219-7677
10
7500817
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
201608250440
ONIX title feed
eng
01
EUR
34007323
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 200 Eb
15
9789027290632
06
10.1075/la.200
13
2012044690
DG
002
02
01
LA
02
0166-0829
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
200
01
Rightward Movement in a Comparative Perspective
01
la.200
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.200
1
B01
Gert Webelhuth
Webelhuth, Gert
Gert
Webelhuth
Goethe University Frankfurt am Main
2
B01
Manfred Sailer
Sailer, Manfred
Manfred
Sailer
Goethe University Frankfurt am Main
3
B01
Heike Walker
Walker, Heike
Heike
Walker
Goethe University Frankfurt am Main
01
eng
484
viii
476
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.CORP
Corpus linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.PSYLIN
Psycholinguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
This book represents the state of the art on rightward movement in one thematically coherent volume. It documents the growing importance of the combination of empirical and theoretical work in linguistic analysis. Several contributions argue that rightward movement is a means of reducing phonological or structural complexity. The inclusion of corpus data and psycholinguistic results confirms the Right Roof Constraint as a characteristic property of extraposition and argues for a reduced role of subsentential bounding nodes. The contributions also show that the phenomenon cannot be looked at from one module of grammar alone, but calls for an interaction of syntax, semantics, phonology, and discourse. The discussion of different languages such as English, German, Dutch, Italian, Italian Sign Language, Modern Greek, Uyghur, and Khalkha enhances our understanding of the complexity of the phenomenon. Finally, the analytic options of different frameworks are explored. The volume is of interest to students and researchers of syntax, semantics, psycholinguistics, and corpus linguistics.
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.200.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027255839.jpg
04
03
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027255839.tif
06
09
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https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.200.hb.png
07
09
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https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.200.png
25
09
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https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.200.hb.png
27
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.200.hb.png
10
01
JB code
la.200.01int
1
60
60
Miscellaneous
1
01
Introduction by the editors
10
01
JB code
la.200.02pa1
Section header
2
01
Part I. Empirical perspective
10
01
JB code
la.200.03bad
63
98
36
Article
3
01
Constraints on intra- and extraposition
1
A01
Markus Bader
Bader, Markus
Markus
Bader
Goethe University Frankfurt
2
A01
Jana Häussler
Häussler, Jana
Jana
Häussler
University of Potsdam
3
A01
Tanja Schmid
Schmid, Tanja
Tanja
Schmid
University of Konstanz
01
Complement clauses in German are subject to two conflicting requirements. First, the grammar requires complements to precede the clause-final verb. Second, considerations of parsing complexity require clausal complements to move rightward to a position following the clause-final verb, thereby avoiding center-embedding. We explore how the two major types of infinitival com­plement clauses – infinitival complements of modal and control verbs – be­have with regard to the tension created by these two conflicting requirements. Based on two grammaticality judgment experiments – one for each type of infinitival complementation – we argue that the observable pattern of intra-and extraposition, including certain mixed cases, is best understood as a grad­ual relaxation of the grammar-internal OV constraint in reaction to parsing pressure.
10
01
JB code
la.200.04str
99
144
46
Article
4
01
Subclausal locality constraints on relative clause extraposition
1
A01
Jan Strunk
Strunk, Jan
Jan
Strunk
Ruhr-Universität Bochum
2
A01
Neal Snider
Snider, Neal
Neal
Snider
Nuance Communications, Inc.
01
We argue, using corpus evidence from English and German, that extraposition does not obey subclausal locality constraints such as Subjacency (Chomsky 1973) and related proposals if these constraints are taken to be categorical constraints. We also present results from two ex­periments on locality and extraposition in English and German that are partly unexpected for these theoretical accounts of subclausal locality. However, we also demonstrate a robust but gradient effect of locality in a corpus study on German and a significant effect of subclausal local­ity on extraposition in another acceptability experiment. We conclude that locality constraints on extraposition are gradient and that syntactic locality should be seen in the context of processing factors such as de­pendency locality (Gibson 2000) and linear distance.
