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897007596 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 144 Eb 15 9789027289414 06 10.1075/la.144 13 2009010636 DG 002 02 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 144 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Towards a Derivational Syntax</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Survive-minimalism</Subtitle> 01 la.144 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.144 1 B01 Michael T. Putnam Putnam, Michael T. Michael T. Putnam Carson-Newman College 01 eng 280 x 269 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This volume explores recent advancements in the Minimalist Program that adopt Stroik’s (1999, 2009) Survive Principle as the principle means of accounting for displacement phenomena in earlier versions of generative theory. These contributions bring to light many advantages and challenges that beset the Survive-minimalist framework, including topics such as the lexicon-syntax relationship, coordinate symmetries, scope, ellipsis, code-switching, and probe-goal relations. Despite the diverse, broad range of topics discussed in this volume, the papers are connected by a renewed investigation of Frampton &#38; Gutmann’s (2002) vision of a crash-proof syntax. This volume provides new and interesting perspectives on theoretical issues that have challenged the Minimalist Program since its inception and will provide ample food for thought for syntacticians working in the Minimalist tradition and beyond. 05 This is an excellent collection, exploring deep, fundamental questions regarding the nature of the human faculty of language. These papers advance the Minimalist Program in important ways, from what it means for the syntax to be "optimally designed" in meeting the needs of the interfaces, to the form and function of the construct "numeration," to the very notion of "syntactic operation." The theoretical concerns here will prompt valuable discussion for a long time to come; and the volume is rich in empirical considerations, with wide appeal to all syntactic frameworks. T. Daniel Seely, Eastern Michigan University 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.144.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027255273.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027255273.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.144.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.144.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.144.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.144.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.144.001lis vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">List of contributors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.144.002pre ix x 2 Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Preface</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.144.p1 Section header 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Introduction</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.144.01put 3 20 18 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Traveling without moving</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The conceptual necessity of Survive-minimalism</Subtitle> 1 A01 Michael T. Putnam Putnam, Michael T. Michael T. Putnam Carson-Newman College 2 A01 Thomas Stroik Stroik, Thomas Thomas Stroik University of Missouri-Kansas City 10 01 JB code la.144.02str 21 38 18 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The numeration in Survive-minimalism</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">numeration in Survive-minimalism</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Thomas Stroik Stroik, Thomas Thomas Stroik University of Missouri-Kansas City 01 This paper argues that the computational system of Human Language requires a Numeration; however, the Numeration must be compiled throughout a syntactic derivation and not selected prior to the derivation. The consequence of having a derivationally built Numeration is that the Numeration becomes the domain for both the Merge and Remerge operations, thereby obviating the need for the Internal Merge operation. Furthermore, having a derivationally built Numeration makes it possible to design a crash-proof syntax along the lines developed in Stroik&#8217;s (2009) Survive-minimalism. 10 01 JB code la.144.p2 Section header 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Studies of movement phenomena and structure building in Survive-minimalism</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.144.03pre 41 56 16 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Long-distance agreement without <i>Probe-Goal</i> relations</TitleText> 1 A01 Omer Preminger Preminger, Omer Omer Preminger Massachusetts Institute of Technology 01 In this paper, I explore the possibility accounting for constructions that appear to instantiate <i>Long-Distance Agreement</i> without appealing to a formal operation of <i>agreement-at-a-distance</i>. The viability of such an account is particularly important in light of recent theoretical developments that suggest a move away from <i>Probe-Goal</i> oriented approaches to movement, and towards viewing movement as a response to formal needs of the moving element itself. Broadly speaking, I consider two possible approaches: (i) agreement is established in a purely local con.guration, followed by the agreeing head (and whatever material ends up intervening between this head and the target nounphrase) moving away, giving the impression of Long-Distance Agreement; and (ii) apparent Long-Distance Agreement is actually an instance of syntactic movement in which the phonological component chooses to pronounce the moved element in its lower position. It is shown that the latter approach fares better with respect to the scopal properties of several constructions, including English expletiveassociate constructions, and so-called Long-Distance Agreement in Hindi-Urdu and in Basque. 