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JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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2015034819
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E133
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LA
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0166-0829
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226.00
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02
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
01
01
Discourse-oriented Syntax
Discourse-oriented Syntax
1
B01
01
JB code
575230243
Josef Bayer
Bayer, Josef
Josef
Bayer
University of Konstanz
2
B01
01
JB code
395230244
Roland Hinterhölzl
Hinterhölzl, Roland
Roland
Hinterhölzl
Università Ca' Foscari, Venezia
3
B01
01
JB code
532230245
Andreas Trotzke
Trotzke, Andreas
Andreas
Trotzke
University of Konstanz
01
eng
11
258
03
03
v
03
00
253
03
24
JB code
LIN.DISC
Discourse studies
24
JB code
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
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JB code
LIN.PRAG
Pragmatics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
10
LAN009000
12
CFK
01
06
03
00
Until recently, little attention has been paid within syntax to components of discourse meaning that go beyond information structure and fall into the domain of non-at-issue meaning operating at the level of illocutionary force. To approach this domain, many of the contributions of this volume deal with the syntax of discourse particles. However, the issue of how to account for discourse particles within a more explicit map of the illocutionary domain is a good starting point for considering further phenomena related to the syntax of speech acts. By focusing on speech-act related particles and/or meaning domains, this volume makes a new contribution to the field, as existing collections either do not offer a comparatively narrow focus on particles or are not limited to syntax-oriented approaches. The primary audience of this volume are researchers and graduate students interested in state-of-the-art approaches to the syntax-discourse interface within the cartographic approach to syntax.
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D503
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1
01
04
Issues in discourse-oriented syntax
Issues in discourse-oriented syntax
1
A01
01
JB code
853250800
Josef Bayer
Bayer, Josef
Josef
Bayer
University of Konstanz
2
A01
01
JB code
193250801
Roland Hinterhölzl
Hinterhölzl, Roland
Roland
Hinterhölzl
Università Ca’Foscari Venezia
3
A01
01
JB code
307250802
Andreas Trotzke
Trotzke, Andreas
Andreas
Trotzke
University of Konstanz
01
01
JB code
la.226.02bay
06
10.1075/la.226.02bay
13
40
28
Article
2
01
04
The
derivation and interpretation of left peripheral discourse particles
The derivation and interpretation of left peripheral discourse particles
1
A01
01
JB code
678250803
Josef Bayer
Bayer, Josef
Josef
Bayer
University of Konstanz
2
A01
01
JB code
995250804
Andreas Trotzke
Trotzke, Andreas
Andreas
Trotzke
University of Konstanz
01
01
JB code
la.226.03hin
06
10.1075/la.226.03hin
41
70
30
Article
3
01
04
On the interpretation of modal particles in non-assertive speech acts in German and Bellunese
On the interpretation of modal particles in non-assertive speech acts in German and Bellunese
1
A01
01
JB code
196250805
Roland Hinterhölzl
Hinterhölzl, Roland
Roland
Hinterhölzl
University Ca’Foscari, Venezia
2
A01
01
JB code
337250806
Nicola Munaro
Munaro, Nicola
Nicola
Munaro
University Ca’Foscari, Venezia
01
01
JB code
la.226.04car
06
10.1075/la.226.04car
71
92
22
Article
4
01
04
Italian verb-based discourse particles in a comparative perspective
Italian verb-based discourse particles in a comparative perspective
1
A01
01
JB code
602250807
Anna Cardinaletti
Cardinaletti, Anna
Anna
Cardinaletti
Universita` Ca’ Foscari Venezia
01
01
JB code
la.226.05man
06
10.1075/la.226.05man
93
120
28
Article
5
01
04
Italian adverbs and discourse particles
Italian adverbs and discourse particles
01
04
Between recategorization and ambiguity
Between recategorization and ambiguity
1
A01
01
JB code
783250808
Maria Rita Manzini
Manzini, Maria Rita
Maria Rita
Manzini
University of Florence
01
01
JB code
la.226.06rou
06
10.1075/la.226.06rou
121
158
38
Article
6
01
04
Is particle a (unified) category?