10
01
JB code
la.200.05wal
145
172
28
Article
5
01
Constraints on relative clause extraposition 
in English
An experimental investigation
1
A01
Heike Walker
Walker, Heike
Heike
Walker
Goethe University Frankfurt am Main
01
In this paper, I present a psycholinguistic experiment on relative clause extraposition in English. In the theoretical literature, it has frequently been claimed that the acceptability of relative clause extraposition decreases when the antecedent NP of the relative clause is definite (the definiteness restriction) and when the main verb of the sentence is not a verb of appearance (the predicate restriction). However, the literature also contains conflicting judgments, suggesting the need to test the acceptability of relative clause extraposition experimentally. Using the method of thermometer judgments (Featherston 2007) to elicit acceptability judgments, I provide evidence that objectively and reliably corroborates the definiteness restriction and the predicate restriction. Additionally, I show that the grammatical function of the antecedent NP has an effect on the acceptability of relative clause extraposition only when verbs other than verbs of appearance are used in the sentence.
10
01
JB code
la.200.06pa2
Section header
6
01
Part II. The Minimalist Perspective
10
01
JB code
la.200.07ozt
175
210
36
Article
7
01
Rightward movement, EPP and specifiers
Evidence from Uyghur and Khalkha
1
A01
Balkız Öztürk
Öztürk, Balkız
Balkız
Öztürk
Bogaziçi University
01
This study investigates whether rightward movement can be an option for the derivation of postverbal constituents. By focusing on two lesser-studied members of the Altaic group, namely Uyghur and Khalkha, we will show that the derivation of postverbal constituents is not a cross-linguistically uniform phenomenon. Postverbal constituents in Uyghur behave fully in parallel to leftward scrambled elements, thus, their derivation requires rightward movement. Postverbal elements in Khalkha, on the other hand, are not parts of the sentence they adjoin to but belong to a second sentence, which is subject to phonological deletion under identity to the first sentence. We will further argue that the reason for this asymmetry follows from the parametric nature of EPP effects observed in both languages.
10
01
JB code
la.200.08ger
211
242
32
Article
8
01
Neglected cases of rightward movement
When wh-phrases and negative quantifiers go to the right
1
A01
Carlo Geraci
Geraci, Carlo
Carlo
Geraci
Institut Jean-Nicod, CNRS
2
A01
Carlo Cecchetto
Cecchetto, Carlo
Carlo
Cecchetto
Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca
01
We show that sign languages admit genuine cases of rightward movement in the domain of wh-phrases and negative quantifiers, instantiating the mirror image of spoken languages in which wh-phrases and negative quantifiers overtly move leftward. The pattern emerging from Italian Sign Language (LIS), American Sign Language (ASL) and Indo-Pakistani Sign Language (IPSL) opens intriguing questions concerning the role of language external factors influencing the final shape of languages at the articulatory-perceptual interface. According to the account offered here, language external factors, in accordance with the Processing-to-Grammar Correspondence Hypothesis, actively interact with language specific rules and configurations, determined by the parameters of Universal Grammar.
10
01
JB code
la.200.09che
243
280
38
Article
9
01
Rightward movement from a different perspective
1
A01
Cristiano Chesi
Chesi, Cristiano
Cristiano
Chesi
University of Siena
01
A left-to-right (Phillips 1996) top-down (Chesi 2004, 2007) Minimalist Grammar is a generative procedure that operates on lexical items of a given language using minimalist structure building operations in order to isolate the best possible approximation of the (infinite) set of well-formed linguistic expressions of this language. In such a framework, all long-distance dependencies are “rightward” dependencies; given that the dependency trigger must be found first (e.g. in A′ dependencies, any DP/QP argument in a pre-verbal position is a dependency trigger), then the dependent (possibly non-local) constituent must be unambiguously identified (e.g. the selecting verbal head). Using a memory buffer (a well-known computational device) to store and retrieve constituents in a principled order/way so as to deal with long distance dependencies, we can correctly characterize standard (successive cyclic) movement, islandhood (Chesi 2004, 2007), parasitic gap constructions (Bianchi & Chesi 2008), quantifier raising (Bianchi & Chesi 2010) and A-binding (Bianchi 2009). In this paper, I will show that classic rightward movements such as Extraposition and Heavy NP-Shift can also be accommodated, cross-linguistically, in such a framework, thus maintaining discrimination of special properties (i.e. clause-boundedness, adjunct/argument asymmetries with respect to movement directionality, and the definiteness constraint) that make Extraposition and Heavy NP-Shift peculiar compared to standard “leftward” movement.
