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897007596
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JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 144 Eb
15
9789027289414
06
10.1075/la.144
13
2009010636
DG
002
02
01
LA
02
0166-0829
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
144
01
Towards a Derivational Syntax
Survive-minimalism
01
la.144
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.144
1
B01
Michael T. Putnam
Putnam, Michael T.
Michael T.
Putnam
Carson-Newman College
01
eng
280
x
269
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
This volume explores recent advancements in the Minimalist Program that adopt Stroik’s (1999, 2009) Survive Principle as the principle means of accounting for displacement phenomena in earlier versions of generative theory. These contributions bring to light many advantages and challenges that beset the Survive-minimalist framework, including topics such as the lexicon-syntax relationship, coordinate symmetries, scope, ellipsis, code-switching, and probe-goal relations. Despite the diverse, broad range of topics discussed in this volume, the papers are connected by a renewed investigation of Frampton & Gutmann’s (2002) vision of a crash-proof syntax. This volume provides new and interesting perspectives on theoretical issues that have challenged the Minimalist Program since its inception and will provide ample food for thought for syntacticians working in the Minimalist tradition and beyond.
05
This is an excellent collection, exploring deep, fundamental questions regarding the nature of the human faculty of language. These papers advance the Minimalist Program in important ways, from what it means for the syntax to be "optimally designed" in meeting the needs of the interfaces, to the form and function of the construct "numeration," to the very notion of "syntactic operation." The theoretical concerns here will prompt valuable discussion for a long time to come; and the volume is rich in empirical considerations, with wide appeal to all syntactic frameworks.
T. Daniel Seely, Eastern Michigan University
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.144.png
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03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027255273.jpg
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vii
viii
2
Miscellaneous
1
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List of contributors
10
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JB code
la.144.002pre
ix
x
2
Miscellaneous
2
01
Preface
10
01
JB code
la.144.p1
Section header
3
01
Part I. Introduction
10
01
JB code
la.144.01put
3
20
18
Article
4
01
Traveling without moving
The conceptual necessity of Survive-minimalism
1
A01
Michael T. Putnam
Putnam, Michael T.
Michael T.
Putnam
Carson-Newman College
2
A01
Thomas Stroik
Stroik, Thomas
Thomas
Stroik
University of Missouri-Kansas City
10
01
JB code
la.144.02str
21
38
18
Article
5
01
The numeration in Survive-minimalism
The
numeration in Survive-minimalism
1
A01
Thomas Stroik
Stroik, Thomas
Thomas
Stroik
University of Missouri-Kansas City
01
This paper argues that the computational system of Human Language requires a Numeration; however, the Numeration must be compiled throughout a syntactic derivation and not selected prior to the derivation. The consequence of having a derivationally built Numeration is that the Numeration becomes the domain for both the Merge and Remerge operations, thereby obviating the need for the Internal Merge operation. Furthermore, having a derivationally built Numeration makes it possible to design a crash-proof syntax along the lines developed in Stroik’s (2009) Survive-minimalism.
10
01
JB code
la.144.p2
Section header
6
01
Part II. Studies of movement phenomena and structure building in Survive-minimalism
10
01
JB code
la.144.03pre
41
56
16
Article
7
01
Long-distance agreement without <i>Probe-Goal</i> relations
1
A01
Omer Preminger
Preminger, Omer
Omer
Preminger
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
01
In this paper, I explore the possibility accounting for constructions that appear to instantiate <i>Long-Distance Agreement</i> without appealing to a formal operation of <i>agreement-at-a-distance</i>. The viability of such an account is particularly important in light of recent theoretical developments that suggest a move away from <i>Probe-Goal</i> oriented approaches to movement, and towards viewing movement as a response to formal needs of the moving element itself. Broadly speaking, I consider two possible approaches: (i) agreement is established in a purely local con.guration, followed by the agreeing head (and whatever material ends up intervening between this head and the target nounphrase) moving away, giving the impression of Long-Distance Agreement; and (ii) apparent Long-Distance Agreement is actually an instance of syntactic movement in which the phonological component chooses to pronounce the moved element in its lower position. It is shown that the latter approach fares better with respect to the scopal properties of several constructions, including English expletiveassociate constructions, and so-called Long-Distance Agreement in Hindi-Urdu and in Basque.
