This paper reviews the differences between predicational and specificational copular sentences in the realm of (pseudo-)cleft constructions, and proposes an analysis which treats the it of specificational it-clefts as a pro-predicate that inverts with its subject in the course of the syntactic derivation. In contrastive-focus it-clefts, the sentence-final relative clause is a right-dislocated headless relative dependent on a formal licensing relationship with the operator inside the relative clause and a content-licensing relationship with the focus. This dual licensing dependency explains the restrictions on the distribution of which as the relative clause operator in contrastive-focus it-clefts. Continuous-topic it-clefts are structurally assimilated to pseudorelative constructions, which accounts for the restrictions on the realisation of the left periphery of their relative clause. Keywords: it-cleft; predication; specification; headless relative; asyndetic specification
Wh-questions are formed on clefts in many Austronesian languages, a fact which is generally assumed to be related to their verb-initial basic word order. What is less clear is the precise relationship between verb-initial word order and the cleft strategy for questions. This paper proposes that the derivation of clefts is parallel to the derivation of basic word order in VOS languages. The absolutive DP is analyzed as a topic and moves to the left periphery of the clause. Following this, the remnant clause is fronted to a higher focus position. I further show how this parallelism accounts for certain distinguishing characteristics of clefts in Austronesian languages. Keywords: Cleft; wh-question; verb-initial word order; predicate-fronting; Austronesian
This paper proposes an interface approach to (pseudo)cleft constructions, in which their semantic, syntactic, discourse and intonational properties are examined in a cross-linguistic perspective. Following most influential studies, the relevant constructions are analyzed as specificational copular sentences, in which the two major constituents – a (free) relative DP and the (to be) focused phrase – are merged in a SC structure. However, based on formal evidence and discourse considerations, we take the clefted constituent to be merged as the predicate of the relevant construction, thus departing from the general view. Finally, (pseudo)clefts are also shown to imply a Topic strategy. This proposal is substantiated by intonational investigation, showing a crucial correlation between tonal events and the information-structural articulation activated by clefting. Keywords: Focus; interface; (pseudo)clefts; specificational copular sentences; (different types of) Topic(s)
In this paper, we argue that clefts in Zulu have a bipartite structure: a copular sentence with an adjoined DP/clause. This structure accounts for the prosody of clefts. Each constituent is parsed into a separate Intonation Phrase by the independently motivated phrasing algorithm of Zulu. It also accounts for the syntactic properties of Zulu clefts. We further argue that the nature of agreement in Zulu copular sentences support a pronominal predicate analysis. Keywords: Prosody of clefts; copular sentences; pronominal predicate
In this paper I argue against both ‘specificational’ and ‘expletive’ analyses of English clefts. I provide new evidence that the cleft pronoun it is non-expletive, and that the cleft clause is interpreted as a discontinuous definite description with it, as under specificational analyses. On the other hand, I argue that specificational analyses are mistaken in positing a syntactic modification relationship between the cleft clause and it. Rather, the evidence shows that the cleft clause behaves in all relevant ways as if it is a syntactic modifier of the clefted XP. Keywords: cleft constructions; relative clauses; copular sentences; definite descriptions.
This paper examines the structure and derivation of cleft clauses in the Atlantic language Wolof, which possesses distinct clefts for subjects and nonsubjects. I argue that the clefts are based on two syntactically distinct copular constructions. In the subject cleft, the copula occurs with a TPstructure. In the nonsubject cleft, the copula occurs with a CPlike structure. In terms of derivation, I argue that Wolof clefts involve overt movement of the clefted constituent, not base generation. I show that Wolof clefts are islandsensitive using general and Wolofspecific tests. I then present evidence from a number of reconstruction tests that converge on the conclusion that clefted items in Wolof undergo A’movement. Keywords: A’- movement; wh-movement; reconstruction; copula; cleft; focus; left periphery; Niger-Congo; Atlantic
The information structure of English cleft sentences is discussed. A cleft sentence divides a proposition into two parts, which are interpreted as an exhaustive focus and a pragmatic presupposition. These two semantic components can be flexibly mapped onto the information structure categories of topic and comment to arrive at comment-topic (‘stressed focus’) clefts and topic-comment (‘informative presupposition’) clefts. Clefts thus introduce a cleft focus or even a pair of foci constructionally. They also exhibit an assertive (comment) focus, which may or may not correspond to the cleft focus. While only exclusive focus particles can associate with the cleft focus, additive and scalar focus particles can associate with the assertive focus in the cleft clause, thus giving rise to additional cleft sentences containing multiple instances of focus. Keywords: cleft; focus; presupposition; topic
This paper attempts to look into Malayalam where both Identificational Focus and Information Focus are overtly represented. With the help of diagnostic tests for exhaustivity the paper argues that clefts in the language encode Exhaustive Identificational Focus. It has been shown by Jayaseelan (2001) that there is a Focus position above vP and below IP. It is argued here that while the language encodes Information Focus in this preverbal lower Focus position, Exhaustive Focus involves a higher C- level Focus position, thus manifesting different types of Focus in different domains. Keywords: Focus; recursion; exhaustivity; new information
