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34007323 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 200 Eb 15 9789027290632 06 10.1075/la.200 13 2012044690 DG 002 02 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 200 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Rightward Movement in a Comparative Perspective</TitleText> 01 la.200 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.200 1 B01 Gert Webelhuth Webelhuth, Gert Gert Webelhuth Goethe University Frankfurt am Main 2 B01 Manfred Sailer Sailer, Manfred Manfred Sailer Goethe University Frankfurt am Main 3 B01 Heike Walker Walker, Heike Heike Walker Goethe University Frankfurt am Main 01 eng 484 viii 476 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.CORP Corpus linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.PSYLIN Psycholinguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book represents the state of the art on rightward movement in one thematically coherent volume. It documents the growing importance of the combination of empirical and theoretical work in linguistic analysis. Several contributions argue that rightward movement is a means of reducing phonological or structural complexity. The inclusion of corpus data and psycholinguistic results confirms the Right Roof Constraint as a characteristic property of extraposition and argues for a reduced role of subsentential bounding nodes. The contributions also show that the phenomenon cannot be looked at from one module of grammar alone, but calls for an interaction of syntax, semantics, phonology, and discourse. The discussion of different languages such as English, German, Dutch, Italian, Italian Sign Language, Modern Greek, Uyghur, and Khalkha enhances our understanding of the complexity of the phenomenon. Finally, the analytic options of different frameworks are explored. The volume is of interest to students and researchers of syntax, semantics, psycholinguistics, and corpus linguistics. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.200.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027255839.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027255839.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.200.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.200.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.200.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.200.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.200.01int 1 60 60 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction by the editors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.200.02pa1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Empirical perspective</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.200.03bad 63 98 36 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Constraints on intra- and extraposition</TitleText> 1 A01 Markus Bader Bader, Markus Markus Bader Goethe University Frankfurt 2 A01 Jana Häussler Häussler, Jana Jana Häussler University of Potsdam 3 A01 Tanja Schmid Schmid, Tanja Tanja Schmid University of Konstanz 01 Complement clauses in German are subject to two conflicting requirements. First, the grammar requires complements to precede the clause-final verb. Second, considerations of parsing complexity require clausal complements to move rightward to a position following the clause-final verb, thereby avoiding center-embedding. We explore how the two major types of infinitival com&#173;plement clauses &#8211; infinitival complements of modal and control verbs &#8211; be&#173;have with regard to the tension created by these two conflicting requirements. Based on two grammaticality judgment experiments &#8211; one for each type of infinitival complementation &#8211; we argue that the observable pattern of intra-and extraposition, including certain mixed cases, is best understood as a grad&#173;ual relaxation of the grammar-internal OV constraint in reaction to parsing pressure. 10 01 JB code la.200.04str 99 144 46 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subclausal locality constraints on relative clause extraposition</TitleText> 1 A01 Jan Strunk Strunk, Jan Jan Strunk Ruhr-Universität Bochum 2 A01 Neal Snider Snider, Neal Neal Snider Nuance Communications, Inc. 01 We argue, using corpus evidence from English and German, that extraposition does not obey subclausal locality constraints such as Subjacency (Chomsky 1973) and related proposals if these constraints are taken to be categorical constraints. We also present results from two ex&#173;periments on locality and extraposition in English and German that are partly unexpected for these theoretical accounts of subclausal locality. However, we also demonstrate a robust but gradient effect of locality in a corpus study on German and a significant effect of subclausal local&#173;ity on extraposition in another acceptability experiment. We conclude that locality constraints on extraposition are gradient and that syntactic locality should be seen in the context of processing factors such as de&#173;pendency locality (Gibson 2000) and linear distance. 