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7500817
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
201608250420
ONIX title feed
eng
01
EUR
577008322
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 171 Eb
15
9789027287298
06
10.1075/la.171
13
2010045313
DG
002
02
01
LA
02
0166-0829
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
171
01
The Noun Phrase in Romance and Germanic
The
Noun Phrase in Romance and Germanic
Structure, variation, and change
01
la.171
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.171
1
B01
Petra Sleeman
Sleeman, Petra
Petra
Sleeman
University of Amsterdam
2
B01
Harry Perridon
Perridon, Harry
Harry
Perridon
University of Amsterdam
01
eng
296
vii
283
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GERM
Germanic linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.HL
Historical linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
One of the recurrent questions in historical linguistics is to what extent languages can borrow grammar from other languages. It seems for instance hardly likely that each 'average European' language developed a definite article all by itself, without any influence from neighbouring languages. It is, on the other hand, by no means clear what exactly was borrowed, since the way in which definiteness is expressed differs greatly among the various Germanic and Romance languages and dialects. One of the main aims of this volume is to shed some light on the question of what is similar and what is different in the structure of the noun phrase of the various Romance and Germanic languages and dialects, and what causes this similarity or difference.
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.171.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027255549.jpg
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027255549.tif
06
09
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09
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10
01
JB code
la.171.01for
vii
viii
2
Miscellaneous
1
01
Foreword
10
01
JB code
la.171.02per
1
22
22
Article
2
01
The noun phrase in Germanic and Romance
The
noun phrase in Germanic and Romance
Common developments and differences
1
A01
Harry Perridon
Perridon, Harry
Harry
Perridon
ACLC, University of Amsterdam
2
A01
Petra Sleeman
Sleeman, Petra
Petra
Sleeman
ACLC, University of Amsterdam
01
In this introductory chapter some of the main (dis)similarities in DP-syntax between the Germanic and Romance languages, as well as between the individual languages of each group, are explored. We take a look at the following subjects: (a) the ways in which the various languages express definiteness; (b) the position of adjectives; (c) the function of the weak declension of adjectives in Germanic; (d) the evolution of genitive equivalents; and (e) the emergence of determining possessives in Germanic. In each case we try to find out whether a given construction is inherited from the parent language or is an independent development in each of the languages or language groups. Special attention is paid to common developments after the languages split up into separate entities, since they might indicate some inherent properties of human language that restrict the way in which languages may develop.
10
01
JB code
la.171.03pa1
Section header
3
01
Part I. Variation
10
01
JB code
la.171.04ale
25
40
16
Article
4
01
Scaling the variation in Romance and Germanic nominalizations
1
A01
Artemis Alexiadou
Alexiadou, Artemis
Artemis
Alexiadou
Universität Stuttgart
2
A01
Gianina Iordachioaia
Iordachioaia, Gianina
Gianina
Iordachioaia
Universität Stuttgart
3
A01
Florian Schäfer
Schäfer, Florian
Florian
Schäfer
Universität Stuttgart
01
We investigate the distribution of verbal and nominal layers in Romance and Germanic nominalizations. Specifically, we examine pairs of ‘verbal’ vs. ‘nominal’ nominalizations in two Romance (Spanish & Romanian) and two Germanic (English & German) languages. Our study proposes a large spectrum of nominal and verbal properties. While these are differently instantiated among languages, the variation we find cannot be attributed to a Germanic vs. Romance parameter; instead, we find micro-variation constrained by the compatibility between the general building blocks of verbal and nominal categories. Besides the vP-layers responsible for argument structure and Aktionsart and the DP-layer responsible for the nominal external syntax, we make a case for further functional verbal and nominal layers in nominalizations: Asp(ect)P, Class(ifier)P, and Num(ber)P. These projections are in complementary distribution in some languages and co-occur in others.