10
01
JB code
la.144.04cho
57
90
34
Article
8
01
Musings on the left periphery in West Germanic
German left dislocation and ‘survive’
1
A01
Gema Chocano
Chocano, Gema
Gema
Chocano
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
01
An analysis of German Left Dislocation is proposed which combines the findings in recent work on the construction with a theoretical model of syntactic derivation that dispenses with the existence of the EPP-feature. The findings at stake are basically those in Frey (2000, 2004a), where it is shown that the topical character of left-dislocated structures is the result of movement of the D-pronoun to a middle-field, and not a pre-field, topic projection. The theoretical model adopted is ‘Survive Minimalism’ (Stroik, 2009; Putnam, 2007; Putnam and Stroik, in progress). The core of the proposal is that ‘Merge’ of both the D-pronoun and the left-dislocated XP with C is triggered by the presence of a [+REF] feature on the three heads, as in Stroik’s (2009) account of English <i>wh</i>-constructions with a pair-list reading.
10
01
JB code
la.144.05eid
91
132
42
Article
9
01
Tense, finiteness and the survive principle
Temporal chains in a crash-proof grammar
1
A01
Kristin Melum Eide
Eide, Kristin Melum
Kristin Melum
Eide
Norwegian University of Science and Technology
01
This paper describes how temporal chains are construed in a syntactic structure. The links in T-chains are local T-heads, where every main verb and auxiliary brings its own tense package. The semantic difference between finite and non-finite T-elements consists in the choice of first argument, the speech event S (finite tense) or any preceding verbal event e (non-finite tense). Overt inflectional markings encoding finiteness are a crucial difference between Modern English and Mainland Scandinavian languages (MSc). Middle English, like MSc, encoded finiteness. MSc retained the finiteness distinction but lost the agreement markings; English main verbs lost the finiteness distinction but retained their tense and agreement markings. This development fuelled many syntactic differences between MSc and English, e.g., <i>do</i>-support versus verb-second.
10
01
JB code
la.144.06put
133
168
36
Article
10
01
When grammars collide
Code-switching in Survive-minimalism
1
A01
Michael T. Putnam
Putnam, Michael T.
Michael T.
Putnam
Carson-Newman College
2
A01
M. Carmen Parafita Couto
Parafita Couto, M. Carmen
M. Carmen
Parafita Couto
ESRC Centre for Research on Bilingualism, Bangor University
01
This study provides a Survive-minimalist analysis of two issues related to DP-structures in code-switching (CS) grammars: (i) the relationship between determiners and nouns in a DP where each respective lexical item originates from a separate language and (ii) the linearization of <b>Det</b>(erminers)-<b>Adj</b>(ectives)- N(ouns) in CS-grammars where each respective language contributing a surface order contrasts with the other. Violable constraints that filter the selection possibilities (i.e., the operation <bi>Select</bi>) of determiners are posited. We contend that a formal feature, definiteness [+ Def], triggers the re-configuration of lexical items to conform to structural requires of a given CS-grammar. That same feature motivates both the <sc>det-adj-n</sc> and the <sc>det-n-adj</sc> orderings. The advantages to pursuing this analysis of DP linearity in CS-grammars are that it is: (i) consistent with the desiderata of Survive-minimalism and (ii) does not require features similar to the EPP to exist in the system.
10
01
JB code
la.144.07vel
169
192
24
Article
11
01
Using the <i>Survive</i> principle for deriving coordinate (a)symmetries
1
A01
John R. te Velde
Velde, John R. te
John R.
te
Velde
01
This analysis examines the symmetries of coordinate structures, specifically how they can be generated in a minimalist, crash-proof grammar. I show that a phase-based model with selection of lexical items (LIs) before merge must have a matching operation across conjuncts, but this operation is prohibited by this model’s own constraints. An alternative is presented that uses the <i>Survive</i> principle by which LIs are selected as needed for the merge operations of a coordinate structure. This selection process is guided and assisted by algorithms that map certain features from a leading conjunct to the next conjunct undergoing concatenation. With selection on demand and the mapping of features, coordinate symmetries can be generated that otherwise require global operations spanning all the conjuncts such as across-the-board movement. Additionally, the asymmetries that occur in coordinate structures are accounted for as consequences of additional mergers that do not require coordinate matching across conjuncts. Issues related to the limits of working memory can also be addressed.
10
01
JB code
la.144.p3
Section header
12
01
Part III. Covert and non-movement operations in Survive-minimalism
10
01
JB code
la.144.08kob
195
230
36
Article
13
01
Syntactic identity in Survive-minimalism
Ellipsis and the derivational identity hypothesis
1
A01
Gregory M. Kobele
Kobele, Gregory M.
Gregory M.