10
01
JB code
la.200.10klu
281
318
38
Article
10
01
Cumulative rightward processes
1
A01
Marlies Kluck
Kluck, Marlies
Marlies
Kluck
University of Groningen
2
A01
Mark de Vries
Vries, Mark de
Mark
de
Vries
University of Groningen
01
Extraposition and right node raising (RNR) can interact in two ways: from a descriptive point of view, the result of each can be used as input for the other. Embedding of the former process or configuration inside the latter explains apparent violations of the right periphery condition associated with RNR. The reverse leads to right-peripheral material that is distributively linked to conjoined or insubordinated parts within the relevant clause. We argue for a multidominance approach to RNR and a specifying coordination approach to extraposition, and we show that these theories can be combined in the way empirically required. We also indicate what this amounts to in a bottom-up derivation. Data are drawn from Dutch primarily, with some confirmation from English and German.
10
01
JB code
la.200.11pa3
Section header
11
01
Part III. Other Theoretical Perspectives
10
01
JB code
la.200.12gre
321
368
48
Article
12
01
A dynamic perspective on left-right asymmetries
A
dynamic perspective on left-right asymmetries
<i>CLLD</i> and <i>Clitic doubling</i> in Greek
1
A01
Eleni Gregoromichelaki
Gregoromichelaki, Eleni
Eleni
Gregoromichelaki
King’s College London
01
Various intepretational effects and structural restrictions can be observed in the phenomenon of the duplication of arguments <i>(doubling)</i> by clitics in lan­guages like Modern Greek. The fact that some of these restrictions operate apparently differentially depending on whether the doubled argument occurs in the left or the right periphery have led to the postulation of two supposedly dis­tinct phenomena: <i>CLLD</i> (Clitic Left Dislocation: left periphery, unbounded) vs. <i>Clitic Doubling</i> (ClD: right periphery, clause bound). We examine these left-right asymmetries from the perspective of <i>Dynamic Syntax</i> (DS), a grammar formal­ism which reflects directly the dynamics of incrementally mapping a string of words to a semantic representation. Because in DS no separate level of syn­tactic representation is assumed, many standard structural constraints emerge as epiphenomenal and rather attributable to the timing of the construction process and its interaction with the context of utterance. For example, the <i>Right Roof Constraint,</i> a phenomenon which appears to require proliferation of otherwise unmotivated functional projections with attendant leftward movement (Kayne 1994), emerges in DS as an immediate consequence of the fact that interpretational processes at early stages may assign underspecified structure/content with delayed construal while interpretational processes at the closing stages may not (as a result of the independently motivated <i>compositionality</i> requirement). In a similar vein, the current account of left-right asymmetries in the occurrence of clitics exploits the DS mechanisms to derive a non-ambiguity account of clitics in all their occurrences, with variation explicable from the availability of multi­ple strategies interacting in the construction of semantic structure: the range of effects results from the distinct stages during processing when the clitic or the doubled DP make their contribution to the resulting representation. Besides aim­ing at a reduction in explanatory levels of representation, the account also aims to demonstrate the benefits of including, as part of the grammar, the parsing dy­namics of how context-dependent interpretations are built up incrementally.
10
01
JB code
la.200.13cry
369
396
28
Article
13
01
On the locality of complement clause and relative clause extraposition
1
A01
Berthold Crysmann
Crysmann, Berthold
Berthold
Crysmann
CNRS, Laboratoire de linguistique formelle, Paris Diderot
01
In this paper, I shall discuss the locality restrictions of complement clause versus relative clause extraposition, contributing to a recent debate on the (non)locality of complement extraposition in German (Kiss 2005; Müller 2004). Based on an in-depth reexamination of the main evidence, I shall conclude that nonlocal complement extraposi­tion from deeply embedded complex NPs is possible in general, but differs from relative clause extraposition with respect to the semantic and prosodic licensing required. Together with the observation that the two constructions differ also with respect to adjunct islands and that extraposed relative clauses can attach to split antecedents, I shall conclude that relative clause extraposition is best conceived of as an anaphoric process, whereas nonlocal complement extraposition shares a great degree of similarity with leftward movement from NP.Finally, I shall provide a formal analysis of the two extraposition types that synthesises Kiss’s anaphoric approach to relative clause extraposition with Keller’s (1995) movement approach: Using a single percolation mechanism, common properties of both constructions can easily be captured, while differences in locality are accounted for by imposing different constraints on the amount of information being percolated.