10 01 JB code la.144.04cho 57 90 34 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Musings on the left periphery in West Germanic</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">German left dislocation and &#8216;survive&#8217;</Subtitle> 1 A01 Gema Chocano Chocano, Gema Gema Chocano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 01 An analysis of German Left Dislocation is proposed which combines the findings in recent work on the construction with a theoretical model of syntactic derivation that dispenses with the existence of the EPP-feature. The findings at stake are basically those in Frey (2000, 2004a), where it is shown that the topical character of left-dislocated structures is the result of movement of the D-pronoun to a middle-field, and not a pre-field, topic projection. The theoretical model adopted is &#8216;Survive Minimalism&#8217; (Stroik, 2009; Putnam, 2007; Putnam and Stroik, in progress). The core of the proposal is that &#8216;Merge&#8217; of both the D-pronoun and the left-dislocated XP with C is triggered by the presence of a [+REF] feature on the three heads, as in Stroik&#8217;s (2009) account of English <i>wh</i>-constructions with a pair-list reading. 10 01 JB code la.144.05eid 91 132 42 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Tense, finiteness and the survive principle</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Temporal chains in a crash-proof grammar</Subtitle> 1 A01 Kristin Melum Eide Eide, Kristin Melum Kristin Melum Eide Norwegian University of Science and Technology 01 This paper describes how temporal chains are construed in a syntactic structure. The links in T-chains are local T-heads, where every main verb and auxiliary brings its own tense package. The semantic difference between finite and non-finite T-elements consists in the choice of first argument, the speech event S (finite tense) or any preceding verbal event e (non-finite tense). Overt inflectional markings encoding finiteness are a crucial difference between Modern English and Mainland Scandinavian languages (MSc). Middle English, like MSc, encoded finiteness. MSc retained the finiteness distinction but lost the agreement markings; English main verbs lost the finiteness distinction but retained their tense and agreement markings. This development fuelled many syntactic differences between MSc and English, e.g., <i>do</i>-support versus verb-second. 10 01 JB code la.144.06put 133 168 36 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">When grammars collide</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Code-switching in Survive-minimalism</Subtitle> 1 A01 Michael T. Putnam Putnam, Michael T. Michael T. Putnam Carson-Newman College 2 A01 M. Carmen Parafita Couto Parafita Couto, M. Carmen M. Carmen Parafita Couto ESRC Centre for Research on Bilingualism, Bangor University 01 This study provides a Survive-minimalist analysis of two issues related to DP-structures in code-switching (CS) grammars: (i) the relationship between determiners and nouns in a DP where each respective lexical item originates from a separate language and (ii) the linearization of <b>Det</b>(erminers)-<b>Adj</b>(ectives)- N(ouns) in CS-grammars where each respective language contributing a surface order contrasts with the other. Violable constraints that filter the selection possibilities (i.e., the operation <bi>Select</bi>) of determiners are posited. We contend that a formal feature, definiteness [+ Def], triggers the re-configuration of lexical items to conform to structural requires of a given CS-grammar. That same feature motivates both the <sc>det-adj-n</sc> and the <sc>det-n-adj</sc> orderings. The advantages to pursuing this analysis of DP linearity in CS-grammars are that it is: (i) consistent with the desiderata of Survive-minimalism and (ii) does not require features similar to the EPP to exist in the system. 10 01 JB code la.144.07vel 169 192 24 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Using the <i>Survive</i> principle for deriving coordinate (a)symmetries</TitleText> 1 A01 John R. te Velde Velde, John R. te John R. te Velde 01 This analysis examines the symmetries of coordinate structures, specifically how they can be generated in a minimalist, crash-proof grammar. I show that a phase-based model with selection of lexical items (LIs) before merge must have a matching operation across conjuncts, but this operation is prohibited by this model&#8217;s own constraints. An alternative is presented that uses the <i>Survive</i> principle by which LIs are selected as needed for the merge operations of a coordinate structure. This selection process is guided and assisted by algorithms that map certain features from a leading conjunct to the next conjunct undergoing concatenation. With selection on demand and the mapping of features, coordinate symmetries can be generated that otherwise require global operations spanning all the conjuncts such as across-the-board movement. Additionally, the asymmetries that occur in coordinate structures are accounted for as consequences of additional mergers that do not require coordinate matching across conjuncts. Issues related to the limits of working memory can also be addressed. 10 01 JB code la.144.p3 Section header 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Covert and non-movement operations in Survive-minimalism</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.144.08kob 195 230 36 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Syntactic identity in Survive-minimalism</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Ellipsis and the derivational identity hypothesis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Gregory M. Kobele Kobele, Gregory M. Gregory M. Kobele Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin 01 Over the years, a number of counter-examples to the hypothesis that ellipsis resolution is mediated via syntactic identity have been identified. However, in the same time evidence which seems to require comparison of syntactic structures in ellipsis resolution has also been unearthed. On top of this empirical puzzle, survive minimalism places an additional theoretical constraint: syntactic structures, once assembled, are opaque to further search or manipulation. In this paper, I show that a simple perspective shift allows us both to view the purported counter-examples as providing glimpses into the nature of the operations which build syntactic structure, and to satisfy the theoretical constraints imposed by survive minimalism&#8217;s derivational take on syntactic structure. 