10
01
JB code
la.171.05cir
41
56
16
Article
5
01
<i>What all</i> happens when a universal quantifier combines with an interrogative DP
1
A01
Robert Cirillo
Cirillo, Robert
Robert
Cirillo
01
Universal quantifiers such as <i>all</i> select a DP as their complement and can be ‘floated’ or ‘stranded’ by that DP, and in certain Germanic languages they can also co-occur with an interrogative DP. The purpose of this article is to investigate whether interrogative and non-interrogative DPs that co-occur with a universal quantifier in the Germanic languages have the same relationship to that quantifier and have gone through the same selection process. I begin with evidence from German that universal quantifiers can select and be stranded by interrogative as well as non-interrogative DPs, but I ultimately argue, going back to an analysis in Giusti (1990b), that a universal quantifier co-occurring with an interrogative is base-generated to the right of that interrogative, not to its left. I also propose that the formation of interrogative expressions involving universal quantifiers may take place in the syntax or in the lexicon, depending on the language.
10
01
JB code
la.171.06cor
57
88
32
Article
6
01
Micro-diversity in Dutch interrogative DPs
A case study on the (dis)continuous <i>wat</i> <i>voor</i> <i>’n</i> <i>N</i>-construction
1
A01
Norbert Corver
Corver, Norbert
Norbert
Corver
UiL-OTS, Utrecht University
2
A01
Marjo van Koppen
Koppen, Marjo van
Marjo
van
Koppen
UiL-OTS, Utrecht University
01
This paper presents a micro-comparative perspective on the Dutch <i>wat</i> <i>voor</i> <i>’n</i> <i>N</i>-construction (meaning: “what kind of N”). Besides a description of the various formal manifestations of this nominal construction as found intra-dialectally and cross-dialectally, an analysis is given of the dimensions of variation at the level of internal syntax and external syntax. As regards the external syntax, an analysis will be given of patterns that permit a split <i>wat</i> <i>voor</i> <i>’n</i> <i>N</i>-pattern and those that do not. An important outcome of our analysis will be that a uniform structural basis ‘underlies’ the different manifestations of the <i>wat</i> <i>voor</i> <i>’n</i> <i>N</i>-construction: more specifically, predication, configurationally defined as a DP-internal small clause structure, and predicate displacement.
10
01
JB code
la.171.07woo
89
110
22
Article
7
01
Noun phrase structure and movement
A cross-linguistic comparison of <i>such</i>/<i>sådan</i>/<i>solch</i> and <i>so</i>/<i>så</i>/<i>so</i>
1
A01
Johanna L. Wood
Wood, Johanna L.
Johanna L.
Wood
University of Aarhus
2
A01
Sten Vikner
Vikner, Sten
Sten
Vikner
University of Aarhus
01
We investigate the etymologically related words <i>so</i> and <i>such</i> (English); <i>så</i> and <i>sådan</i> (Danish); and <i>so</i> and <i>solch</i> (German). Similarities and differences that have to be accounted for cross-linguistically are i. position (pre- or post- indefinite article), ii. agreement morphology (in Danish and German), and iii. semantics (whether an AdjP or a DP/NP is modified). English and Danish <i>so/så</i> may only modify an AdjP, while German <i>so</i> may also modify the DP/NP. English <i>such</i> may only modify the DP/NP (Bolinger 1972, Wood 2002) and may only precede the indefinite article. Danish and German allow inflected <i>sådan/solch</i> to follow the article. We discuss two possible syntactic derivations, predicate raising (e.g. Corver 1998, Bennis, Corver & den Dikken 1998) and XP movement from an attributive adjective position within the nominal (e.g. Matushansky 2002). The analysis links up with the morphological agreement facts of predicate and of attributive adjectives in Danish and German (Vikner 2001).
10
01
JB code
la.171.08loh
111
126
16
Article
8
01
A unified structure for Scandinavian DPs
A
unified structure for Scandinavian DPs
1
A01
Susanne Lohrmann
Lohrmann, Susanne
Susanne
Lohrmann
Universität Stuttgart
01
This paper discusses doubling patterns of determiners in Scandinavian, the interaction between definite markers and adjectival inflection, and its effects on the structure of the DP. When an adjective precedes a definite noun an additional article is added preceding the adjective. This phenomenon has been referred to as ‘double definiteness’. Moreover, the adjective receives definite inflection so that the noun is actually defined three times. Questions arise as to the function of this multiple exponence of definiteness and the syntactic/semantic role of the morphemes involved. This article develops an account that argues for three components of definiteness in Scandinavian expressed by three distinct morphemes (the two articles and the adjectival inflection). The result is an analysis, based on the framework of Distributed Morphology, which captures the different realizations of definiteness in the Standard Scandinavian languages and which shows that multiple exponence in Scandinavian DPs evidently contributes to interpretation.