Kobele
Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
01
Over the years, a number of counter-examples to the hypothesis that ellipsis resolution is mediated via syntactic identity have been identified. However, in the same time evidence which seems to require comparison of syntactic structures in ellipsis resolution has also been unearthed. On top of this empirical puzzle, survive minimalism places an additional theoretical constraint: syntactic structures, once assembled, are opaque to further search or manipulation. In this paper, I show that a simple perspective shift allows us both to view the purported counter-examples as providing glimpses into the nature of the operations which build syntactic structure, and to satisfy the theoretical constraints imposed by survive minimalism’s derivational take on syntactic structure.
10
01
JB code
la.144.09lec
231
256
26
Article
14
01
Evidence for Survive from covert movement
1
A01
Winfried Lechner
Lechner, Winfried
Winfried
Lechner
University of Athens
01
The paper pursues two goals. First, it motivates a particular view of the Survive principle. Concretely, it is suggested to interpret the Survive principle as the syntactic instance of a more general push-up mechanism that is responsible for triggering movement induced by type incompatibility on the semantic side. Second, I identify a particular set of properties that the Survive analysis predicts for configurations involving multiple covert movements. These diagnostics, which help to discriminate between survive and Attract based models of dislocation, are argued to be manifest in scope restrictions on double object constructions and inverse linking. The critical factor setting apart the two models consists in the observation that only the Survive principle is able to express ordering restrictions between different types of movements (Case driven movement vs. QR) in a natural way. The resulting analysis also supports the phonological theory of QR.
10
01
JB code
la.144.10gel
257
266
10
Article
15
01
Language change and survive
Feature economy in the numeration
1
A01
Elly van Gelderen
Gelderen, Elly van
Elly
van
Gelderen
01
This paper examines what data from language change can tell us about derivations, and in particular the early part of the derivation where lexical items are selected from the lexicon using the Survive mechanism. It is well-known that in changes often referred to as grammaticalization the features of lexical items are not only lost but reanalyzed from semantic to grammatical. I argue this is due to principles economizing derivations. Unlike many using Survive, I argue that uninterpretable features are in fact necessary.
10
01
JB code
la.144.16tow
267
269
3
Miscellaneous
16
01
Towards a derivational syntax index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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20090729
2009
John Benjamins
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2009010636
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LA
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Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
144
01
Towards a Derivational Syntax
Survive-minimalism
01
la.144
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.144
1
B01
Michael T. Putnam
Putnam, Michael T.
Michael T.
Putnam
Carson-Newman College
01
eng
280
x
269
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
This volume explores recent advancements in the Minimalist Program that adopt Stroik’s (1999, 2009) Survive Principle as the principle means of accounting for displacement phenomena in earlier versions of generative theory. These contributions bring to light many advantages and challenges that beset the Survive-minimalist framework, including topics such as the lexicon-syntax relationship, coordinate symmetries, scope, ellipsis, code-switching, and probe-goal relations. Despite the diverse, broad range of topics discussed in this volume, the papers are connected by a renewed investigation of Frampton & Gutmann’s (2002) vision of a crash-proof syntax. This volume provides new and interesting perspectives on theoretical issues that have challenged the Minimalist Program since its inception and will provide ample food for thought for syntacticians working in the Minimalist tradition and beyond.
05
This is an excellent collection, exploring deep, fundamental questions regarding the nature of the human faculty of language. These papers advance the Minimalist Program in important ways, from what it means for the syntax to be "optimally designed" in meeting the needs of the interfaces, to the form and function of the construct "numeration," to the very notion of "syntactic operation." The theoretical concerns here will prompt valuable discussion for a long time to come; and the volume is rich in empirical considerations, with wide appeal to all syntactic frameworks.
T. Daniel Seely, Eastern Michigan University
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.144.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027255273.jpg
04
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vii
viii
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Miscellaneous
1
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List of contributors
10
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JB code
la.144.002pre
ix
x
2
Miscellaneous
2
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Preface
10
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JB code
la.144.p1
Section header
3
01
Part I. Introduction
10
01
JB code
la.144.01put
3
20
18
Article
4
01
Traveling without moving
The conceptual necessity of Survive-minimalism
1
A01
Michael T. Putnam
Putnam, Michael T.
Michael T.