10
01
JB code
la.200.14pa4
Section header
14
01
Part IV. The Prosodic Perspective
10
01
JB code
la.200.15gob
399
438
40
Article
15
01
Extraposition of defocused and light PPs 
in English
1
A01
Edward Göbbel
Göbbel, Edward
Edward
Göbbel
University of Wuppertal
01
This paper discusses three types of PP extraposition, namely, extraposition in focus-neutral contexts and extraposition of defocused and prosodically deficient PPs. The focus of the paper lies on prosodic properties of defocused and clitical PPs. I argue and discuss evidence that extraposition is phonologically conditioned and occurs at PF. Particularly, extraposition in neutral contexts is a consequence of the interaction of phonological interface constraints that are independently needed for prosodic phrasing. The account of extraposition of defocused PPs exploits the relation between accentuation and focus structure, with the result that defocused constituents are moved into the postnuclear stretch, where they can be completely deaccented. Finally, a constraint requiring exhaustive parsing of postlexical material forces prosodically deficient PPs to either cliticise onto an adjacent prosodic word or move away from it.
10
01
JB code
la.200.16har
439
472
34
Article
16
01
Prosodic constraints on extraposition 
in German
1
A01
Katharina Hartmann
Hartmann, Katharina
Katharina
Hartmann
Universität Wien
01
This article contributes to a better understanding of the syntax-phonology interface. It offers a prosodic trigger for extraposition which accounts for the following asymmetry: While extraposition of subject, adjunct and attributive clauses is optional in German, object clauses must appear in the right periphery of the clause. It is argued that the constituents following an object clause in its preverbal base-position cannot be a parsed into phonological phrases. Such a configuration causes a defective prosodic clause structure. This deficiency is resolved by extraposition, which derives a structure where the formerly unparsed constituents now incorporate into the preceding prosodic constituent. Extraposition is thus considered a last resort strategy.
10
01
JB code
la.200.17ind
473
476
4
Miscellaneous
17
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20130716
2013
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027255839
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
jbe-platform.com
09
WORLD
21
01
00
105.00
EUR
R
01
00
88.00
GBP
Z
01
gen
00
158.00
USD
S
113007322
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 200 Hb
15
9789027255839
13
2012044690
BB
01
LA
02
0166-0829
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
200
01
Rightward Movement in a Comparative Perspective
01
la.200
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.200
1
B01
Gert Webelhuth
Webelhuth, Gert
Gert
Webelhuth
Goethe University Frankfurt am Main
2
B01
Manfred Sailer
Sailer, Manfred
Manfred
Sailer
Goethe University Frankfurt am Main
3
B01
Heike Walker
Walker, Heike
Heike
Walker
Goethe University Frankfurt am Main
01
eng
484
viii
476
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.CORP
Corpus linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.PSYLIN
Psycholinguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
This book represents the state of the art on rightward movement in one thematically coherent volume. It documents the growing importance of the combination of empirical and theoretical work in linguistic analysis. Several contributions argue that rightward movement is a means of reducing phonological or structural complexity. The inclusion of corpus data and psycholinguistic results confirms the Right Roof Constraint as a characteristic property of extraposition and argues for a reduced role of subsentential bounding nodes. The contributions also show that the phenomenon cannot be looked at from one module of grammar alone, but calls for an interaction of syntax, semantics, phonology, and discourse. The discussion of different languages such as English, German, Dutch, Italian, Italian Sign Language, Modern Greek, Uyghur, and Khalkha enhances our understanding of the complexity of the phenomenon. Finally, the analytic options of different frameworks are explored. The volume is of interest to students and researchers of syntax, semantics, psycholinguistics, and corpus linguistics.