10
01
JB code
la.171.09str
127
140
14
Article
9
01
A semantic approach to noun phrase structure and the definite – indefinite distinction in Germanic and Romance
A
semantic approach to noun phrase structure and the definite – indefinite distinction in Germanic and Romance
1
A01
Ulla Stroh-Wollin
Stroh-Wollin, Ulla
Ulla
Stroh-Wollin
Department of Scandinavian Languages Uppsala University, Sweden
01
This article deals with the relation between the structure and the semantics of noun phrases. Two complexes of meaning are taken to be grammatically derived in noun phrases. One complex concerns the conceptualization of the entity denoted by the noun phrase, whereas the other concerns the restriction of the set of referents. The latter complex is related to the distinction between definite and indefinite noun phrases.The article also deals with the variation within and between Germanic and Romance noun phrases, showing how this variation may be explained on the basis of the preceding analysis. In particular, the different uses of definite and indefinite noun phrases are highlighted.
10
01
JB code
la.171.10bob
141
156
16
Article
10
01
Definite determiners in two English-based creoles
Specificity or definiteness?
1
A01
Ekaterina Bobyleva
Bobyleva, Ekaterina
Ekaterina
Bobyleva
University of Amsterdam
01
It has been repeatedly observed in the literature that unlike their European lexifiers, creoles do not mark definiteness categorically. The question addressed here is whether the distribution of overt definite determiners and bare definite NPs in two Atlantic English-based creoles, Jamaican and Sranan, can be accounted for in terms of the specificity constraint that underlies the determiner use in Gbe, one of their most important substrate languages. The data examined shows that definite determiners in the two creoles tend to follow the definiteness-based pattern. This suggests that English rather than Gbe played the most crucial role in the formation of the discourse-semantic and distributional properties of Jamaican and Sranan definite determiners. Bare definite NPs in the two creoles may occur when the referent is either unimportant or self-evident. Thus, determiner use in Jamaican and Sranan is sensitive not only to language-specific grammar rules but also to universally prominent pragmatic factors.
10
01
JB code
la.171.11pa2
Section header
11
01
Part II. Change
10
01
JB code
la.171.12luc
159
174
16
Article
12
01
Form-function mismatches in (formally) definite English noun phrases
Towards a diachronic account
1
A01
Christopher Lucas
Lucas, Christopher
Christopher
Lucas
School of Oriental and African Studies
01
This article discusses two classes of so-called ‘weak definites’, arguing that their (definite) form is misleading as to their (non-definite) semantics, and outlining a diachronic explanation for why each of these classes (observable in sentences such as <i>Let’s go to the pub</i> and <i>He came to the bank of a river</i>) should exhibit this particular form-function mismatch. For examples such as <i>the pub</i> the loss of an obligatorily definite interpretation is argued to be the result of a semantic reanalysis such that reference is no longer to a specific entity but to the activity conventionally associated with that entity. For examples such as <i>the bank of a river</i> the mismatch is argued to be a consequence of an incompatibility between the semantics of indefiniteness marking and the semantics of relational nouns, which arises when definiteness marking becomes obligatory in a language.
10
01
JB code
la.171.13cri
175
192
18
Article
13
01
The emergence of the definite article in English
The
emergence of the definite article in English
A contact-induced change?
1
A01
Paola Crisma
Crisma, Paola
Paola
Crisma
Università di Trieste
01
In this paper, based on quantitative evidence collected on the YCOE, I argue that the establishment of the definite article in English is no later than the last quarter of the 9th century, being regularly used in Old English prose of the ‘Alfredian’ period. This dating enables one to exclude the possibility that the levelling of inflections, the Norman invasion or the contact with the Danes might have played a role in introducing the definite article as an innovation, and leaves as the sole possible ‘external’ influence the Celtic substratum/adstratum.