10 01 JB code la.200.05wal 145 172 28 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Constraints on relative clause extraposition &#8232;in English</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">An experimental investigation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Heike Walker Walker, Heike Heike Walker Goethe University Frankfurt am Main 01 In this paper, I present a psycholinguistic experiment on relative clause extraposition in English. In the theoretical literature, it has frequently been claimed that the acceptability of relative clause extraposition decreases when the antecedent NP of the relative clause is definite (the definiteness restriction) and when the main verb of the sentence is not a verb of appearance (the predicate restriction). However, the literature also contains conflicting judgments, suggesting the need to test the acceptability of relative clause extraposition experimentally. Using the method of thermometer judgments (Featherston 2007) to elicit acceptability judgments, I provide evidence that objectively and reliably corroborates the definiteness restriction and the predicate restriction. Additionally, I show that the grammatical function of the antecedent NP has an effect on the acceptability of relative clause extraposition only when verbs other than verbs of appearance are used in the sentence. 10 01 JB code la.200.06pa2 Section header 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. The Minimalist Perspective</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.200.07ozt 175 210 36 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Rightward movement, EPP and specifiers</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Evidence from Uyghur and Khalkha</Subtitle> 1 A01 Balkız Öztürk Öztürk, Balkız Balkız Öztürk Bogaziçi University 01 This study investigates whether rightward movement can be an option for the derivation of postverbal constituents. By focusing on two lesser-studied members of the Altaic group, namely Uyghur and Khalkha, we will show that the derivation of postverbal constituents is not a cross-linguistically uniform phenomenon. Postverbal constituents in Uyghur behave fully in parallel to leftward scrambled elements, thus, their derivation requires rightward movement. Postverbal elements in Khalkha, on the other hand, are not parts of the sentence they adjoin to but belong to a second sentence, which is subject to phonological deletion under identity to the first sentence. We will further argue that the reason for this asymmetry follows from the parametric nature of EPP effects observed in both languages. 10 01 JB code la.200.08ger 211 242 32 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Neglected cases of rightward movement</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">When wh-phrases and negative quantifiers go to the right</Subtitle> 1 A01 Carlo Geraci Geraci, Carlo Carlo Geraci Institut Jean-Nicod, CNRS 2 A01 Carlo Cecchetto Cecchetto, Carlo Carlo Cecchetto Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca 01 We show that sign languages admit genuine cases of rightward movement in the domain of wh-phrases and negative quantifiers, instantiating the mirror image of spoken languages in which wh-phrases and negative quantifiers overtly move leftward. The pattern emerging from Italian Sign Language (LIS), American Sign Language (ASL) and Indo-Pakistani Sign Language (IPSL) opens intriguing questions concerning the role of language external factors influencing the final shape of languages at the articulatory-perceptual interface. According to the account offered here, language external factors, in accordance with the Processing-to-Grammar Correspondence Hypothesis, actively interact with language specific rules and configurations, determined by the parameters of Universal Grammar. 10 01 JB code la.200.09che 243 280 38 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Rightward movement from a different perspective</TitleText> 1 A01 Cristiano Chesi Chesi, Cristiano Cristiano Chesi University of Siena 01 A left-to-right (Phillips 1996) top-down (Chesi 2004, 2007) Minimalist Grammar is a generative procedure that operates on lexical items of a given language using minimalist structure building operations in order to isolate the best possible approximation of the (infinite) set of well-formed linguistic expressions of this language. In such a framework, all long-distance dependencies are &#8220;rightward&#8221; dependencies; given that the dependency trigger must be found first (e.g. in A&#8242; dependencies, any DP/QP argument in a pre-verbal position is a dependency trigger), then the dependent (possibly non-local) constituent must be unambiguously identified (e.g. the selecting verbal head). Using a memory buffer (a well-known computational device) to store and retrieve constituents in a principled order/way so as to deal with long distance dependencies, we can correctly characterize standard (successive cyclic) movement, islandhood (Chesi 2004, 2007), parasitic gap constructions (Bianchi &#38; Chesi 2008), quantifier raising (Bianchi &#38; Chesi 2010) and A-binding (Bianchi 2009). In this paper, I will show that classic rightward movements such as Extraposition and Heavy NP-Shift can also be accommodated, cross-linguistically, in such a framework, thus maintaining discrimination of special properties (i.e. clause-boundedness, adjunct/argument asymmetries with respect to movement directionality, and the definiteness constraint) that make Extraposition and Heavy NP-Shift peculiar compared to standard &#8220;leftward&#8221; movement. 