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.200.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027255839.jpg
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027255839.tif
06
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.200.hb.png
07
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.200.png
25
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.200.hb.png
27
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.200.hb.png
10
01
JB code
la.200.01int
1
60
60
Miscellaneous
1
01
Introduction by the editors
10
01
JB code
la.200.02pa1
Section header
2
01
Part I. Empirical perspective
10
01
JB code
la.200.03bad
63
98
36
Article
3
01
Constraints on intra- and extraposition
1
A01
Markus Bader
Bader, Markus
Markus
Bader
Goethe University Frankfurt
2
A01
Jana Häussler
Häussler, Jana
Jana
Häussler
University of Potsdam
3
A01
Tanja Schmid
Schmid, Tanja
Tanja
Schmid
University of Konstanz
01
Complement clauses in German are subject to two conflicting requirements. First, the grammar requires complements to precede the clause-final verb. Second, considerations of parsing complexity require clausal complements to move rightward to a position following the clause-final verb, thereby avoiding center-embedding. We explore how the two major types of infinitival com­plement clauses – infinitival complements of modal and control verbs – be­have with regard to the tension created by these two conflicting requirements. Based on two grammaticality judgment experiments – one for each type of infinitival complementation – we argue that the observable pattern of intra-and extraposition, including certain mixed cases, is best understood as a grad­ual relaxation of the grammar-internal OV constraint in reaction to parsing pressure.
10
01
JB code
la.200.04str
99
144
46
Article
4
01
Subclausal locality constraints on relative clause extraposition
1
A01
Jan Strunk
Strunk, Jan
Jan
Strunk
Ruhr-Universität Bochum
2
A01
Neal Snider
Snider, Neal
Neal
Snider
Nuance Communications, Inc.
01
We argue, using corpus evidence from English and German, that extraposition does not obey subclausal locality constraints such as Subjacency (Chomsky 1973) and related proposals if these constraints are taken to be categorical constraints. We also present results from two ex­periments on locality and extraposition in English and German that are partly unexpected for these theoretical accounts of subclausal locality. However, we also demonstrate a robust but gradient effect of locality in a corpus study on German and a significant effect of subclausal local­ity on extraposition in another acceptability experiment. We conclude that locality constraints on extraposition are gradient and that syntactic locality should be seen in the context of processing factors such as de­pendency locality (Gibson 2000) and linear distance.
10
01
JB code
la.200.05wal
145
172
28
Article
5
01
Constraints on relative clause extraposition 
in English
An experimental investigation
1
A01
Heike Walker
Walker, Heike
Heike
Walker
Goethe University Frankfurt am Main
01
In this paper, I present a psycholinguistic experiment on relative clause extraposition in English. In the theoretical literature, it has frequently been claimed that the acceptability of relative clause extraposition decreases when the antecedent NP of the relative clause is definite (the definiteness restriction) and when the main verb of the sentence is not a verb of appearance (the predicate restriction). However, the literature also contains conflicting judgments, suggesting the need to test the acceptability of relative clause extraposition experimentally. Using the method of thermometer judgments (Featherston 2007) to elicit acceptability judgments, I provide evidence that objectively and reliably corroborates the definiteness restriction and the predicate restriction. Additionally, I show that the grammatical function of the antecedent NP has an effect on the acceptability of relative clause extraposition only when verbs other than verbs of appearance are used in the sentence.
10
01
JB code
la.200.06pa2
Section header
6
01
Part II. The Minimalist Perspective
10
01
JB code
la.200.07ozt
175
210
36
Article
7
01
Rightward movement, EPP and specifiers
Evidence from Uyghur and Khalkha
1
A01
Balkız Öztürk
Öztürk, Balkız
Balkız
Öztürk
Bogaziçi University
01
This study investigates whether rightward movement can be an option for the derivation of postverbal constituents. By focusing on two lesser-studied members of the Altaic group, namely Uyghur and Khalkha, we will show that the derivation of postverbal constituents is not a cross-linguistically uniform phenomenon. Postverbal constituents in Uyghur behave fully in parallel to leftward scrambled elements, thus, their derivation requires rightward movement. Postverbal elements in Khalkha, on the other hand, are not parts of the sentence they adjoin to but belong to a second sentence, which is subject to phonological deletion under identity to the first sentence. We will further argue that the reason for this asymmetry follows from the parametric nature of EPP effects observed in both languages.