10
01
JB code
la.171.14cor
193
222
30
Article
14
01
On the syntax of Romanian definite phrases
Changes in the patterns of definiteness checking
1
A01
Alexandra Cornilescu
Cornilescu, Alexandra
Alexandra
Cornilescu
University of Bucharest
2
A01
Alexandru Nicolae
Nicolae, Alexandru
Alexandru
Nicolae
“Iorgu Iordan - Al. Rosetti” Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest
01
We discuss a type of variation in the pattern of definiteness valuation in Old Romanian (XVIth to XVIIIth century), which has never been noticed before, and examine its significance for the evolution of the DP. In Old Romanian, the suffixed definite article variably occurs <i>either on the first or on a lower [+N] constituent</i> (noun or adjective), so that an indefinite adjective may precede the definite noun. In contrast, in Modern Romanian, it is always the first noun which bears the definite article, while, in case an adjective precedes the noun, the definite article occurs on the adjective. The existence of this lower (definite) article raises several questions (the contexts where it occurs, its significance for the emergence of the enclitic definite article, etc.), to which this paper provides tentative answers. We propose that the existence of a lower definite article combined with a tendency for economy made possible the extension of the use of the article to (pre‑nominal) adjectives, gradually leading to stricter conditions in the valuation of definiteness in Modern Romanian (Local Agree). At the same time, the lower article is evidence that the Romanian enclitic definite article originates in a post-posed demonstrative.
10
01
JB code
la.171.15mag
223
240
18
Article
15
01
Coexisting structures and competing functions in genitive word order
1
A01
Elisabetta Magni
Magni, Elisabetta
Elisabetta
Magni
University of Bologna
01
This paper examines the correlations between word order at the clause level and word order at the noun phrase level in languages with no dominant genitive order. In this perspective, the comparison between Latin and English is a revealing domain for investigating both synchronic variation and diachronic evolution. The analysis uses a functional-typological approach; the assumption is that coexisting and competing patterns, as well as regularities and irregularities in word order, can be analyzed through diachrony. Results show that (1) in both languages, structures developing from different sources are assigned different functions according to multiple processing factors; (2) the mechanisms of word order flexibility observed in Latin, <i>mutatis mutandis</i>, can provide some useful insights for English as well.
10
01
JB code
la.171.16vel
241
256
16
Article
16
01
Anaphoric adjectives becoming determiners
A corpus-based account
1
A01
Freek Van de Velde
Van de Velde, Freek
Freek
Van de Velde
Research Foundation FWO/University of Leuven
01
Standard accounts of determiners typically deal with the few well-known elements that fall under this category: articles, demonstratives, possessives and (some) quantifiers. It can be shown, however, that the determiner slot in Dutch can also be occupied by certain elements that do not regularly feature in reference grammars, namely the anaphoric adjectives like <i>voornoemd</i> (“aforementioned”). Their syntax is subject to variation in Present-day Dutch, and possibly to change as well: a corpus study reveals that they are increasingly used as unequivocal determiners, irrespective of their token frequency.
10
01
JB code
la.171.17dp
257
280
24
Article
17
01
From N to D
Charting the time course of the internal rise of French n-words
1
A01
Viviane Déprez
Déprez, Viviane
Viviane
Déprez
Rutgers University, L2C2, CNRS
01
Based on a thorough review of their feature make up and on novel diachronic data on their modification properties, this paper maps out the internal syntactic structure of French n-words and the historical time course of their internal rise within a nominal projection. It charts out precise steps that directly relate internal structural changes to corresponding changes in concord properties. Indirect modification with <i>autre</i> as in <i>rien d’autre</i> is shown to be an innovation of modern French that serves to provide a distinctive signature of the final morphosyntactic change of n-words into negative quantificational expressions. The evidence offered supports the hypothesis (Déprez 2000; Condoravdi & Kiparsky 2006) that it was change in the internal structure of n-words that determined the current properties of negative concord, not changes in the sentential negation marker, contra Zeijlstra (2004 and following work).