10 01 JB code la.200.10klu 281 318 38 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cumulative rightward processes</TitleText> 1 A01 Marlies Kluck Kluck, Marlies Marlies Kluck University of Groningen 2 A01 Mark de Vries Vries, Mark de Mark de Vries University of Groningen 01 Extraposition and right node raising (RNR) can interact in two ways: from a descriptive point of view, the result of each can be used as input for the other. Embedding of the former process or configuration inside the latter explains apparent violations of the right periphery condition associated with RNR. The reverse leads to right-peripheral material that is distributively linked to conjoined or insubordinated parts within the relevant clause. We argue for a multidominance approach to RNR and a specifying coordination approach to extraposition, and we show that these theories can be combined in the way empirically required. We also indicate what this amounts to in a bottom-up derivation. Data are drawn from Dutch primarily, with some confirmation from English and German. 10 01 JB code la.200.11pa3 Section header 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Other Theoretical Perspectives</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.200.12gre 321 368 48 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A dynamic perspective on left-right asymmetries</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">dynamic perspective on left-right asymmetries</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02"><i>CLLD</i> and <i>Clitic doubling</i> in Greek</Subtitle> 1 A01 Eleni Gregoromichelaki Gregoromichelaki, Eleni Eleni Gregoromichelaki King’s College London 01 Various intepretational effects and structural restrictions can be observed in the phenomenon of the duplication of arguments <i>(doubling)</i> by clitics in lan&#173;guages like Modern Greek. The fact that some of these restrictions operate apparently differentially depending on whether the doubled argument occurs in the left or the right periphery have led to the postulation of two supposedly dis&#173;tinct phenomena: <i>CLLD</i> (Clitic Left Dislocation: left periphery, unbounded) vs. <i>Clitic Doubling</i> (ClD: right periphery, clause bound). We examine these left-right asymmetries from the perspective of <i>Dynamic Syntax</i> (DS), a grammar formal&#173;ism which reflects directly the dynamics of incrementally mapping a string of words to a semantic representation. Because in DS no separate level of syn&#173;tactic representation is assumed, many standard structural constraints emerge as epiphenomenal and rather attributable to the timing of the construction process and its interaction with the context of utterance. For example, the <i>Right Roof Constraint,</i> a phenomenon which appears to require proliferation of otherwise unmotivated functional projections with attendant leftward movement (Kayne 1994), emerges in DS as an immediate consequence of the fact that interpretational processes at early stages may assign underspecified structure/content with delayed construal while interpretational processes at the closing stages may not (as a result of the independently motivated <i>compositionality</i> requirement). In a similar vein, the current account of left-right asymmetries in the occurrence of clitics exploits the DS mechanisms to derive a non-ambiguity account of clitics in all their occurrences, with variation explicable from the availability of multi&#173;ple strategies interacting in the construction of semantic structure: the range of effects results from the distinct stages during processing when the clitic or the doubled DP make their contribution to the resulting representation. Besides aim&#173;ing at a reduction in explanatory levels of representation, the account also aims to demonstrate the benefits of including, as part of the grammar, the parsing dy&#173;namics of how context-dependent interpretations are built up incrementally. 10 01 JB code la.200.13cry 369 396 28 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the locality of complement clause and relative clause extraposition</TitleText> 1 A01 Berthold Crysmann Crysmann, Berthold Berthold Crysmann CNRS, Laboratoire de linguistique formelle, Paris Diderot 01 In this paper, I shall discuss the locality restrictions of complement clause versus relative clause extraposition, contributing to a recent debate on the (non)locality of complement extraposition in German (Kiss 2005; M&#252;ller 2004). Based on an in-depth reexamination of the main evidence, I shall conclude that nonlocal complement extraposi&#173;tion from deeply embedded complex NPs is possible in general, but differs from relative clause extraposition with respect to the semantic and prosodic licensing required. Together with the observation that the two constructions differ also with respect to adjunct islands and that extraposed relative clauses can attach to split antecedents, I shall conclude that relative clause extraposition is best conceived of as an anaphoric process, whereas nonlocal complement extraposition shares a great degree of similarity with leftward movement from NP.Finally, I shall provide a formal analysis of the two extraposition types that synthesises Kiss&#8217;s anaphoric approach to relative clause extraposition with Keller&#8217;s (1995) movement approach: Using a single percolation mechanism, common properties of both constructions can easily be captured, while differences in locality are accounted for by imposing different constraints on the amount of information being percolated. 