Is particle a (unified) category?
1
A01
01
JB code
28250809
Anna Roussou
Roussou, Anna
Anna
Roussou
University of Patras
01
01
JB code
la.226.07gel
06
10.1075/la.226.07gel
159
174
16
Article
7
01
04
The
particle how
The particle how
1
A01
01
JB code
500250810
Elly Gelderen
Gelderen, Elly
Elly
Gelderen
Arizona State University
01
01
JB code
la.226.08hae
06
10.1075/la.226.08hae
175
210
36
Article
8
01
04
The
cartography of yes and no in West Flemish
The cartography of yes and no in West Flemish
1
A01
01
JB code
82250811
Liliane Haegeman
Haegeman, Liliane
Liliane
Haegeman
FWO/Ghent University
2
A01
01
JB code
134250812
Andrew Weir
Weir, Andrew
Andrew
Weir
NTNU Norwegian University of Science and Technology
01
01
JB code
la.226.09gar
06
10.1075/la.226.09gar
211
228
18
Article
9
01
04
On polarity particles in Italian varieties
On polarity particles in Italian varieties
1
A01
01
JB code
593250813
Jacopo Garzonio
Garzonio, Jacopo
Jacopo
Garzonio
Universita` Ca’ Foscari Venezia
2
A01
01
JB code
895250814
Cecilia Poletto
Poletto, Cecilia
Cecilia
Poletto
Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
01
01
JB code
la.226.10gio
06
10.1075/la.226.10gio
229
250
22
Article
10
01
04
Discourse and the syntax of the left periphery
Discourse and the syntax of the left periphery
01
04
Clitic Left Dislocation and Hanging Topic
Clitic Left Dislocation and Hanging Topic
1
A01
01
JB code
8250815
Alessandra Giorgi
Giorgi, Alessandra
Alessandra
Giorgi
Universita` Ca’ Foscari Venezia
01
01
JB code
la.226.11ind
06
10.1075/la.226.11ind
251
254
4
Article
11
01
04
Index
Index
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
00
20151216
C
2015
John Benjamins
D
2015
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027257093
WORLD
03
01
JB
17
Google
03
https://play.google.com/store/books
21
01
00
Unqualified price
00
95.00
EUR
01
00
Unqualified price
00
80.00
GBP
01
00
Unqualified price
00
143.00
USD
323016105
03
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 226 Eb
15
9789027267726
06
10.1075/la.226
13
2015034819
00
EA
E107
10
01
JB code
LA
02
0166-0829
02
226.00
01
02
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
11
01
JB code
jbe-all
01
02
Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles)
11
01
JB code
jbe-2015-all
01
02
Complete backlist (3,208 titles, 1967–2015)
05
02
Complete backlist (1967–2015)
11
01
JB code
jbe-2015-la
01
02
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (vols. 1–226, 1980–2015)
05
02
LA (vols. 1–226, 1980–2015)
11
01
JB code
jbe-2015-linguistics
01
02
Subject collection: Linguistics (2,773 titles, 1967–2015)
05
02
Linguistics (1967–2015)
11
01
JB code
jbe-2015-pragmatics
01
02
Subject collection: Pragmatics (804 titles, 1978–2015)
05
02
Pragmatics (1978–2015)
01
01
Discourse-oriented Syntax
Discourse-oriented Syntax
1
B01
01
JB code
575230243
Josef Bayer
Bayer, Josef
Josef
Bayer
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/575230243
2
B01
01
JB code
395230244
Roland Hinterhölzl
Hinterhölzl, Roland
Roland
Hinterhölzl
Università Ca' Foscari, Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/395230244
3
B01
01
JB code
532230245
Andreas Trotzke
Trotzke, Andreas
Andreas
Trotzke
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/532230245
01
eng
11
258
03
03
v
03
00
253
03
01
23
415
03
2015
P291
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Syntax.
04
Discourse analysis.
04
Generative grammar.