10
01
JB code
la.171.18ind
281
284
4
Miscellaneous
18
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20110216
2011
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027255549
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
jbe-platform.com
09
WORLD
21
01
00
99.00
EUR
R
01
00
83.00
GBP
Z
01
gen
00
149.00
USD
S
789008321
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 171 Hb
15
9789027255549
13
2010045313
BB
01
LA
02
0166-0829
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
171
01
The Noun Phrase in Romance and Germanic
The
Noun Phrase in Romance and Germanic
Structure, variation, and change
01
la.171
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.171
1
B01
Petra Sleeman
Sleeman, Petra
Petra
Sleeman
University of Amsterdam
2
B01
Harry Perridon
Perridon, Harry
Harry
Perridon
University of Amsterdam
01
eng
296
vii
283
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GERM
Germanic linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.HL
Historical linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
One of the recurrent questions in historical linguistics is to what extent languages can borrow grammar from other languages. It seems for instance hardly likely that each 'average European' language developed a definite article all by itself, without any influence from neighbouring languages. It is, on the other hand, by no means clear what exactly was borrowed, since the way in which definiteness is expressed differs greatly among the various Germanic and Romance languages and dialects. One of the main aims of this volume is to shed some light on the question of what is similar and what is different in the structure of the noun phrase of the various Romance and Germanic languages and dialects, and what causes this similarity or difference.
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.171.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027255549.jpg
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027255549.tif
06
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.171.hb.png
07
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.171.png
25
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.171.hb.png
27
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.171.hb.png
10
01
JB code
la.171.01for
vii
viii
2
Miscellaneous
1
01
Foreword
10
01
JB code
la.171.02per
1
22
22
Article
2
01
The noun phrase in Germanic and Romance
The
noun phrase in Germanic and Romance
Common developments and differences
1
A01
Harry Perridon
Perridon, Harry
Harry
Perridon
ACLC, University of Amsterdam
2
A01
Petra Sleeman
Sleeman, Petra
Petra
Sleeman
ACLC, University of Amsterdam
01
In this introductory chapter some of the main (dis)similarities in DP-syntax between the Germanic and Romance languages, as well as between the individual languages of each group, are explored. We take a look at the following subjects: (a) the ways in which the various languages express definiteness; (b) the position of adjectives; (c) the function of the weak declension of adjectives in Germanic; (d) the evolution of genitive equivalents; and (e) the emergence of determining possessives in Germanic. In each case we try to find out whether a given construction is inherited from the parent language or is an independent development in each of the languages or language groups. Special attention is paid to common developments after the languages split up into separate entities, since they might indicate some inherent properties of human language that restrict the way in which languages may develop.
10
01
JB code
la.171.03pa1
Section header
3
01
Part I. Variation
10
01
JB code
la.171.04ale
25
40
16
Article
4
01
Scaling the variation in Romance and Germanic nominalizations
1
A01
Artemis Alexiadou
Alexiadou, Artemis
Artemis
Alexiadou
Universität Stuttgart
2
A01
Gianina Iordachioaia
Iordachioaia, Gianina
Gianina
Iordachioaia
Universität Stuttgart
3
A01
Florian Schäfer
Schäfer, Florian
Florian
Schäfer
Universität Stuttgart
01
We investigate the distribution of verbal and nominal layers in Romance and Germanic nominalizations. Specifically, we examine pairs of ‘verbal’ vs. ‘nominal’ nominalizations in two Romance (Spanish & Romanian) and two Germanic (English & German) languages. Our study proposes a large spectrum of nominal and verbal properties. While these are differently instantiated among languages, the variation we find cannot be attributed to a Germanic vs. Romance parameter; instead, we find micro-variation constrained by the compatibility between the general building blocks of verbal and nominal categories. Besides the vP-layers responsible for argument structure and Aktionsart and the DP-layer responsible for the nominal external syntax, we make a case for further functional verbal and nominal layers in nominalizations: Asp(ect)P, Class(ifier)P, and Num(ber)P. These projections are in complementary distribution in some languages and co-occur in others.