Putnam
Carson-Newman College
2
A01
Thomas Stroik
Stroik, Thomas
Thomas
Stroik
University of Missouri-Kansas City
10
01
JB code
la.144.02str
21
38
18
Article
5
01
The numeration in Survive-minimalism
The
numeration in Survive-minimalism
1
A01
Thomas Stroik
Stroik, Thomas
Thomas
Stroik
University of Missouri-Kansas City
01
This paper argues that the computational system of Human Language requires a Numeration; however, the Numeration must be compiled throughout a syntactic derivation and not selected prior to the derivation. The consequence of having a derivationally built Numeration is that the Numeration becomes the domain for both the Merge and Remerge operations, thereby obviating the need for the Internal Merge operation. Furthermore, having a derivationally built Numeration makes it possible to design a crash-proof syntax along the lines developed in Stroik’s (2009) Survive-minimalism.
10
01
JB code
la.144.p2
Section header
6
01
Part II. Studies of movement phenomena and structure building in Survive-minimalism
10
01
JB code
la.144.03pre
41
56
16
Article
7
01
Long-distance agreement without <i>Probe-Goal</i> relations
1
A01
Omer Preminger
Preminger, Omer
Omer
Preminger
Massachusetts Institute of Technology
01
In this paper, I explore the possibility accounting for constructions that appear to instantiate <i>Long-Distance Agreement</i> without appealing to a formal operation of <i>agreement-at-a-distance</i>. The viability of such an account is particularly important in light of recent theoretical developments that suggest a move away from <i>Probe-Goal</i> oriented approaches to movement, and towards viewing movement as a response to formal needs of the moving element itself. Broadly speaking, I consider two possible approaches: (i) agreement is established in a purely local con.guration, followed by the agreeing head (and whatever material ends up intervening between this head and the target nounphrase) moving away, giving the impression of Long-Distance Agreement; and (ii) apparent Long-Distance Agreement is actually an instance of syntactic movement in which the phonological component chooses to pronounce the moved element in its lower position. It is shown that the latter approach fares better with respect to the scopal properties of several constructions, including English expletiveassociate constructions, and so-called Long-Distance Agreement in Hindi-Urdu and in Basque.
10
01
JB code
la.144.04cho
57
90
34
Article
8
01
Musings on the left periphery in West Germanic
German left dislocation and ‘survive’
1
A01
Gema Chocano
Chocano, Gema
Gema
Chocano
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
01
An analysis of German Left Dislocation is proposed which combines the findings in recent work on the construction with a theoretical model of syntactic derivation that dispenses with the existence of the EPP-feature. The findings at stake are basically those in Frey (2000, 2004a), where it is shown that the topical character of left-dislocated structures is the result of movement of the D-pronoun to a middle-field, and not a pre-field, topic projection. The theoretical model adopted is ‘Survive Minimalism’ (Stroik, 2009; Putnam, 2007; Putnam and Stroik, in progress). The core of the proposal is that ‘Merge’ of both the D-pronoun and the left-dislocated XP with C is triggered by the presence of a [+REF] feature on the three heads, as in Stroik’s (2009) account of English <i>wh</i>-constructions with a pair-list reading.
10
01
JB code
la.144.05eid
91
132
42
Article
9
01
Tense, finiteness and the survive principle
Temporal chains in a crash-proof grammar
1
A01
Kristin Melum Eide
Eide, Kristin Melum
Kristin Melum
Eide
Norwegian University of Science and Technology
01
This paper describes how temporal chains are construed in a syntactic structure. The links in T-chains are local T-heads, where every main verb and auxiliary brings its own tense package. The semantic difference between finite and non-finite T-elements consists in the choice of first argument, the speech event S (finite tense) or any preceding verbal event e (non-finite tense). Overt inflectional markings encoding finiteness are a crucial difference between Modern English and Mainland Scandinavian languages (MSc). Middle English, like MSc, encoded finiteness. MSc retained the finiteness distinction but lost the agreement markings; English main verbs lost the finiteness distinction but retained their tense and agreement markings. This development fuelled many syntactic differences between MSc and English, e.g., <i>do</i>-support versus verb-second.
10
01
JB code
la.144.06put
133
168
36
Article
10
01
When grammars collide
Code-switching in Survive-minimalism
1
A01
Michael T. Putnam
Putnam, Michael T.
Michael T.