10
LAN009000
12
CFK
24
JB code
LIN.DISC
Discourse studies
24
JB code
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.PRAG
Pragmatics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
01
06
03
00
Until recently, little attention has been paid within syntax to components of discourse meaning that go beyond information structure and fall into the domain of non-at-issue meaning operating at the level of illocutionary force. To approach this domain, many of the contributions of this volume deal with the syntax of discourse particles. However, the issue of how to account for discourse particles within a more explicit map of the illocutionary domain is a good starting point for considering further phenomena related to the syntax of speech acts. By focusing on speech-act related particles and/or meaning domains, this volume makes a new contribution to the field, as existing collections either do not offer a comparatively narrow focus on particles or are not limited to syntax-oriented approaches. The primary audience of this volume are researchers and graduate students interested in state-of-the-art approaches to the syntax-discourse interface within the cartographic approach to syntax.
01
00
03
01
01
D503
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027257093.jpg
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D503
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01
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la.226.01bay
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10.1075/la.226.01bay
1
12
12
Article
1
01
04
Issues in discourse-oriented syntax
Issues in discourse-oriented syntax
1
A01
01
JB code
853250800
Josef Bayer
Bayer, Josef
Josef
Bayer
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/853250800
2
A01
01
JB code
193250801
Roland Hinterhölzl
Hinterhölzl, Roland
Roland
Hinterhölzl
Università Ca’Foscari Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/193250801
3
A01
01
JB code
307250802
Andreas Trotzke
Trotzke, Andreas
Andreas
Trotzke
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/307250802
01
eng
01
01
JB code
la.226.02bay
06
10.1075/la.226.02bay
13
40
28
Article
2
01
04
The
derivation and interpretation of left peripheral discourse particles
The derivation and interpretation of left peripheral discourse particles
1
A01
01
JB code
678250803
Josef Bayer
Bayer, Josef
Josef
Bayer
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/678250803
2
A01
01
JB code
995250804
Andreas Trotzke
Trotzke, Andreas
Andreas
Trotzke
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/995250804
01
eng
30
00
German discourse particles are known to appear in clause-medial position and to resist displacement to the left or to the right. Nevertheless, there seems to be an exception: discourse particles in interrogatives can be moved to the left as a consequence of forming a constituent with a wh-phrase. In this paper, we focus on such cases of co-constituency of discourse particles and wh-elements in German wh-questions. We propose a successive-cyclic movement account for their distribution. Relying on the combination of key aspects of the Minimalist Program, we present a derivational model that also accounts for cases of stacked particles as they may appear in the left clausal periphery. We then turn to the interpretation of these configurations. In comparison with constructions in which the particle stays in situ, we notice an interpretive distinctness that requires the notion of emphasis for intensity to account for the extra pragmatic effect that these left peripheral structures convey.
01
01
JB code
la.226.03hin
06
10.1075/la.226.03hin
41
70
30
Article
3
01
04
On the interpretation of modal particles in non-assertive speech acts in German and Bellunese
On the interpretation of modal particles in non-assertive speech acts in German and Bellunese
1
A01
01
JB code
196250805
Roland Hinterhölzl
Hinterhölzl, Roland
Roland
Hinterhölzl
University Ca’Foscari, Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/196250805
2
A01
01
JB code
337250806
Nicola Munaro
Munaro, Nicola
Nicola
Munaro
University Ca’Foscari, Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/337250806
01
eng
30
00
In this article, we analyze the syntactic and semantic properties of modal particles appearing in non-assertive speech acts in German and in Bellunese. We propose that modal particles in exclamations and special questions function as evidential markers interacting with the evaluative component to derive the diverse expressive meanings. In order to provide an adequate syntactic account of the distribution of these particles, we propose that they occupy head positions in Bellunese, but are specifiers of their respective functional projections in German, and that their semantic impact requires the syntactic representation of separate evaluational and evidential phrases pertaining to speaker and hearer as well as the syntactic representation of the speech act operator. The intrinsic relation between the evidence of a discourse participant and his evaluation is made visible by the interaction of modal particles in evidential projections and an autosegmental intonational morpheme in the evaluative projection in German and by a paradigm of minimal oppositions of particles occupying the evidential projections in Bellunese.