10
01
JB code
la.171.05cir
41
56
16
Article
5
01
<i>What all</i> happens when a universal quantifier combines with an interrogative DP
1
A01
Robert Cirillo
Cirillo, Robert
Robert
Cirillo
01
Universal quantifiers such as <i>all</i> select a DP as their complement and can be ‘floated’ or ‘stranded’ by that DP, and in certain Germanic languages they can also co-occur with an interrogative DP. The purpose of this article is to investigate whether interrogative and non-interrogative DPs that co-occur with a universal quantifier in the Germanic languages have the same relationship to that quantifier and have gone through the same selection process. I begin with evidence from German that universal quantifiers can select and be stranded by interrogative as well as non-interrogative DPs, but I ultimately argue, going back to an analysis in Giusti (1990b), that a universal quantifier co-occurring with an interrogative is base-generated to the right of that interrogative, not to its left. I also propose that the formation of interrogative expressions involving universal quantifiers may take place in the syntax or in the lexicon, depending on the language.
10
01
JB code
la.171.06cor
57
88
32
Article
6
01
Micro-diversity in Dutch interrogative DPs
A case study on the (dis)continuous <i>wat</i> <i>voor</i> <i>’n</i> <i>N</i>-construction
1
A01
Norbert Corver
Corver, Norbert
Norbert
Corver
UiL-OTS, Utrecht University
2
A01
Marjo van Koppen
Koppen, Marjo van
Marjo
van
Koppen
UiL-OTS, Utrecht University
01
This paper presents a micro-comparative perspective on the Dutch <i>wat</i> <i>voor</i> <i>’n</i> <i>N</i>-construction (meaning: “what kind of N”). Besides a description of the various formal manifestations of this nominal construction as found intra-dialectally and cross-dialectally, an analysis is given of the dimensions of variation at the level of internal syntax and external syntax. As regards the external syntax, an analysis will be given of patterns that permit a split <i>wat</i> <i>voor</i> <i>’n</i> <i>N</i>-pattern and those that do not. An important outcome of our analysis will be that a uniform structural basis ‘underlies’ the different manifestations of the <i>wat</i> <i>voor</i> <i>’n</i> <i>N</i>-construction: more specifically, predication, configurationally defined as a DP-internal small clause structure, and predicate displacement.
10
01
JB code
la.171.07woo
89
110
22
Article
7
01
Noun phrase structure and movement
A cross-linguistic comparison of <i>such</i>/<i>sådan</i>/<i>solch</i> and <i>so</i>/<i>så</i>/<i>so</i>
1
A01
Johanna L. Wood
Wood, Johanna L.
Johanna L.
Wood
University of Aarhus
2
A01
Sten Vikner
Vikner, Sten
Sten
Vikner
University of Aarhus
01
We investigate the etymologically related words <i>so</i> and <i>such</i> (English); <i>så</i> and <i>sådan</i> (Danish); and <i>so</i> and <i>solch</i> (German). Similarities and differences that have to be accounted for cross-linguistically are i. position (pre- or post- indefinite article), ii. agreement morphology (in Danish and German), and iii. semantics (whether an AdjP or a DP/NP is modified). English and Danish <i>so/så</i> may only modify an AdjP, while German <i>so</i> may also modify the DP/NP. English <i>such</i> may only modify the DP/NP (Bolinger 1972, Wood 2002) and may only precede the indefinite article. Danish and German allow inflected <i>sådan/solch</i> to follow the article. We discuss two possible syntactic derivations, predicate raising (e.g. Corver 1998, Bennis, Corver & den Dikken 1998) and XP movement from an attributive adjective position within the nominal (e.g. Matushansky 2002). The analysis links up with the morphological agreement facts of predicate and of attributive adjectives in Danish and German (Vikner 2001).
10
01
JB code
la.171.08loh
111
126
16
Article
8
01
A unified structure for Scandinavian DPs
A
unified structure for Scandinavian DPs
1
A01
Susanne Lohrmann
Lohrmann, Susanne
Susanne
Lohrmann
Universität Stuttgart
01
This paper discusses doubling patterns of determiners in Scandinavian, the interaction between definite markers and adjectival inflection, and its effects on the structure of the DP. When an adjective precedes a definite noun an additional article is added preceding the adjective. This phenomenon has been referred to as ‘double definiteness’. Moreover, the adjective receives definite inflection so that the noun is actually defined three times. Questions arise as to the function of this multiple exponence of definiteness and the syntactic/semantic role of the morphemes involved. This article develops an account that argues for three components of definiteness in Scandinavian expressed by three distinct morphemes (the two articles and the adjectival inflection). The result is an analysis, based on the framework of Distributed Morphology, which captures the different realizations of definiteness in the Standard Scandinavian languages and which shows that multiple exponence in Scandinavian DPs evidently contributes to interpretation.