Putnam
Carson-Newman College
2
A01
M. Carmen Parafita Couto
Parafita Couto, M. Carmen
M. Carmen
Parafita Couto
ESRC Centre for Research on Bilingualism, Bangor University
01
This study provides a Survive-minimalist analysis of two issues related to DP-structures in code-switching (CS) grammars: (i) the relationship between determiners and nouns in a DP where each respective lexical item originates from a separate language and (ii) the linearization of <b>Det</b>(erminers)-<b>Adj</b>(ectives)- N(ouns) in CS-grammars where each respective language contributing a surface order contrasts with the other. Violable constraints that filter the selection possibilities (i.e., the operation <bi>Select</bi>) of determiners are posited. We contend that a formal feature, definiteness [+ Def], triggers the re-configuration of lexical items to conform to structural requires of a given CS-grammar. That same feature motivates both the <sc>det-adj-n</sc> and the <sc>det-n-adj</sc> orderings. The advantages to pursuing this analysis of DP linearity in CS-grammars are that it is: (i) consistent with the desiderata of Survive-minimalism and (ii) does not require features similar to the EPP to exist in the system.
10
01
JB code
la.144.07vel
169
192
24
Article
11
01
Using the <i>Survive</i> principle for deriving coordinate (a)symmetries
1
A01
John R. te Velde
Velde, John R. te
John R.
te
Velde
01
This analysis examines the symmetries of coordinate structures, specifically how they can be generated in a minimalist, crash-proof grammar. I show that a phase-based model with selection of lexical items (LIs) before merge must have a matching operation across conjuncts, but this operation is prohibited by this model’s own constraints. An alternative is presented that uses the <i>Survive</i> principle by which LIs are selected as needed for the merge operations of a coordinate structure. This selection process is guided and assisted by algorithms that map certain features from a leading conjunct to the next conjunct undergoing concatenation. With selection on demand and the mapping of features, coordinate symmetries can be generated that otherwise require global operations spanning all the conjuncts such as across-the-board movement. Additionally, the asymmetries that occur in coordinate structures are accounted for as consequences of additional mergers that do not require coordinate matching across conjuncts. Issues related to the limits of working memory can also be addressed.
10
01
JB code
la.144.p3
Section header
12
01
Part III. Covert and non-movement operations in Survive-minimalism
10
01
JB code
la.144.08kob
195
230
36
Article
13
01
Syntactic identity in Survive-minimalism
Ellipsis and the derivational identity hypothesis
1
A01
Gregory M. Kobele
Kobele, Gregory M.
Gregory M.
Kobele
Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin
01
Over the years, a number of counter-examples to the hypothesis that ellipsis resolution is mediated via syntactic identity have been identified. However, in the same time evidence which seems to require comparison of syntactic structures in ellipsis resolution has also been unearthed. On top of this empirical puzzle, survive minimalism places an additional theoretical constraint: syntactic structures, once assembled, are opaque to further search or manipulation. In this paper, I show that a simple perspective shift allows us both to view the purported counter-examples as providing glimpses into the nature of the operations which build syntactic structure, and to satisfy the theoretical constraints imposed by survive minimalism’s derivational take on syntactic structure.
10
01
JB code
la.144.09lec
231
256
26
Article
14
01
Evidence for Survive from covert movement
1
A01
Winfried Lechner
Lechner, Winfried
Winfried
Lechner
University of Athens
01
The paper pursues two goals. First, it motivates a particular view of the Survive principle. Concretely, it is suggested to interpret the Survive principle as the syntactic instance of a more general push-up mechanism that is responsible for triggering movement induced by type incompatibility on the semantic side. Second, I identify a particular set of properties that the Survive analysis predicts for configurations involving multiple covert movements. These diagnostics, which help to discriminate between survive and Attract based models of dislocation, are argued to be manifest in scope restrictions on double object constructions and inverse linking. The critical factor setting apart the two models consists in the observation that only the Survive principle is able to express ordering restrictions between different types of movements (Case driven movement vs. QR) in a natural way. The resulting analysis also supports the phonological theory of QR.
10
01
JB code
la.144.10gel
257
266
10
Article
15
01
Language change and survive
Feature economy in the numeration
1
A01
Elly van Gelderen
Gelderen, Elly van
Elly
van
Gelderen
01
This paper examines what data from language change can tell us about derivations, and in particular the early part of the derivation where lexical items are selected from the lexicon using the Survive mechanism. It is well-known that in changes often referred to as grammaticalization the features of lexical items are not only lost but reanalyzed from semantic to grammatical. I argue this is due to principles economizing derivations. Unlike many using Survive, I argue that uninterpretable features are in fact necessary.
10
01
JB code
la.144.16tow
267
269
3
Miscellaneous
16
01
Towards a derivational syntax index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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04
20090729
2009
John Benjamins
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+1 703 661-1501
benjamins@presswarehouse.com
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https://benjamins.com
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