10 01 JB code la.200.14pa4 Section header 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part IV. The Prosodic Perspective</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.200.15gob 399 438 40 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Extraposition of defocused and light PPs &#8232;in English</TitleText> 1 A01 Edward Göbbel Göbbel, Edward Edward Göbbel University of Wuppertal 01 This paper discusses three types of PP extraposition, namely, extraposition in focus-neutral contexts and extraposition of defocused and prosodically deficient PPs. The focus of the paper lies on prosodic properties of defocused and clitical PPs. I argue and discuss evidence that extraposition is phonologically conditioned and occurs at PF. Particularly, extraposition in neutral contexts is a consequence of the interaction of phonological interface constraints that are independently needed for prosodic phrasing. The account of extraposition of defocused PPs exploits the relation between accentuation and focus structure, with the result that defocused constituents are moved into the postnuclear stretch, where they can be completely deaccented. Finally, a constraint requiring exhaustive parsing of postlexical material forces prosodically deficient PPs to either cliticise onto an adjacent prosodic word or move away from it. 10 01 JB code la.200.16har 439 472 34 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Prosodic constraints on extraposition &#8232;in German</TitleText> 1 A01 Katharina Hartmann Hartmann, Katharina Katharina Hartmann Universität Wien 01 This article contributes to a better understanding of the syntax-phonology interface. It offers a prosodic trigger for extraposition which accounts for the following asymmetry: While extraposition of subject, adjunct and attributive clauses is optional in German, object clauses must appear in the right periphery of the clause. It is argued that the constituents following an object clause in its preverbal base-position cannot be a parsed into phonological phrases. Such a configuration causes a defective prosodic clause structure. This deficiency is resolved by extraposition, which derives a structure where the formerly unparsed constituents now incorporate into the preceding prosodic constituent. Extraposition is thus considered a last resort strategy. 10 01 JB code la.200.17ind 473 476 4 Miscellaneous 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20130716 2013 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027255839 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 105.00 EUR R 01 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 158.00 USD S 113007322 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 200 Hb 15 9789027255839 13 2012044690 BB 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 200 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Rightward Movement in a Comparative Perspective</TitleText> 01 la.200 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.200 1 B01 Gert Webelhuth Webelhuth, Gert Gert Webelhuth Goethe University Frankfurt am Main 2 B01 Manfred Sailer Sailer, Manfred Manfred Sailer Goethe University Frankfurt am Main 3 B01 Heike Walker Walker, Heike Heike Walker Goethe University Frankfurt am Main 01 eng 484 viii 476 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.CORP Corpus linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.PSYLIN Psycholinguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book represents the state of the art on rightward movement in one thematically coherent volume. It documents the growing importance of the combination of empirical and theoretical work in linguistic analysis. Several contributions argue that rightward movement is a means of reducing phonological or structural complexity. The inclusion of corpus data and psycholinguistic results confirms the Right Roof Constraint as a characteristic property of extraposition and argues for a reduced role of subsentential bounding nodes. The contributions also show that the phenomenon cannot be looked at from one module of grammar alone, but calls for an interaction of syntax, semantics, phonology, and discourse. The discussion of different languages such as English, German, Dutch, Italian, Italian Sign Language, Modern Greek, Uyghur, and Khalkha enhances our understanding of the complexity of the phenomenon. Finally, the analytic options of different frameworks are explored. The volume is of interest to students and researchers of syntax, semantics, psycholinguistics, and corpus linguistics. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.200.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027255839.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027255839.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.200.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.200.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.200.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.200.