10 01 JB code la.144.09lec 231 256 26 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Evidence for Survive from covert movement</TitleText> 1 A01 Winfried Lechner Lechner, Winfried Winfried Lechner University of Athens 01 The paper pursues two goals. First, it motivates a particular view of the Survive principle. Concretely, it is suggested to interpret the Survive principle as the syntactic instance of a more general push-up mechanism that is responsible for triggering movement induced by type incompatibility on the semantic side. Second, I identify a particular set of properties that the Survive analysis predicts for configurations involving multiple covert movements. These diagnostics, which help to discriminate between survive and Attract based models of dislocation, are argued to be manifest in scope restrictions on double object constructions and inverse linking. The critical factor setting apart the two models consists in the observation that only the Survive principle is able to express ordering restrictions between different types of movements (Case driven movement vs. QR) in a natural way. The resulting analysis also supports the phonological theory of QR. 10 01 JB code la.144.10gel 257 266 10 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Language change and survive</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Feature economy in the numeration</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elly van Gelderen Gelderen, Elly van Elly van Gelderen 01 This paper examines what data from language change can tell us about derivations, and in particular the early part of the derivation where lexical items are selected from the lexicon using the Survive mechanism. It is well-known that in changes often referred to as grammaticalization the features of lexical items are not only lost but reanalyzed from semantic to grammatical. I argue this is due to principles economizing derivations. Unlike many using Survive, I argue that uninterpretable features are in fact necessary. 10 01 JB code la.144.16tow 267 269 3 Miscellaneous 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Towards a derivational syntax index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20090729 2009 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027255273 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 105.00 EUR R 01 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 158.00 USD S 413007595 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 144 Hb 15 9789027255273 13 2009010636 BB 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 144 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Towards a Derivational Syntax</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Survive-minimalism</Subtitle> 01 la.144 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.144 1 B01 Michael T. Putnam Putnam, Michael T. Michael T. Putnam Carson-Newman College 01 eng 280 x 269 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This volume explores recent advancements in the Minimalist Program that adopt Stroik’s (1999, 2009) Survive Principle as the principle means of accounting for displacement phenomena in earlier versions of generative theory. These contributions bring to light many advantages and challenges that beset the Survive-minimalist framework, including topics such as the lexicon-syntax relationship, coordinate symmetries, scope, ellipsis, code-switching, and probe-goal relations. Despite the diverse, broad range of topics discussed in this volume, the papers are connected by a renewed investigation of Frampton &#38; Gutmann’s (2002) vision of a crash-proof syntax. This volume provides new and interesting perspectives on theoretical issues that have challenged the Minimalist Program since its inception and will provide ample food for thought for syntacticians working in the Minimalist tradition and beyond. 05 This is an excellent collection, exploring deep, fundamental questions regarding the nature of the human faculty of language. These papers advance the Minimalist Program in important ways, from what it means for the syntax to be "optimally designed" in meeting the needs of the interfaces, to the form and function of the construct "numeration," to the very notion of "syntactic operation." The theoretical concerns here will prompt valuable discussion for a long time to come; and the volume is rich in empirical considerations, with wide appeal to all syntactic frameworks. T. Daniel Seely, Eastern Michigan University 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.144.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027255273.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027255273.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.144.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.144.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.144.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.144.