01
01
JB code
la.226.04car
06
10.1075/la.226.04car
71
92
22
Article
4
01
04
Italian verb-based discourse particles in a comparative perspective
Italian verb-based discourse particles in a comparative perspective
1
A01
01
JB code
602250807
Anna Cardinaletti
Cardinaletti, Anna
Anna
Cardinaletti
Universita` Ca’ Foscari Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/602250807
01
eng
30
00
This paper provides a syntactic analysis of Italian verb-based discourse particles. In spite of their utterance-peripheral distribution and their pragmatic content, they should be considered as integrated in the sentence with which they are associated. It is argued that sentence-initial and sentence-final particles are not derivationally related but are merged in different layers of the clause (CP and IP, respectively). Following Haegeman and Hill (2013) and (2014), it is proposed that sentence-initial particles occur in Speech Act projections above Rizzi’s (1997) ForceP. The interaction of particles and vocatives is also discussed. In a comparative perspective, some differences between Italian and West Flemish have been correlated with the different distribution of discourse particles, namely as specifiers and heads, respectively.
01
01
JB code
la.226.05man
06
10.1075/la.226.05man
93
120
28
Article
5
01
04
Italian adverbs and discourse particles
Italian adverbs and discourse particles
01
04
Between recategorization and ambiguity
Between recategorization and ambiguity
1
A01
01
JB code
783250808
Maria Rita Manzini
Manzini, Maria Rita
Maria Rita
Manzini
University of Florence
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/783250808
01
eng
30
00
In Italian and its dialects, there is no evidence that lexical items functioning as discourse particle correspond to specialized functional heads, or that they have a truncated internal structure, making them into weak categories. Rather they have the syntactic distribution of adverbs, with which they coincide lexically. Therefore ‘discourse particle’ is the name of a special interpretation of adverbs, which also have a conventional temporal/aspectual/manner interpretation – to be captured by a scope(-like) mechanism at the LF interface. Temporal/aspectual/manner modifiers take events as their arguments – while discourse particles take the entire assertion (or command, question) as their argument, relating it to the store of propositional contents shared by speaker and hearer.
01
01
JB code
la.226.06rou
06
10.1075/la.226.06rou
121
158
38
Article
6
01
04
Is particle a (unified) category?
Is particle a (unified) category?
1
A01
01
JB code
28250809
Anna Roussou
Roussou, Anna
Anna
Roussou
University of Patras
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/28250809
01
eng
30
00
The aim of this paper is to identify the syntactic status of so-called modal particles in Greek, bearing in mind their relation with complementizers, their interaction with modality and the left periphery, and to show that they belong to the repertoire of grammatical categories independently attested. It is argued that their ‘discourse’ linking is related to their presence in the left periphery. The Greek particles under consideration are next shown to have a grammatical function and to fall into two basic categories, verbal (tha, as) and nominal (na, mi). As such they occupy (extended-) projections associated with the verb and its argument structure respectively.
01
01
JB code
la.226.07gel
06
10.1075/la.226.07gel
159
174
16
Article
7
01
04
The
particle how
The particle how
1
A01
01
JB code
500250810
Elly Gelderen
Gelderen, Elly
Elly
Gelderen
Arizona State University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/500250810
01
eng
30
00
Words that function in the lower part of the clause can be reanalyzed as base generated in the higher part. In this paper, I examine how the manner and degree adverb how also functions as a conjunction and yes/no marker. The latter two uses, though not accepted by all native speakers, go back quite a long time. The paper contributes to the discussion about an inventory of features so important in Minimalism since the mid 1990s by arguing that the grammaticalization of how involves a loss of certain features but an increase in others.