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.200.01int 1 60 60 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction by the editors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.200.02pa1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Empirical perspective</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.200.03bad 63 98 36 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Constraints on intra- and extraposition</TitleText> 1 A01 Markus Bader Bader, Markus Markus Bader Goethe University Frankfurt 2 A01 Jana Häussler Häussler, Jana Jana Häussler University of Potsdam 3 A01 Tanja Schmid Schmid, Tanja Tanja Schmid University of Konstanz 01 Complement clauses in German are subject to two conflicting requirements. First, the grammar requires complements to precede the clause-final verb. Second, considerations of parsing complexity require clausal complements to move rightward to a position following the clause-final verb, thereby avoiding center-embedding. We explore how the two major types of infinitival com&#173;plement clauses &#8211; infinitival complements of modal and control verbs &#8211; be&#173;have with regard to the tension created by these two conflicting requirements. Based on two grammaticality judgment experiments &#8211; one for each type of infinitival complementation &#8211; we argue that the observable pattern of intra-and extraposition, including certain mixed cases, is best understood as a grad&#173;ual relaxation of the grammar-internal OV constraint in reaction to parsing pressure. 10 01 JB code la.200.04str 99 144 46 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subclausal locality constraints on relative clause extraposition</TitleText> 1 A01 Jan Strunk Strunk, Jan Jan Strunk Ruhr-Universität Bochum 2 A01 Neal Snider Snider, Neal Neal Snider Nuance Communications, Inc. 01 We argue, using corpus evidence from English and German, that extraposition does not obey subclausal locality constraints such as Subjacency (Chomsky 1973) and related proposals if these constraints are taken to be categorical constraints. We also present results from two ex&#173;periments on locality and extraposition in English and German that are partly unexpected for these theoretical accounts of subclausal locality. However, we also demonstrate a robust but gradient effect of locality in a corpus study on German and a significant effect of subclausal local&#173;ity on extraposition in another acceptability experiment. We conclude that locality constraints on extraposition are gradient and that syntactic locality should be seen in the context of processing factors such as de&#173;pendency locality (Gibson 2000) and linear distance. 10 01 JB code la.200.05wal 145 172 28 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Constraints on relative clause extraposition &#8232;in English</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">An experimental investigation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Heike Walker Walker, Heike Heike Walker Goethe University Frankfurt am Main 01 In this paper, I present a psycholinguistic experiment on relative clause extraposition in English. In the theoretical literature, it has frequently been claimed that the acceptability of relative clause extraposition decreases when the antecedent NP of the relative clause is definite (the definiteness restriction) and when the main verb of the sentence is not a verb of appearance (the predicate restriction). However, the literature also contains conflicting judgments, suggesting the need to test the acceptability of relative clause extraposition experimentally. Using the method of thermometer judgments (Featherston 2007) to elicit acceptability judgments, I provide evidence that objectively and reliably corroborates the definiteness restriction and the predicate restriction. Additionally, I show that the grammatical function of the antecedent NP has an effect on the acceptability of relative clause extraposition only when verbs other than verbs of appearance are used in the sentence. 10 01 JB code la.200.06pa2 Section header 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. The Minimalist Perspective</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.200.07ozt 175 210 36 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Rightward movement, EPP and specifiers</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Evidence from Uyghur and Khalkha</Subtitle> 1 A01 Balkız Öztürk Öztürk, Balkız Balkız Öztürk Bogaziçi University 01 This study investigates whether rightward movement can be an option for the derivation of postverbal constituents. By focusing on two lesser-studied members of the Altaic group, namely Uyghur and Khalkha, we will show that the derivation of postverbal constituents is not a cross-linguistically uniform phenomenon. Postverbal constituents in Uyghur behave fully in parallel to leftward scrambled elements, thus, their derivation requires rightward movement. Postverbal elements in Khalkha, on the other hand, are not parts of the sentence they adjoin to but belong to a second sentence, which is subject to phonological deletion under identity to the first sentence. We will further argue that the reason for this asymmetry follows from the parametric nature of EPP effects observed in both languages. 