10
01
JB code
la.171.09str
127
140
14
Article
9
01
A semantic approach to noun phrase structure and the definite – indefinite distinction in Germanic and Romance
A
semantic approach to noun phrase structure and the definite – indefinite distinction in Germanic and Romance
1
A01
Ulla Stroh-Wollin
Stroh-Wollin, Ulla
Ulla
Stroh-Wollin
Department of Scandinavian Languages Uppsala University, Sweden
01
This article deals with the relation between the structure and the semantics of noun phrases. Two complexes of meaning are taken to be grammatically derived in noun phrases. One complex concerns the conceptualization of the entity denoted by the noun phrase, whereas the other concerns the restriction of the set of referents. The latter complex is related to the distinction between definite and indefinite noun phrases.The article also deals with the variation within and between Germanic and Romance noun phrases, showing how this variation may be explained on the basis of the preceding analysis. In particular, the different uses of definite and indefinite noun phrases are highlighted.
10
01
JB code
la.171.10bob
141
156
16
Article
10
01
Definite determiners in two English-based creoles
Specificity or definiteness?
1
A01
Ekaterina Bobyleva
Bobyleva, Ekaterina
Ekaterina
Bobyleva
University of Amsterdam
01
It has been repeatedly observed in the literature that unlike their European lexifiers, creoles do not mark definiteness categorically. The question addressed here is whether the distribution of overt definite determiners and bare definite NPs in two Atlantic English-based creoles, Jamaican and Sranan, can be accounted for in terms of the specificity constraint that underlies the determiner use in Gbe, one of their most important substrate languages. The data examined shows that definite determiners in the two creoles tend to follow the definiteness-based pattern. This suggests that English rather than Gbe played the most crucial role in the formation of the discourse-semantic and distributional properties of Jamaican and Sranan definite determiners. Bare definite NPs in the two creoles may occur when the referent is either unimportant or self-evident. Thus, determiner use in Jamaican and Sranan is sensitive not only to language-specific grammar rules but also to universally prominent pragmatic factors.
10
01
JB code
la.171.11pa2
Section header
11
01
Part II. Change
10
01
JB code
la.171.12luc
159
174
16
Article
12
01
Form-function mismatches in (formally) definite English noun phrases
Towards a diachronic account
1
A01
Christopher Lucas
Lucas, Christopher
Christopher
Lucas
School of Oriental and African Studies
01
This article discusses two classes of so-called ‘weak definites’, arguing that their (definite) form is misleading as to their (non-definite) semantics, and outlining a diachronic explanation for why each of these classes (observable in sentences such as <i>Let’s go to the pub</i> and <i>He came to the bank of a river</i>) should exhibit this particular form-function mismatch. For examples such as <i>the pub</i> the loss of an obligatorily definite interpretation is argued to be the result of a semantic reanalysis such that reference is no longer to a specific entity but to the activity conventionally associated with that entity. For examples such as <i>the bank of a river</i> the mismatch is argued to be a consequence of an incompatibility between the semantics of indefiniteness marking and the semantics of relational nouns, which arises when definiteness marking becomes obligatory in a language.
10
01
JB code
la.171.13cri
175
192
18
Article
13
01
The emergence of the definite article in English
The
emergence of the definite article in English
A contact-induced change?
1
A01
Paola Crisma
Crisma, Paola
Paola
Crisma
Università di Trieste
01
In this paper, based on quantitative evidence collected on the YCOE, I argue that the establishment of the definite article in English is no later than the last quarter of the 9th century, being regularly used in Old English prose of the ‘Alfredian’ period. This dating enables one to exclude the possibility that the levelling of inflections, the Norman invasion or the contact with the Danes might have played a role in introducing the definite article as an innovation, and leaves as the sole possible ‘external’ influence the Celtic substratum/adstratum.