01
01
JB code
la.226.08hae
06
10.1075/la.226.08hae
175
210
36
Article
8
01
04
The
cartography of yes and no in West Flemish
The cartography of yes and no in West Flemish
1
A01
01
JB code
82250811
Liliane Haegeman
Haegeman, Liliane
Liliane
Haegeman
FWO/Ghent University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/82250811
2
A01
01
JB code
134250812
Andrew Weir
Weir, Andrew
Andrew
Weir
NTNU Norwegian University of Science and Technology
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/134250812
01
eng
30
00
We make an in-depth study of the response particles ja/nee (‘yes/no’) in the Lapscheure dialect of Dutch. These particles show overt phi-feature marking corresponding to what would be the subject of a response clause. Additionally, in ‘reversal answers’, the particles bear additional morphology. We develop a cartographic analysis, arguing that ja/nee represent TP proforms (Krifka 2013). We analyze the pronominal marking as a reflex of phi-features which are merged in Fin to satisfy the Subject Criterion (Rizzi & Shlonsky 2007). We argue that this analysis accounts for a number of facts concerning the distribution of ja/nee, including their incompatibility with (most) clausemate material, and the co-occurrence restrictions between ja/nee, the discourse particle ba, and ‘reversal doet’ (Van Craenenbroeck 2010).
01
01
JB code
la.226.09gar
06
10.1075/la.226.09gar
211
228
18
Article
9
01
04
On polarity particles in Italian varieties
On polarity particles in Italian varieties
1
A01
01
JB code
593250813
Jacopo Garzonio
Garzonio, Jacopo
Jacopo
Garzonio
Universita` Ca’ Foscari Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/593250813
2
A01
01
JB code
895250814
Cecilia Poletto
Poletto, Cecilia
Cecilia
Poletto
Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/895250814
01
eng
30
00
This article considers some constructions related with polarity emphasis in standard Italian and Italian dialects. In particular, the authors examine two constructions where the polarity particle is accompanied by a repetition of the whole propositional content of the stimulus assertion or question. The analysis of these cases is based on the idea that emphasis requires the syntactic presence of the proposition that has to be denied or confirmed. It is argued that the two constructions are not derivationally related, but are the two possible syntactic realizations of the same discourse context. The internal structure of emphatic constructions is also taken into consideration and compared with cases attested in the dialectal domain where polarity emphasis is marked by a special form of the polarity particle. All the examined cases suggest that polarity emphasis is a root phenomenon and the authors argue that this is explained by the presence of some ‘speaker oriented’ features and projections only in root left peripheries.
01
01
JB code
la.226.10gio
06
10.1075/la.226.10gio
229
250
22
Article
10
01
04
Discourse and the syntax of the left periphery
Discourse and the syntax of the left periphery
01
04
Clitic Left Dislocation and Hanging Topic
Clitic Left Dislocation and Hanging Topic
1
A01
01
JB code
8250815
Alessandra Giorgi
Giorgi, Alessandra
Alessandra
Giorgi
Universita` Ca’ Foscari Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/8250815
01
eng
30
00
In this work I consider the properties of Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) and Hanging Topic (HT) in Italian. Rizzi (1997) proposed that the syntactic space pertaining to the complementizer must be conceived of as a layer, i.e. as a set of hierarchically ordered projections, including those for contrastive focus and topics. In the literature following this hypothesis, a focused phrase is argued to be moved, whereas topics such as CLLD and HT are analyzed as base generated in the left periphery. Here I argue that their unmoved status follows from their very special syntax, given that the heads projecting the phrases where they are hosted belong to a peculiar category, i.e. they are prosody- oriented heads. Prosody-oriented heads are not associated to a lexical content, but to a phonological one, i.e. are read off at the interface with phonology as instructions for the assignment of prosodic values. The properties and distribution of CLLD and HT will be shown to follow from this hypothesis.