10 01 JB code la.200.08ger 211 242 32 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Neglected cases of rightward movement</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">When wh-phrases and negative quantifiers go to the right</Subtitle> 1 A01 Carlo Geraci Geraci, Carlo Carlo Geraci Institut Jean-Nicod, CNRS 2 A01 Carlo Cecchetto Cecchetto, Carlo Carlo Cecchetto Università degli Studi di Milano-Bicocca 01 We show that sign languages admit genuine cases of rightward movement in the domain of wh-phrases and negative quantifiers, instantiating the mirror image of spoken languages in which wh-phrases and negative quantifiers overtly move leftward. The pattern emerging from Italian Sign Language (LIS), American Sign Language (ASL) and Indo-Pakistani Sign Language (IPSL) opens intriguing questions concerning the role of language external factors influencing the final shape of languages at the articulatory-perceptual interface. According to the account offered here, language external factors, in accordance with the Processing-to-Grammar Correspondence Hypothesis, actively interact with language specific rules and configurations, determined by the parameters of Universal Grammar. 10 01 JB code la.200.09che 243 280 38 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Rightward movement from a different perspective</TitleText> 1 A01 Cristiano Chesi Chesi, Cristiano Cristiano Chesi University of Siena 01 A left-to-right (Phillips 1996) top-down (Chesi 2004, 2007) Minimalist Grammar is a generative procedure that operates on lexical items of a given language using minimalist structure building operations in order to isolate the best possible approximation of the (infinite) set of well-formed linguistic expressions of this language. In such a framework, all long-distance dependencies are &#8220;rightward&#8221; dependencies; given that the dependency trigger must be found first (e.g. in A&#8242; dependencies, any DP/QP argument in a pre-verbal position is a dependency trigger), then the dependent (possibly non-local) constituent must be unambiguously identified (e.g. the selecting verbal head). Using a memory buffer (a well-known computational device) to store and retrieve constituents in a principled order/way so as to deal with long distance dependencies, we can correctly characterize standard (successive cyclic) movement, islandhood (Chesi 2004, 2007), parasitic gap constructions (Bianchi &#38; Chesi 2008), quantifier raising (Bianchi &#38; Chesi 2010) and A-binding (Bianchi 2009). In this paper, I will show that classic rightward movements such as Extraposition and Heavy NP-Shift can also be accommodated, cross-linguistically, in such a framework, thus maintaining discrimination of special properties (i.e. clause-boundedness, adjunct/argument asymmetries with respect to movement directionality, and the definiteness constraint) that make Extraposition and Heavy NP-Shift peculiar compared to standard &#8220;leftward&#8221; movement. 10 01 JB code la.200.10klu 281 318 38 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cumulative rightward processes</TitleText> 1 A01 Marlies Kluck Kluck, Marlies Marlies Kluck University of Groningen 2 A01 Mark de Vries Vries, Mark de Mark de Vries University of Groningen 01 Extraposition and right node raising (RNR) can interact in two ways: from a descriptive point of view, the result of each can be used as input for the other. Embedding of the former process or configuration inside the latter explains apparent violations of the right periphery condition associated with RNR. The reverse leads to right-peripheral material that is distributively linked to conjoined or insubordinated parts within the relevant clause. We argue for a multidominance approach to RNR and a specifying coordination approach to extraposition, and we show that these theories can be combined in the way empirically required. We also indicate what this amounts to in a bottom-up derivation. Data are drawn from Dutch primarily, with some confirmation from English and German. 10 01 JB code la.200.11pa3 Section header 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Other Theoretical Perspectives</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.200.12gre 321 368 48 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A dynamic perspective on left-right asymmetries</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">dynamic perspective on left-right asymmetries</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02"><i>CLLD</i> and <i>Clitic doubling</i> in Greek</Subtitle> 1 A01 Eleni Gregoromichelaki Gregoromichelaki, Eleni Eleni Gregoromichelaki King’s College London 01 Various intepretational effects and structural restrictions can be observed in the phenomenon of the duplication of arguments <i>(doubling)</i> by clitics in lan&#173;guages like Modern Greek. The fact that some of these restrictions operate apparently differentially depending on whether the doubled argument occurs in the left or the right periphery have led to the postulation of two supposedly dis&#173;tinct phenomena: <i>CLLD</i> (Clitic Left Dislocation: left periphery, unbounded) vs. <i>Clitic Doubling</i> (ClD: right periphery, clause bound). We examine these left-right asymmetries from the perspective of <i>Dynamic Syntax</i> (DS), a grammar formal&#173;ism which reflects directly the dynamics of incrementally mapping a string of words to a semantic representation. Because in DS no separate level of syn&#173;tactic representation is assumed, many standard structural constraints emerge as epiphenomenal and rather attributable to the timing of the construction process and its interaction with the context of utterance. For example, the <i>Right Roof Constraint,</i> a phenomenon which appears to require proliferation of otherwise unmotivated functional projections with attendant leftward movement (Kayne 1994), emerges in DS as an immediate consequence of the fact that interpretational processes