10
01
JB code
la.200.08ger
211
242
32
Article
8
01
Neglected cases of rightward movement
When wh-phrases and negative quantifiers go to the right
1
A01
Carlo Geraci
Geraci, Carlo
Carlo
Geraci
Institut Jean-Nicod, CNRS
2
A01
Carlo Cecchetto
Cecchetto, Carlo
Carlo
Cecchetto
Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca
01
We show that sign languages admit genuine cases of rightward movement in the domain of wh-phrases and negative quantifiers, instantiating the mirror image of spoken languages in which wh-phrases and negative quantifiers overtly move leftward. The pattern emerging from Italian Sign Language (LIS), American Sign Language (ASL) and Indo-Pakistani Sign Language (IPSL) opens intriguing questions concerning the role of language external factors influencing the final shape of languages at the articulatory-perceptual interface. According to the account offered here, language external factors, in accordance with the Processing-to-Grammar Correspondence Hypothesis, actively interact with language specific rules and configurations, determined by the parameters of Universal Grammar.
10
01
JB code
la.200.09che
243
280
38
Article
9
01
Rightward movement from a different perspective
1
A01
Cristiano Chesi
Chesi, Cristiano
Cristiano
Chesi
University of Siena
01
A left-to-right (Phillips 1996) top-down (Chesi 2004, 2007) Minimalist Grammar is a generative procedure that operates on lexical items of a given language using minimalist structure building operations in order to isolate the best possible approximation of the (infinite) set of well-formed linguistic expressions of this language. In such a framework, all long-distance dependencies are “rightward” dependencies; given that the dependency trigger must be found first (e.g. in A′ dependencies, any DP/QP argument in a pre-verbal position is a dependency trigger), then the dependent (possibly non-local) constituent must be unambiguously identified (e.g. the selecting verbal head). Using a memory buffer (a well-known computational device) to store and retrieve constituents in a principled order/way so as to deal with long distance dependencies, we can correctly characterize standard (successive cyclic) movement, islandhood (Chesi 2004, 2007), parasitic gap constructions (Bianchi & Chesi 2008), quantifier raising (Bianchi & Chesi 2010) and A-binding (Bianchi 2009). In this paper, I will show that classic rightward movements such as Extraposition and Heavy NP-Shift can also be accommodated, cross-linguistically, in such a framework, thus maintaining discrimination of special properties (i.e. clause-boundedness, adjunct/argument asymmetries with respect to movement directionality, and the definiteness constraint) that make Extraposition and Heavy NP-Shift peculiar compared to standard “leftward” movement.
10
01
JB code
la.200.10klu
281
318
38
Article
10
01
Cumulative rightward processes
1
A01
Marlies Kluck
Kluck, Marlies
Marlies
Kluck
University of Groningen
2
A01
Mark de Vries
Vries, Mark de
Mark
de
Vries
University of Groningen
01
Extraposition and right node raising (RNR) can interact in two ways: from a descriptive point of view, the result of each can be used as input for the other. Embedding of the former process or configuration inside the latter explains apparent violations of the right periphery condition associated with RNR. The reverse leads to right-peripheral material that is distributively linked to conjoined or insubordinated parts within the relevant clause. We argue for a multidominance approach to RNR and a specifying coordination approach to extraposition, and we show that these theories can be combined in the way empirically required. We also indicate what this amounts to in a bottom-up derivation. Data are drawn from Dutch primarily, with some confirmation from English and German.
10
01
JB code
la.200.11pa3
Section header
11
01
Part III. Other Theoretical Perspectives
10
01
JB code
la.200.12gre
321
368
48
Article
12
01
A dynamic perspective on left-right asymmetries
A
dynamic perspective on left-right asymmetries
<i>CLLD</i> and <i>Clitic doubling</i> in Greek
1
A01
Eleni Gregoromichelaki
Gregoromichelaki, Eleni
Eleni
Gregoromichelaki
King’s College London
01
Various intepretational effects and structural restrictions can be observed in the phenomenon of the duplication of arguments <i>(doubling)</i> by clitics in lan­guages like Modern Greek. The fact that some of these restrictions operate apparently differentially depending on whether the doubled argument occurs in the left or the right periphery have led to the postulation of two supposedly dis­tinct phenomena: <i>CLLD</i> (Clitic Left Dislocation: left periphery, unbounded) vs. <i>Clitic Doubling</i> (ClD: right periphery, clause bound). We examine these left-right asymmetries from the perspective of <i>Dynamic Syntax</i> (DS), a grammar formal­ism which reflects directly the dynamics of incrementally mapping a string of words to a semantic representation. Because in DS no separate level of syn­tactic representation is assumed, many standard structural constraints emerge as epiphenomenal and rather attributable to the timing of the construction process and its interaction with the context of utterance. For example, the <i>Right Roof Constraint,</i> a phenomenon which appears to require proliferation of otherwise unmotivated functional projections with attendant leftward movement (Kayne 1994), emerges in DS as an immediate consequence of the fact that interpretational processes at early stages may assign underspecified structure/content with delayed construal while interpretational processes at the closing stages may not (as a result of the independently motivated <i>compositionality</i> requirement). In a similar vein, the current account of left-right asymmetries in the occurrence of clitics exploits the DS mechanisms to derive a non-ambiguity account of clitics in all their occurrences, with variation explicable from the availability of multi­ple strategies interacting in the construction of semantic structure: the range of effects results from the distinct stages during processing when the clitic or the doubled DP make their contribution to the resulting representation. Besides aim­ing at a reduction in explanatory levels of representation, the account also aims to demonstrate the benefits of including, as part of the grammar, the parsing dy­namics of how context-dependent interpretations are built up incrementally.