01
01
JB code
la.226.11ind
06
10.1075/la.226.11ind
251
254
4
Article
11
01
04
Index
Index
01
eng
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.226
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
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20151216
C
2015
John Benjamins
D
2015
John Benjamins
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WORLD
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9789027257093
WORLD
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John Benjamins e-Platform
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https://jbe-platform.com
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https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027267726
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894016104
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JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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JB code
LA 226 Hb
15
9789027257093
06
10.1075/la.226
13
2015032882
00
BB
08
610
gr
10
01
JB code
LA
02
0166-0829
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226.00
01
02
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
01
01
Discourse-oriented Syntax
Discourse-oriented Syntax
1
B01
01
JB code
575230243
Josef Bayer
Bayer, Josef
Josef
Bayer
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/575230243
2
B01
01
JB code
395230244
Roland Hinterhölzl
Hinterhölzl, Roland
Roland
Hinterhölzl
Università Ca' Foscari, Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/395230244
3
B01
01
JB code
532230245
Andreas Trotzke
Trotzke, Andreas
Andreas
Trotzke
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/532230245
01
eng
11
258
03
03
v
03
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253
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415
03
2015
P291
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Syntax.
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Discourse analysis.
04
Generative grammar.
10
LAN009000
12
CFK
24
JB code
LIN.DISC
Discourse studies
24
JB code
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.PRAG
Pragmatics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
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06
03
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Until recently, little attention has been paid within syntax to components of discourse meaning that go beyond information structure and fall into the domain of non-at-issue meaning operating at the level of illocutionary force. To approach this domain, many of the contributions of this volume deal with the syntax of discourse particles. However, the issue of how to account for discourse particles within a more explicit map of the illocutionary domain is a good starting point for considering further phenomena related to the syntax of speech acts. By focusing on speech-act related particles and/or meaning domains, this volume makes a new contribution to the field, as existing collections either do not offer a comparatively narrow focus on particles or are not limited to syntax-oriented approaches. The primary audience of this volume are researchers and graduate students interested in state-of-the-art approaches to the syntax-discourse interface within the cartographic approach to syntax.
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https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.226.hb.png
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la.226.01bay
06
10.1075/la.226.01bay
1
12
12
Article
1
01
04
Issues in discourse-oriented syntax
Issues in discourse-oriented syntax
1
A01
01
JB code
853250800
Josef Bayer
Bayer, Josef
Josef
Bayer
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/853250800
2
A01
01
JB code
193250801
Roland Hinterhölzl
Hinterhölzl, Roland
Roland
Hinterhölzl
Università Ca’Foscari Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/193250801
3
A01
01
JB code
307250802
Andreas Trotzke
Trotzke, Andreas
Andreas
Trotzke
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/307250802
01
eng
01
01
JB code
la.226.02bay
06
10.1075/la.226.02bay
13
40
28
Article
2
01
04
The
derivation and interpretation of left peripheral discourse particles
The derivation and interpretation of left peripheral discourse particles
1
A01
01
JB code
678250803
Josef Bayer
Bayer, Josef
Josef
Bayer
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/678250803
2
A01
01
JB code
995250804
Andreas Trotzke
Trotzke, Andreas
Andreas
Trotzke
University of Konstanz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/995250804
01
eng
30
00
German discourse particles are known to appear in clause-medial position and to resist displacement to the left or to the right. Nevertheless, there seems to be an exception: discourse particles in interrogatives can be moved to the left as a consequence of forming a constituent with a wh-phrase. In this paper, we focus on such cases of co-constituency of discourse particles and wh-elements in German wh-questions. We propose a successive-cyclic movement account for their distribution. Relying on the combination of key aspects of the Minimalist Program, we present a derivational model that also accounts for cases of stacked particles as they may appear in the left clausal periphery. We then turn to the interpretation of these configurations. In comparison with constructions in which the particle stays in situ, we notice an interpretive distinctness that requires the notion of emphasis for intensity to account for the extra pragmatic effect that these left peripheral structures convey.
