From verum to epistemic modality and evidentiality
On the emergence of the Spanish Adv+C construction
In this article, I investigate the diachronic development of a construction in Modern Spanish. It consists of an epistemic or evidential modifier followed by the complementizer (hence Adv+C) that heads root clauses (Seguro
Adv
que
C
viene ‘Surely he/she will come’). I demonstrate that the distributional, semantic, and pragmatic properties support a monoclausal analysis for Modern Spanish Adv+C as well as for its historical source construction. I propose a cartographic analysis associating Adv+C and the source construction with a low position in Rizzi’s split CP. Supported by corpus data, I identify a verum focus construction (Aff+C) as the origin of Adv+C. I claim that the loss of the verum interpretation triggers the reanalysis of the construction. This ultimately gives rise to its productive extension to other epistemic and evidential modifiers.
Article outline
- 1.Introduction
- 2.The phenomenon
- 3.Properties of Adv+C in Modern Spanish
- 3.1Syntactic distribution of Adv+C
- 3.2Semantics and pragmatics of Adv+C
- 4.Diachronic development of Adv+C
- 4.1Biclausal source hypothesis
- 4.2Verum hypothesis
- 5.Towards an analysis of Adv+C and Aff+C
- 5.1
Hernanz (2007) and a revised analysis for Aff+C
- 5.2
Hill (2007) and a revised analysis for Adv+C
- 5.3Process of grammaticalization
- 6.Conclusion
- Acknowledgements
- Notes
-
Databases
-
References
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