, modified or left unchanged) in the course of the event. Special emphasis is placed on the role of scalar properties of the nominal arguments in the composition of change-of-state predicates. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.03ber 60 76 17 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Lexical synonymy and argumental structure</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Similarities and divergences in the syntactic-semantic schemes of two cognitive Spanish verbs:<i>recordar</i> and <i>acordar(se)</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Celia Berná Sicilia Berná Sicilia, Celia Celia Berná Sicilia 20 argumental structure 20 cognitive verbs 20 recordar-acordar(se) 20 synonyms 20 verb valency 01 Verbs that present synonymous relations usually articulate, due to their meaning identity, correlations of the syntactic-semantic order, and due to this, they constitute an interesting field of study for delimiting, with exactitude, where the specific character of each lexical unit resides. This work will try to delve into the similarities and divergences of two synonymous verbs, recordar and acordar(se). With this objective in mind, a comparative analysis on their peculiar syntactic-semantic behavior will be performed, using the information extracted from two databases (ADESSE and FramNet). The results point to the existence of zones of convergences, but also to specific features in their semotactic combination that helps with the configuration of their singular syntactic-semantic profile within the semantic class of cognition verbs. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.04bos 77 97 21 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Inner and outer prepositions with Spanish verbs of vertical movement</TitleText> 1 A01 Ignacio Bosque Muñoz Bosque Muñoz, Ignacio Ignacio Bosque Muñoz 20 conflation 20 lexical structure 20 movement 20 preposition 20 verb 01 The lexical structure of Spanish displacement verbs is argued to be built up out of prepositions, whether covert or overt, subject to a number of incorporation processes. Some fine-grained semantic distinctions are introduced on the concepts of &#8216;goal&#8217; and &#8216;path&#8217;. These and other conceptual components (specifically, direction and source) are shown to participate in various configurations involving conflation proceses at the lexical structure of verbs of vertical movement. A relationship is established between redundancy in transitive structures derived from unergative predicates and similarly redundant V-P structures with displacement verbs. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.05can 98 109 12 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Argumental comitative and reciprocity in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 José Antonio Candalija Reina Candalija Reina, José Antonio José Antonio Candalija Reina 20 alternations 20 argument 20 comitative 20 obligatory prepositional object 20 reciprocity 20 Spanish 01 This research paper deals with the reciprocity relationships in Spanish. It is our intention to establish the conditions needed in reciprocal constructions and their distinctive characteristics. One of these features is the presence of an argument characterized by being semantically obligatory and syntactically marked by the Spanish preposition con. This argument is referred to as &#8216;argumental comitative&#8217; and is determined by a certain kind of symmetrical reciprocity, which is gradual and is related to the active role of the agent. This argument has to do with some types of alternations in Spanish verbs that present a syntactic constraint that is referred to as complemento de regimen preposicional in Spanish and is the syntactic function that represents the argumental comitative in these types of reciprocal constructions. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.06cif 110 130 21 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Causativity and psychological verbs in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia Cifuentes Honrubia, José Luis José Luis Cifuentes Honrubia 20 causativity 20 dative 20 psychological verb 01 This paper analyzes the transitive/intransitive alternation in class 2 psychological verbs of Belletti and Rizzi. The transitive variant implies an agentive subject and an aspectual change of state. The intransitive variant implies a cause and a locative state. Spanish class 2 psychological verbs are causative due to the cause component conflated in the verbal structure which gives rise to the verb: most of the psychological verbs with a transitive/intransitive alternation are denominal or deadjetival causative verbs from Romance origin. Some others come from a Latin denominal or deadjectival structure or from a causative meaning which comes as a result of an evolution in their meaning (usually agentive and local). Psychological verbs result from a conflation process by means of which the verb semantically incorporates the psychological element&#160;&#8211; as it results from a verbal lexicalization of the emotional or psychological noun or adjective, thus shaping a complex predicate. Psychological verbs are consequently complex predicates with a semantically incorporated psychological element. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.07dem 131 152 22 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Lexical agreement processes</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">On the construction of verbal aspect</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elena De Miguel Aparicio De Miguel Aparicio, Elena Elena De Miguel Aparicio 20 aspectual meaning 20 lexical agreement processes 20 lexical features 20 verbal aspect 01 This paper examines the construction of verbal aspect as a sub-case of generation of verbal lexical meaning. The analysis is based on Pustejovsky&#8217;s (1995) Generative Lexicon and assumes the existence of a set of lexical agreement processes that match the lexical features of arguments (and adjuncts) with the information contained in the meta-entry of the verb in the mental lexicon. Verbal meta-entries include distinct sub-structures, among them the Event Structure, which is composed of different phases or sub-events. The materialization of some subevents or others depends on the agreement processes triggered by the arguments and adjuncts and gives rise to different aspectual meanings for the same verb. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.08del 153 184 32 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Variable aspectual coercion in Spanish fictive motion expressions</TitleText> 1 A01 Nicole Delbecque Delbecque, Nicole Nicole Delbecque 20 aspectuality 20 blending 20 dynamism 20 fictive motion 20 perspective 20 Spanish 01 Fictive motion expressions blur the distinction between stativity and dynamicity. The paper presents a corpus-based exploration of the variable ways in which structural and procedural knowledge merge in Spanish fictive motion expressions with oriented-motion verbs and manner-of-motion verbs. The metaphorical projection from motion to stativity does not necessarily conform to the aspectual restrictions associated with state descriptions. In addition to the verb&#8217;s semantics and the profile of the depicted entity, the degree of dynamicity of the blend is further determined by a range of lexical and grammatical choices. Among them figure the kind of spatial coordinates, grammatical aspect, quantifying and temporal adverbial modifiers, as well as viewing perspective. Per parameter, some factors reinforce the bias towards dynamism, whereas others downgrade it. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.09dem 185 217 33 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Agent control over non culminating events</TitleText> 1 A01 Hamida Demirdache Demirdache, Hamida Hamida Demirdache University of Nantes 2 A01 Fabienne Martin Martin, Fabienne Fabienne Martin University of Stuttgart 20 agent vs. causer subjects 20 agentivity 20 non-culminating accomplishments 20 non-culminating causation 01 This paper investigates a correlation between the availability of non-culminating construals for accomplishments and the control of the agent over the described event (the Agent Control Hypothesis, ach). We consider two versions of the ach, on the basis of a new typology of non-culminating construals. On the strong version, non-culmination requires agent control whether what is being denied is the occurrence of any change of state of the type &#966; encoded by the verb, or merely that the change of state satisfies the property &#966; to degree 1. On its weak version, agent control is required in the former case only.&#160;The evidence reviewed from Romance, Germanic, Salish, and Mandarin, suggests that the weak version of the ach might indeed hold. The weak version of the ach seems, however, to be too weak for Salish languages. The final section shows how the existing analyses of non-culminating construals could capture the link between non-culmination and agentivity. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.10fer 218 237 20 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The pseudo-copulative verbs<i> verse</i> and <i>sentirse</i></TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">pseudo-copulative verbs<i> verse</i> and <i>sentirse</i></TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">diachronic and conceptual aspects</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jorge Fernández Jaén Fernández Jaén, Jorge Jorge Fernández Jaén 20 cognitive semantics 20 grammaticalization 20 pseudo-copulative verbs 01 This paper has as its purpose to present a diachronic analysis of the pseudo-copulative verbs verse and sentirse carried out from the theoretical postulates of cognitive semantics and the grammaticalization theory. It will be proved that these two pseudo-copulas in Spanish have been formed within a historical process determined by the conceptual properties of the transitive verbs ver [see] and sentir [feel], additionally highlighting the main functional differences between verse and sentirse and their specific semantic nuances. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.11fer 238 263 26 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On events that express properties</TitleText> 1 A01 María Jesús Fernández Leborans Fernández Leborans, María Jesús María Jesús Fernández Leborans Complutense University of Madrid 2 A01 Cristina Sánchez López Sánchez López, Cristina Cristina Sánchez López Complutense University of Madrid 20 dispositional 20 habitual 20 IL predicates 20 imperfective gnomics 20 infinitive 20 SL predicates 01 This paper provides empirical support to the hypothesis that habitual readings and dispositional/capacitative readings are different kinds of generic statements, generated by different operators: an aspectual operator HABASP is responsible for the habitual reading and a like modal dispositional operator MODDISP is responsible for the dispositional reading. We analyze the Spanish construction &#60;ser muy de + infinitive&#62;, ex. Mar&#237;a es muy de fumar puros (lit. [Mar&#237;a is very of smoking cigars]). This construction put together the meaning of a habitual sentence like Mar&#237;a often smokes cigars, realized in the infinitive clause, and the meaning of an Individual Level predicate like Mar&#237;a is a cigar smoker, realized in a predicative prepositional phrase muy de. Our analysis explains both the properties of the construction as an IL-predicate that contain an infinitive clause with habitual reading and the restrictions about the predicates that can enter the construction. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.12gar 264 287 24 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Some reflections on verbs with clitic increase</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Verbs of motion</Subtitle> 1 A01 Luis García Fernández García Fernández, Luis Luis García Fernández 20 agentivity 20 clitic ‘se’ 20 control 20 movement verbs 20 thematic roles 01 In this paper we will address the different values of se, one of the classic problems in Spanish grammar. Specifically, we will talk about the clitic which in the usual descriptions has no argumental value and is non-referential: the clitic sometimes called the reflexive-intensive and more recently the aspectual. We will also examine the clitic which appears with a number of verbs of motion and has also been termed aspectual. As we are dealing with a paradigmatic use of se, we will use the term &#8220;clitic increase&#8221; in order not to give the impression that we are dealing with a specific problem of the form se. This study is set out as follows: in Section 1 we introduce the two structures to be analysed. The first, is the use with transitive verbs, what we might call prototypical (comerse la paella ([to eat up the paella]) and the second deals with intransitive verbs. In Section&#160;2, verbs of motion with clitic increase are analysed, the more relevant grammatical properties are described and a constant meaning is assigned to the appearance of the clitic. This leads us to a proposal for syntactic analysis in which the clitic is the head of the VoiceP. Then, in Section 3, we review the main properties of the first structure type and we show that our analysis also takes these into consideration. In 4, we consider the question of whether the differences introduced by the appearance of the clitic should be explained by lexicon or grammar. We end with conclusions and bibliography. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.13gar 288 311 24 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Transitivity and verb classes</TitleText> 1 A01 José María García-Miguel García-Miguel, José María José María García-Miguel 20 process type 20 transitivity 20 verb class 01 The received concept of transitivity includes several semantic properties based on the idea that transitive clauses express an action performed by an agent on a patient, and suggest that transitive syntactic structures typically refer to concrete actions. Arguably, a semantic characterization of syntactic transitivity requires independent definitions of semantic and syntactic transitivity and needs more empirical support. This paper is an initial quantitative exploration of semantic verb types and transitive syntactic structures in a Spanish corpus-based syntactic-semantic database (ADESSE) and in a typological valency patterns database (ValPaL), and it somewhat calls into question the hypothesis that transitive syntactic structures are more strongly associated with verbs expressing concrete actions performed by an agent than with verbs expressing certain kinds of mental states. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.14kai 312 333 22 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance object-experiencer verbs</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">From aktionsart to activity hierarchy</Subtitle> 1 A01 Rolf Kailuweit Kailuweit, Rolf Rolf Kailuweit 20 activity hierarchy 20 causativity 20 experiencer 20 unaccusativity 20 verbs of emotion 01 The present paper deals with Romance Objective-Experiencer verbs (OE-verbs). I will show that the different subclasses fit into a continuum between a causative and an unaccusative pole. In order to describe their varying syntactic behaviour, a finer-grained analysis of the subevents they denote will elucidate that a traditional approach following the Vendler-Dowty classes of aktionsart will reach its limit when it comes to OE-verbs. My claim is that case assignment to the experiencer does not straightforwardly follow from the aktionsart class, but from the activity contrast between the two arguments of the verb. The presence or absence of causativity explains the differentiation between two types of &#173;experiencer: (a) a more passive causatively affected experiencer and (b)&#160;a&#160;less passive experiencer undergoing a change of state in a particular situation without being affected by an external causer. In addition, we find a third type of OE-verb: prototypically unaccustative (ergative) verbs, such as verbs of liking, which select a more active experiencer expressing a subjective judgement. These three types constitute prototypical categories with fuzzy edges. Romance languages differ in the way they code the three types at the lexical level and at the level of the constructional inventory. The results can be formalized following the activity hierarchy approach (Kailuweit 2013). 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.15lav 334 356 23 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Aspectual approach to causative-resultative denominal verbs</TitleText> 1 A01 Ruth María Lavale-Ortiz Lavale-Ortiz, Ruth María Ruth María Lavale-Ortiz 20 aspect 20 causation 20 result 20 verbal semantics 01 This paper has as its aim to verify the hypothesis according to which a verbal semantic class might correspond to a homogeneous aspectual characterization, since it could be thought that all the lexical items which share semantic features within the same class should be given the same aspectual definition. With that aim in mind, and after considering the whole set of causative denominal verbs in Spanish, our choice was to focus on the subset of causative-resultative denominal verbs where in turn it is possible to distinguish two semantic subtypes. Working on the basis of a corpus and the application of grammatical tests, the present study proves that the aspectual characterization of these verbs is not homogeneous; instead, a certain degree of variation exists within the semantic category. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.16mer 357 377 21 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Denominal parasynthesis and inchoativity from both lexical-semantic and aspectual points of view</TitleText> 1 A01 Nuria Merchán Aravid Merchán Aravid, Nuria Nuria Merchán Aravid 20 aspect 20 denominal 20 inchoativity 20 morphology 20 parasynthesis 20 semantics 20 verb class 01 The present paper deals with a specific verb class: parasynthetic denominal verbs with an inchoative meaning. Analyzing them requires connecting two notions that belong to different linguistic analysis levels: the morphological mechanism of denominal parasynthesis&#160;&#8211; a particular word formation process starting from a noun &#8211; and the semantic notion of inchoativity&#160;&#8211; which expresses a change of state in the notional subject. This relation is especially productive with affixes such as a- and em-/en-, and with the verbal endings -ar, -ecer and -ear. The aim of this survey is twofold: on the one hand, to show how the study of the conceptualization base in the resulting structure makes it possible to establish different groups of denominal parasynthetic verbs; and, on the other hand, to determine the aspectual characteristics of inchoative denominal parasynthetic verbs so as to try to identify the aspectual class to which they could belong. The outcome is a proposal of characterization and classification that fills the gap concerning inchoative parasynthetic denominal verbs, since they have not been systematically analyzed in Spanish grammars so far. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.17pro 378 411 34 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Diachronic prototypicity and stativity in Spanish physical affection verbs</TitleText> 1 A01 Herminia Provencio Garrigós Provencio Garrigós, Herminia Herminia Provencio Garrigós 20 actionality 20 diachrony 20 prototypes 20 transitory states 01 This paper shows a diachronic research about the aspectual nature of the verbs doler [to hurt], picar [to itch], arder [to burn], escocer [to sting] and hormiguear [to tingle]. Special attention is paid to physical affection meanings (to suffer or experience pain, itch, burning, stinging and tingling in some part of the body), which basically denote a stative aspectual value. The priority aim of this research is to prove that, throughout the diachrony of the Spanish language, these verbs have traveled between staticity and dynamism, which permits to establish a prototypicity scale within the class of transitory, uncontrolled states where these verbs belong. The existing theoretical proposals about state predicates are considered, and a diachronic-corpus-based is utilized in order to achieve this aim. Our findings suggest that the aspectual continuum results from the combination of three elements: the lexico-semantic characteristics of the verb; the syntactic contexts where it is inserted; and the pragmatic conditions perceived by the person who experiences the affection denoted by the predicate. This union is projected in the different ways to conceptualize transitory, uncontrolled states, and it highlights that, despite being the prototypical physical affection state verb in Spain, doler [to hurt] is the one which presents a higher degree of dynamism because it appears in a greater number of dynamic contexts. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.18rod 412 437 26 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Negative imperatives with Spanish copulas ser y estar</TitleText> 1 A01 Susana Rodríguez Rosique Rodríguez Rosique, Susana Susana Rodríguez Rosique 20 behavior predicates 20 controlled states 20 emotional states 20 imperative mood 20 negative imperatives 20 states 20 subjunctive 01 This chapter analyzes a number of predicates with Spanish ser and estar which may occur in the imperative: behavior predicates, controlled states, and emotional predicates. The imperative mood is usually related to action and, therefore, it would seem somewhat strange to think of constructions where this mood could combine with prototypical copular verbs such as ser and estar, initially conceived as stative. More precisely, this paper focuses on the negative imperative, which is expressed in Spanish through the adverb no + the subjunctive mood when appearing in specific discourse situations. Both the occurrence of negation and that of the subjunctive lead to take into account the information structure, which in fact reveals decisive data about the nature and behavior of these predicates. In this respect, the imperative serves as a source of evidence when it comes to proving heterogeneity within the &#8216;states&#8217; class as well as to exploring its boundaries. 10 01 JB code ivitra.9.19ind 439 446 8 Miscellaneous 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20151125 2015 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 08 965 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 5 16 01 02 JB 1 00 99.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 104.94 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 16 02 02 JB 1 00 83.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 1 16 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 149.00 USD