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.144.001lis vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">List of contributors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.144.002pre ix x 2 Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Preface</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.144.p1 Section header 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Introduction</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.144.01put 3 20 18 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Traveling without moving</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The conceptual necessity of Survive-minimalism</Subtitle> 1 A01 Michael T. Putnam Putnam, Michael T. Michael T. Putnam Carson-Newman College 2 A01 Thomas Stroik Stroik, Thomas Thomas Stroik University of Missouri-Kansas City 10 01 JB code la.144.02str 21 38 18 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The numeration in Survive-minimalism</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">numeration in Survive-minimalism</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Thomas Stroik Stroik, Thomas Thomas Stroik University of Missouri-Kansas City 01 This paper argues that the computational system of Human Language requires a Numeration; however, the Numeration must be compiled throughout a syntactic derivation and not selected prior to the derivation. The consequence of having a derivationally built Numeration is that the Numeration becomes the domain for both the Merge and Remerge operations, thereby obviating the need for the Internal Merge operation. Furthermore, having a derivationally built Numeration makes it possible to design a crash-proof syntax along the lines developed in Stroik&#8217;s (2009) Survive-minimalism. 10 01 JB code la.144.p2 Section header 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Studies of movement phenomena and structure building in Survive-minimalism</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.144.03pre 41 56 16 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Long-distance agreement without <i>Probe-Goal</i> relations</TitleText> 1 A01 Omer Preminger Preminger, Omer Omer Preminger Massachusetts Institute of Technology 01 In this paper, I explore the possibility accounting for constructions that appear to instantiate <i>Long-Distance Agreement</i> without appealing to a formal operation of <i>agreement-at-a-distance</i>. The viability of such an account is particularly important in light of recent theoretical developments that suggest a move away from <i>Probe-Goal</i> oriented approaches to movement, and towards viewing movement as a response to formal needs of the moving element itself. Broadly speaking, I consider two possible approaches: (i) agreement is established in a purely local con.guration, followed by the agreeing head (and whatever material ends up intervening between this head and the target nounphrase) moving away, giving the impression of Long-Distance Agreement; and (ii) apparent Long-Distance Agreement is actually an instance of syntactic movement in which the phonological component chooses to pronounce the moved element in its lower position. It is shown that the latter approach fares better with respect to the scopal properties of several constructions, including English expletiveassociate constructions, and so-called Long-Distance Agreement in Hindi-Urdu and in Basque. 10 01 JB code la.144.04cho 57 90 34 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Musings on the left periphery in West Germanic</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">German left dislocation and &#8216;survive&#8217;</Subtitle> 1 A01 Gema Chocano Chocano, Gema Gema Chocano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 01 An analysis of German Left Dislocation is proposed which combines the findings in recent work on the construction with a theoretical model of syntactic derivation that dispenses with the existence of the EPP-feature. The findings at stake are basically those in Frey (2000, 2004a), where it is shown that the topical character of left-dislocated structures is the result of movement of the D-pronoun to a middle-field, and not a pre-field, topic projection. The theoretical model adopted is &#8216;Survive Minimalism&#8217; (Stroik, 2009; Putnam, 2007; Putnam and Stroik, in progress). The core of the proposal is that &#8216;Merge&#8217; of both the D-pronoun and the left-dislocated XP with C is triggered by the presence of a [+REF] feature on the three heads, as in Stroik&#8217;s (2009) account of English <i>wh</i>-constructions with a pair-list reading. 10 01 JB code la.144.05eid 91 132 42 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Tense, finiteness and the survive principle</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Temporal chains in a crash-proof grammar</Subtitle> 1 A01 Kristin Melum Eide Eide, Kristin Melum Kristin Melum Eide Norwegian University of Science and Technology 01 This paper describes how temporal chains are construed in a syntactic structure. The links in T-chains are local T-heads, where every main verb and auxiliary brings its own tense package. The semantic difference between finite and non-finite T-elements consists in the choice of first argument, the speech event S (finite tense) or any preceding verbal event e (non-finite tense). Overt inflectional markings encoding finiteness are a crucial difference between Modern English and Mainland Scandinavian languages (MSc). Middle English, like MSc, encoded finiteness. MSc retained the finiteness distinction but lost the agreement markings; English main verbs lost the finiteness distinction but retained their tense and agreement markings. This development fuelled many syntactic differences between MSc and English, e.g., <i>do</i>-support versus verb-second. 10 01 JB code la.144.06put 133 168 36 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">When grammars collide</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Code-switching in Survive-minimalism</Subtitle> 1 A01 Michael T. Putnam Putnam, Michael T. Michael T. Putnam Carson-Newman College 2 A01 M. Carmen Parafita Couto Parafita Couto, M. Carmen M. Carmen Parafita Couto ESRC Centre for Research on Bilingualism, Bangor University 01 This study provides a Survive-minimalist analysis of two issues related to DP-structures in code-switching (CS) grammars: (i) the relationship between determiners and nouns in a DP where each respective lexical item originates from a separate language and (ii) the linearization of <b>Det</b>(erminers)-<b>Adj</b>(ectives)- N(ouns) in CS-grammars where each respective language contributing a surface order contrasts with the other. Violable constraints that filter the selection possibilities (i.e., the operation <bi>Select</bi>) of determiners are posited. We contend that a formal feature, definiteness [+ Def], triggers the re-configuration of lexical items to conform to structural requires of a given CS-grammar. That same feature motivates both the <sc>det-adj-n</sc> and the <sc>det-n-adj</sc> orderings. The advantages to pursuing this analysis of DP linearity in CS-grammars are that it is: (i) consistent with the desiderata of Survive-minimalism and (ii) does not require features similar to the EPP to exist in the system. 