Wh-questions in Malayalam are usually clefts, with the wh-phrase occupying the cleft focus. An alternative to clefting the wh-element is to cleft the whole clause containing the wh. When there are multiple wh-phrases in the embedded clause, however, the only option is to cleft the embedded clause wholesale. Another interesting observation is that when there is potential scope ambiguity involving, say, a time adverbial like eppooL ‘when’, clefting of the whole clause versus clefting of the time adverbial is being resorted to as a means to disambiguate. The paper shows that a two-way distinction of languages, namely those which are wh-in-situ and those which are not, will not do justice to the array of facts, and that a more nuanced typological account is called for. Keywords: Clefts; wh-in-situ; scope ambiguity; question interpretation
The article presents the first comparative overview and analysis of clefting and related focusing strategies involving clauses with nominalizers in three (South) East Asian languages: Japanese, Burmese, and Mandarin Chinese. The three languages exhibit parametric variation as to whether focusing requires the overt partitioning into a focused cleft constituent and a background clause with a nominalizer (Mandarin) or not (Japanese, Burmese). A major finding is that syntactic partitioning is brought about in two different ways in the languages under discussion: Base-generated clefts (Japanese, Burmese) vs. movement clefts (Japanese, Mandarin). Semantically, cleft structures come with an exhaustive interpretation in all three languages. We hypothesize that, crosslinguistically, syntactic partitioning is a necessary, though not a sufficient condition for exhaustiveness effects with focus. Keywords: Cleft; exhaustiveness; partitioning; shì…de-cleft; nominalizer; East Asian; South East Asian; Mandarin Chinese; Burmese; Japanese
This paper investigates the licensing of infinitival subject relative clauses by clefted constituents. It is claimed that in Italian clefted constituents license infinitival subject relatives because in this language clefts function as contrastive foci. This claim is supported by the syntactic analysis of the position of clefted constituents that license infinitival subject relatives in Italian. It is argued that they occupy a left-peripheral Focus position in the clause. On the basis of extraction data, it is argued that the infinitival subject relative itself is a complement. Keywords: cleft; infinitival relative clause; contrastive focus; Italian; left-periphery
This paper reviews the differences between predicational and specificational copular sentences in the realm of (pseudo-)cleft constructions, and proposes an analysis which treats the it of specificational it-clefts as a pro-predicate that inverts with its subject in the course of the syntactic derivation. In contrastive-focus it-clefts, the sentence-final relative clause is a right-dislocated headless relative dependent on a formal licensing relationship with the operator inside the relative clause and a content-licensing relationship with the focus. This dual licensing dependency explains the restrictions on the distribution of which as the relative clause operator in contrastive-focus it-clefts. Continuous-topic it-clefts are structurally assimilated to pseudorelative constructions, which accounts for the restrictions on the realisation of the left periphery of their relative clause. Keywords: it-cleft; predication; specification; headless relative; asyndetic specification
Wh-questions are formed on clefts in many Austronesian languages, a fact which is generally assumed to be related to their verb-initial basic word order. What is less clear is the precise relationship between verb-initial word order and the cleft strategy for questions. This paper proposes that the derivation of clefts is parallel to the derivation of basic word order in VOS languages. The absolutive DP is analyzed as a topic and moves to the left periphery of the clause. Following this, the remnant clause is fronted to a higher focus position. I further show how this parallelism accounts for certain distinguishing characteristics of clefts in Austronesian languages. Keywords: Cleft; wh-question; verb-initial word order; predicate-fronting; Austronesian
This paper proposes an interface approach to (pseudo)cleft constructions, in which their semantic, syntactic, discourse and intonational properties are examined in a cross-linguistic perspective. Following most influential studies, the relevant constructions are analyzed as specificational copular sentences, in which the two major constituents – a (free) relative DP and the (to be) focused phrase – are merged in a SC structure. However, based on formal evidence and discourse considerations, we take the clefted constituent to be merged as the predicate of the relevant construction, thus departing from the general view. Finally, (pseudo)clefts are also shown to imply a Topic strategy. This proposal is substantiated by intonational investigation, showing a crucial correlation between tonal events and the information-structural articulation activated by clefting. Keywords: Focus; interface; (pseudo)clefts; specificational copular sentences; (different types of) Topic(s)
In this paper, we argue that clefts in Zulu have a bipartite structure: a copular sentence with an adjoined DP/clause. This structure accounts for the prosody of clefts. Each constituent is parsed into a separate Intonation Phrase by the independently motivated phrasing algorithm of Zulu. It also accounts for the syntactic properties of Zulu clefts. We further argue that the nature of agreement in Zulu copular sentences support a pronominal predicate analysis. Keywords: Prosody of clefts; copular sentences; pronominal predicate
In this paper I argue against both ‘specificational’ and ‘expletive’ analyses of English clefts. I provide new evidence that the cleft pronoun it is non-expletive, and that the cleft clause is interpreted as a discontinuous definite description with it, as under specificational analyses. On the other hand, I argue that specificational analyses are mistaken in positing a syntactic modification relationship between the cleft clause and it. Rather, the evidence shows that the cleft clause behaves in all relevant ways as if it is a syntactic modifier of the clefted XP. Keywords: cleft constructions; relative clauses; copular sentences; definite descriptions.