10
01
JB code
la.200.13cry
369
396
28
Article
13
01
On the locality of complement clause and relative clause extraposition
1
A01
Berthold Crysmann
Crysmann, Berthold
Berthold
Crysmann
CNRS, Laboratoire de linguistique formelle, Paris Diderot
01
In this paper, I shall discuss the locality restrictions of complement clause versus relative clause extraposition, contributing to a recent debate on the (non)locality of complement extraposition in German (Kiss 2005; Müller 2004). Based on an in-depth reexamination of the main evidence, I shall conclude that nonlocal complement extraposi­tion from deeply embedded complex NPs is possible in general, but differs from relative clause extraposition with respect to the semantic and prosodic licensing required. Together with the observation that the two constructions differ also with respect to adjunct islands and that extraposed relative clauses can attach to split antecedents, I shall conclude that relative clause extraposition is best conceived of as an anaphoric process, whereas nonlocal complement extraposition shares a great degree of similarity with leftward movement from NP.Finally, I shall provide a formal analysis of the two extraposition types that synthesises Kiss’s anaphoric approach to relative clause extraposition with Keller’s (1995) movement approach: Using a single percolation mechanism, common properties of both constructions can easily be captured, while differences in locality are accounted for by imposing different constraints on the amount of information being percolated.
10
01
JB code
la.200.14pa4
Section header
14
01
Part IV. The Prosodic Perspective
10
01
JB code
la.200.15gob
399
438
40
Article
15
01
Extraposition of defocused and light PPs 
in English
1
A01
Edward Göbbel
Göbbel, Edward
Edward
Göbbel
University of Wuppertal
01
This paper discusses three types of PP extraposition, namely, extraposition in focus-neutral contexts and extraposition of defocused and prosodically deficient PPs. The focus of the paper lies on prosodic properties of defocused and clitical PPs. I argue and discuss evidence that extraposition is phonologically conditioned and occurs at PF. Particularly, extraposition in neutral contexts is a consequence of the interaction of phonological interface constraints that are independently needed for prosodic phrasing. The account of extraposition of defocused PPs exploits the relation between accentuation and focus structure, with the result that defocused constituents are moved into the postnuclear stretch, where they can be completely deaccented. Finally, a constraint requiring exhaustive parsing of postlexical material forces prosodically deficient PPs to either cliticise onto an adjacent prosodic word or move away from it.
10
01
JB code
la.200.16har
439
472
34
Article
16
01
Prosodic constraints on extraposition 
in German
1
A01
Katharina Hartmann
Hartmann, Katharina
Katharina
Hartmann
Universität Wien
01
This article contributes to a better understanding of the syntax-phonology interface. It offers a prosodic trigger for extraposition which accounts for the following asymmetry: While extraposition of subject, adjunct and attributive clauses is optional in German, object clauses must appear in the right periphery of the clause. It is argued that the constituents following an object clause in its preverbal base-position cannot be a parsed into phonological phrases. Such a configuration causes a defective prosodic clause structure. This deficiency is resolved by extraposition, which derives a structure where the formerly unparsed constituents now incorporate into the preceding prosodic constituent. Extraposition is thus considered a last resort strategy.
10
01
JB code
la.200.17ind
473
476
4
Miscellaneous
17
01
Index
02
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2013
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