10
01
JB code
la.171.14cor
193
222
30
Article
14
01
On the syntax of Romanian definite phrases
Changes in the patterns of definiteness checking
1
A01
Alexandra Cornilescu
Cornilescu, Alexandra
Alexandra
Cornilescu
University of Bucharest
2
A01
Alexandru Nicolae
Nicolae, Alexandru
Alexandru
Nicolae
“Iorgu Iordan - Al. Rosetti” Institute of Linguistics, Bucharest
01
We discuss a type of variation in the pattern of definiteness valuation in Old Romanian (XVIth to XVIIIth century), which has never been noticed before, and examine its significance for the evolution of the DP. In Old Romanian, the suffixed definite article variably occurs <i>either on the first or on a lower [+N] constituent</i> (noun or adjective), so that an indefinite adjective may precede the definite noun. In contrast, in Modern Romanian, it is always the first noun which bears the definite article, while, in case an adjective precedes the noun, the definite article occurs on the adjective. The existence of this lower (definite) article raises several questions (the contexts where it occurs, its significance for the emergence of the enclitic definite article, etc.), to which this paper provides tentative answers. We propose that the existence of a lower definite article combined with a tendency for economy made possible the extension of the use of the article to (pre‑nominal) adjectives, gradually leading to stricter conditions in the valuation of definiteness in Modern Romanian (Local Agree). At the same time, the lower article is evidence that the Romanian enclitic definite article originates in a post-posed demonstrative.
10
01
JB code
la.171.15mag
223
240
18
Article
15
01
Coexisting structures and competing functions in genitive word order
1
A01
Elisabetta Magni
Magni, Elisabetta
Elisabetta
Magni
University of Bologna
01
This paper examines the correlations between word order at the clause level and word order at the noun phrase level in languages with no dominant genitive order. In this perspective, the comparison between Latin and English is a revealing domain for investigating both synchronic variation and diachronic evolution. The analysis uses a functional-typological approach; the assumption is that coexisting and competing patterns, as well as regularities and irregularities in word order, can be analyzed through diachrony. Results show that (1) in both languages, structures developing from different sources are assigned different functions according to multiple processing factors; (2) the mechanisms of word order flexibility observed in Latin, <i>mutatis mutandis</i>, can provide some useful insights for English as well.
10
01
JB code
la.171.16vel
241
256
16
Article
16
01
Anaphoric adjectives becoming determiners
A corpus-based account
1
A01
Freek Van de Velde
Van de Velde, Freek
Freek
Van de Velde
Research Foundation FWO/University of Leuven
01
Standard accounts of determiners typically deal with the few well-known elements that fall under this category: articles, demonstratives, possessives and (some) quantifiers. It can be shown, however, that the determiner slot in Dutch can also be occupied by certain elements that do not regularly feature in reference grammars, namely the anaphoric adjectives like <i>voornoemd</i> (“aforementioned”). Their syntax is subject to variation in Present-day Dutch, and possibly to change as well: a corpus study reveals that they are increasingly used as unequivocal determiners, irrespective of their token frequency.
10
01
JB code
la.171.17dp
257
280
24
Article
17
01
From N to D
Charting the time course of the internal rise of French n-words
1
A01
Viviane Déprez
Déprez, Viviane
Viviane
Déprez
Rutgers University, L2C2, CNRS
01
Based on a thorough review of their feature make up and on novel diachronic data on their modification properties, this paper maps out the internal syntactic structure of French n-words and the historical time course of their internal rise within a nominal projection. It charts out precise steps that directly relate internal structural changes to corresponding changes in concord properties. Indirect modification with <i>autre</i> as in <i>rien d’autre</i> is shown to be an innovation of modern French that serves to provide a distinctive signature of the final morphosyntactic change of n-words into negative quantificational expressions. The evidence offered supports the hypothesis (Déprez 2000; Condoravdi & Kiparsky 2006) that it was change in the internal structure of n-words that determined the current properties of negative concord, not changes in the sentential negation marker, contra Zeijlstra (2004 and following work).
10
01
JB code
la.171.18ind
281
284
4
Miscellaneous
18
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
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