This paper examines the structure and derivation of cleft clauses in the Atlantic language Wolof, which possesses distinct clefts for subjects and nonsubjects. I argue that the clefts are based on two syntactically distinct copular constructions. In the subject cleft, the copula occurs with a TPstructure. In the nonsubject cleft, the copula occurs with a CPlike structure. In terms of derivation, I argue that Wolof clefts involve overt movement of the clefted constituent, not base generation. I show that Wolof clefts are islandsensitive using general and Wolofspecific tests. I then present evidence from a number of reconstruction tests that converge on the conclusion that clefted items in Wolof undergo A’movement. Keywords: A’- movement; wh-movement; reconstruction; copula; cleft; focus; left periphery; Niger-Congo; Atlantic
The information structure of English cleft sentences is discussed. A cleft sentence divides a proposition into two parts, which are interpreted as an exhaustive focus and a pragmatic presupposition. These two semantic components can be flexibly mapped onto the information structure categories of topic and comment to arrive at comment-topic (‘stressed focus’) clefts and topic-comment (‘informative presupposition’) clefts. Clefts thus introduce a cleft focus or even a pair of foci constructionally. They also exhibit an assertive (comment) focus, which may or may not correspond to the cleft focus. While only exclusive focus particles can associate with the cleft focus, additive and scalar focus particles can associate with the assertive focus in the cleft clause, thus giving rise to additional cleft sentences containing multiple instances of focus. Keywords: cleft; focus; presupposition; topic
This paper attempts to look into Malayalam where both Identificational Focus and Information Focus are overtly represented. With the help of diagnostic tests for exhaustivity the paper argues that clefts in the language encode Exhaustive Identificational Focus. It has been shown by Jayaseelan (2001) that there is a Focus position above vP and below IP. It is argued here that while the language encodes Information Focus in this preverbal lower Focus position, Exhaustive Focus involves a higher C- level Focus position, thus manifesting different types of Focus in different domains. Keywords: Focus; recursion; exhaustivity; new information
Wh-questions in Malayalam are usually clefts, with the wh-phrase occupying the cleft focus. An alternative to clefting the wh-element is to cleft the whole clause containing the wh. When there are multiple wh-phrases in the embedded clause, however, the only option is to cleft the embedded clause wholesale. Another interesting observation is that when there is potential scope ambiguity involving, say, a time adverbial like eppooL ‘when’, clefting of the whole clause versus clefting of the time adverbial is being resorted to as a means to disambiguate. The paper shows that a two-way distinction of languages, namely those which are wh-in-situ and those which are not, will not do justice to the array of facts, and that a more nuanced typological account is called for. Keywords: Clefts; wh-in-situ; scope ambiguity; question interpretation
The article presents the first comparative overview and analysis of clefting and related focusing strategies involving clauses with nominalizers in three (South) East Asian languages: Japanese, Burmese, and Mandarin Chinese. The three languages exhibit parametric variation as to whether focusing requires the overt partitioning into a focused cleft constituent and a background clause with a nominalizer (Mandarin) or not (Japanese, Burmese). A major finding is that syntactic partitioning is brought about in two different ways in the languages under discussion: Base-generated clefts (Japanese, Burmese) vs. movement clefts (Japanese, Mandarin). Semantically, cleft structures come with an exhaustive interpretation in all three languages. We hypothesize that, crosslinguistically, syntactic partitioning is a necessary, though not a sufficient condition for exhaustiveness effects with focus. Keywords: Cleft; exhaustiveness; partitioning; shì…de-cleft; nominalizer; East Asian; South East Asian; Mandarin Chinese; Burmese; Japanese
This paper investigates the licensing of infinitival subject relative clauses by clefted constituents. It is claimed that in Italian clefted constituents license infinitival subject relatives because in this language clefts function as contrastive foci. This claim is supported by the syntactic analysis of the position of clefted constituents that license infinitival subject relatives in Italian. It is argued that they occupy a left-peripheral Focus position in the clause. On the basis of extraction data, it is argued that the infinitival subject relative itself is a complement. Keywords: cleft; infinitival relative clause; contrastive focus; Italian; left-periphery