at early stages may assign underspecified structure/content with delayed construal while interpretational processes at the closing stages may not (as a result of the independently motivated <i>compositionality</i> requirement). In a similar vein, the current account of left-right asymmetries in the occurrence of clitics exploits the DS mechanisms to derive a non-ambiguity account of clitics in all their occurrences, with variation explicable from the availability of multi&#173;ple strategies interacting in the construction of semantic structure: the range of effects results from the distinct stages during processing when the clitic or the doubled DP make their contribution to the resulting representation. Besides aim&#173;ing at a reduction in explanatory levels of representation, the account also aims to demonstrate the benefits of including, as part of the grammar, the parsing dy&#173;namics of how context-dependent interpretations are built up incrementally. 10 01 JB code la.200.13cry 369 396 28 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the locality of complement clause and relative clause extraposition</TitleText> 1 A01 Berthold Crysmann Crysmann, Berthold Berthold Crysmann CNRS, Laboratoire de linguistique formelle, Paris Diderot 01 In this paper, I shall discuss the locality restrictions of complement clause versus relative clause extraposition, contributing to a recent debate on the (non)locality of complement extraposition in German (Kiss 2005; M&#252;ller 2004). Based on an in-depth reexamination of the main evidence, I shall conclude that nonlocal complement extraposi&#173;tion from deeply embedded complex NPs is possible in general, but differs from relative clause extraposition with respect to the semantic and prosodic licensing required. Together with the observation that the two constructions differ also with respect to adjunct islands and that extraposed relative clauses can attach to split antecedents, I shall conclude that relative clause extraposition is best conceived of as an anaphoric process, whereas nonlocal complement extraposition shares a great degree of similarity with leftward movement from NP.Finally, I shall provide a formal analysis of the two extraposition types that synthesises Kiss&#8217;s anaphoric approach to relative clause extraposition with Keller&#8217;s (1995) movement approach: Using a single percolation mechanism, common properties of both constructions can easily be captured, while differences in locality are accounted for by imposing different constraints on the amount of information being percolated. 10 01 JB code la.200.14pa4 Section header 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part IV. The Prosodic Perspective</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.200.15gob 399 438 40 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Extraposition of defocused and light PPs &#8232;in English</TitleText> 1 A01 Edward Göbbel Göbbel, Edward Edward Göbbel University of Wuppertal 01 This paper discusses three types of PP extraposition, namely, extraposition in focus-neutral contexts and extraposition of defocused and prosodically deficient PPs. The focus of the paper lies on prosodic properties of defocused and clitical PPs. I argue and discuss evidence that extraposition is phonologically conditioned and occurs at PF. Particularly, extraposition in neutral contexts is a consequence of the interaction of phonological interface constraints that are independently needed for prosodic phrasing. The account of extraposition of defocused PPs exploits the relation between accentuation and focus structure, with the result that defocused constituents are moved into the postnuclear stretch, where they can be completely deaccented. Finally, a constraint requiring exhaustive parsing of postlexical material forces prosodically deficient PPs to either cliticise onto an adjacent prosodic word or move away from it. 10 01 JB code la.200.16har 439 472 34 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Prosodic constraints on extraposition &#8232;in German</TitleText> 1 A01 Katharina Hartmann Hartmann, Katharina Katharina Hartmann Universität Wien 01 This article contributes to a better understanding of the syntax-phonology interface. It offers a prosodic trigger for extraposition which accounts for the following asymmetry: While extraposition of subject, adjunct and attributive clauses is optional in German, object clauses must appear in the right periphery of the clause. It is argued that the constituents following an object clause in its preverbal base-position cannot be a parsed into phonological phrases. Such a configuration causes a defective prosodic clause structure. This deficiency is resolved by extraposition, which derives a structure where the formerly unparsed constituents now incorporate into the preceding prosodic constituent. Extraposition is thus considered a last resort strategy. 10 01 JB code la.200.17ind 473 476 4 Miscellaneous 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20130716 2013 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 975 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 31 14 01 02 JB 1 00 105.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 111.30 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 14 02 02 JB 1 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 14 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 158.00 USD