10 01 JB code la.144.07vel 169 192 24 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Using the <i>Survive</i> principle for deriving coordinate (a)symmetries</TitleText> 1 A01 John R. te Velde Velde, John R. te John R. te Velde 01 This analysis examines the symmetries of coordinate structures, specifically how they can be generated in a minimalist, crash-proof grammar. I show that a phase-based model with selection of lexical items (LIs) before merge must have a matching operation across conjuncts, but this operation is prohibited by this model&#8217;s own constraints. An alternative is presented that uses the <i>Survive</i> principle by which LIs are selected as needed for the merge operations of a coordinate structure. This selection process is guided and assisted by algorithms that map certain features from a leading conjunct to the next conjunct undergoing concatenation. With selection on demand and the mapping of features, coordinate symmetries can be generated that otherwise require global operations spanning all the conjuncts such as across-the-board movement. Additionally, the asymmetries that occur in coordinate structures are accounted for as consequences of additional mergers that do not require coordinate matching across conjuncts. Issues related to the limits of working memory can also be addressed. 10 01 JB code la.144.p3 Section header 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Covert and non-movement operations in Survive-minimalism</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.144.08kob 195 230 36 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Syntactic identity in Survive-minimalism</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Ellipsis and the derivational identity hypothesis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Gregory M. Kobele Kobele, Gregory M. Gregory M. Kobele Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin 01 Over the years, a number of counter-examples to the hypothesis that ellipsis resolution is mediated via syntactic identity have been identified. However, in the same time evidence which seems to require comparison of syntactic structures in ellipsis resolution has also been unearthed. On top of this empirical puzzle, survive minimalism places an additional theoretical constraint: syntactic structures, once assembled, are opaque to further search or manipulation. In this paper, I show that a simple perspective shift allows us both to view the purported counter-examples as providing glimpses into the nature of the operations which build syntactic structure, and to satisfy the theoretical constraints imposed by survive minimalism&#8217;s derivational take on syntactic structure. 10 01 JB code la.144.09lec 231 256 26 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Evidence for Survive from covert movement</TitleText> 1 A01 Winfried Lechner Lechner, Winfried Winfried Lechner University of Athens 01 The paper pursues two goals. First, it motivates a particular view of the Survive principle. Concretely, it is suggested to interpret the Survive principle as the syntactic instance of a more general push-up mechanism that is responsible for triggering movement induced by type incompatibility on the semantic side. Second, I identify a particular set of properties that the Survive analysis predicts for configurations involving multiple covert movements. These diagnostics, which help to discriminate between survive and Attract based models of dislocation, are argued to be manifest in scope restrictions on double object constructions and inverse linking. The critical factor setting apart the two models consists in the observation that only the Survive principle is able to express ordering restrictions between different types of movements (Case driven movement vs. QR) in a natural way. The resulting analysis also supports the phonological theory of QR. 10 01 JB code la.144.10gel 257 266 10 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Language change and survive</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Feature economy in the numeration</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elly van Gelderen Gelderen, Elly van Elly van Gelderen 01 This paper examines what data from language change can tell us about derivations, and in particular the early part of the derivation where lexical items are selected from the lexicon using the Survive mechanism. It is well-known that in changes often referred to as grammaticalization the features of lexical items are not only lost but reanalyzed from semantic to grammatical. I argue this is due to principles economizing derivations. Unlike many using Survive, I argue that uninterpretable features are in fact necessary. 10 01 JB code la.144.16tow 267 269 3 Miscellaneous 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Towards a derivational syntax index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20090729 2009 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 655 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 23 24 01 02 JB 1 00 105.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 111.30 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 24 02 02 JB 1 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 24 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 158.00 USD