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01
JB code
la.226.03hin
06
10.1075/la.226.03hin
41
70
30
Article
3
01
04
On the interpretation of modal particles in non-assertive speech acts in German and Bellunese
On the interpretation of modal particles in non-assertive speech acts in German and Bellunese
1
A01
01
JB code
196250805
Roland Hinterhölzl
Hinterhölzl, Roland
Roland
Hinterhölzl
University Ca’Foscari, Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/196250805
2
A01
01
JB code
337250806
Nicola Munaro
Munaro, Nicola
Nicola
Munaro
University Ca’Foscari, Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/337250806
01
eng
30
00
In this article, we analyze the syntactic and semantic properties of modal particles appearing in non-assertive speech acts in German and in Bellunese. We propose that modal particles in exclamations and special questions function as evidential markers interacting with the evaluative component to derive the diverse expressive meanings. In order to provide an adequate syntactic account of the distribution of these particles, we propose that they occupy head positions in Bellunese, but are specifiers of their respective functional projections in German, and that their semantic impact requires the syntactic representation of separate evaluational and evidential phrases pertaining to speaker and hearer as well as the syntactic representation of the speech act operator. The intrinsic relation between the evidence of a discourse participant and his evaluation is made visible by the interaction of modal particles in evidential projections and an autosegmental intonational morpheme in the evaluative projection in German and by a paradigm of minimal oppositions of particles occupying the evidential projections in Bellunese.
01
01
JB code
la.226.04car
06
10.1075/la.226.04car
71
92
22
Article
4
01
04
Italian verb-based discourse particles in a comparative perspective
Italian verb-based discourse particles in a comparative perspective
1
A01
01
JB code
602250807
Anna Cardinaletti
Cardinaletti, Anna
Anna
Cardinaletti
Universita` Ca’ Foscari Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/602250807
01
eng
30
00
This paper provides a syntactic analysis of Italian verb-based discourse particles. In spite of their utterance-peripheral distribution and their pragmatic content, they should be considered as integrated in the sentence with which they are associated. It is argued that sentence-initial and sentence-final particles are not derivationally related but are merged in different layers of the clause (CP and IP, respectively). Following Haegeman and Hill (2013) and (2014), it is proposed that sentence-initial particles occur in Speech Act projections above Rizzi’s (1997) ForceP. The interaction of particles and vocatives is also discussed. In a comparative perspective, some differences between Italian and West Flemish have been correlated with the different distribution of discourse particles, namely as specifiers and heads, respectively.
01
01
JB code
la.226.05man
06
10.1075/la.226.05man
93
120
28
Article
5
01
04
Italian adverbs and discourse particles
Italian adverbs and discourse particles
01
04
Between recategorization and ambiguity
Between recategorization and ambiguity
1
A01
01
JB code
783250808
Maria Rita Manzini
Manzini, Maria Rita
Maria Rita
Manzini
University of Florence
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/783250808
01
eng
30
00
In Italian and its dialects, there is no evidence that lexical items functioning as discourse particle correspond to specialized functional heads, or that they have a truncated internal structure, making them into weak categories. Rather they have the syntactic distribution of adverbs, with which they coincide lexically. Therefore ‘discourse particle’ is the name of a special interpretation of adverbs, which also have a conventional temporal/aspectual/manner interpretation – to be captured by a scope(-like) mechanism at the LF interface. Temporal/aspectual/manner modifiers take events as their arguments – while discourse particles take the entire assertion (or command, question) as their argument, relating it to the store of propositional contents shared by speaker and hearer.
01
01
JB code
la.226.06rou
06
10.1075/la.226.06rou
121
158
38
Article
6
01
04
Is particle a (unified) category?
Is particle a (unified) category?
1
A01
01
JB code
28250809
Anna Roussou
Roussou, Anna
Anna
Roussou
University of Patras
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/28250809
01
eng
30
00
The aim of this paper is to identify the syntactic status of so-called modal particles in Greek, bearing in mind their relation with complementizers, their interaction with modality and the left periphery, and to show that they belong to the repertoire of grammatical categories independently attested. It is argued that their ‘discourse’ linking is related to their presence in the left periphery. The Greek particles under consideration are next shown to have a grammatical function and to fall into two basic categories, verbal (tha, as) and nominal (na, mi). As such they occupy (extended-) projections associated with the verb and its argument structure respectively.
01
01
JB code
la.226.07gel
06
10.1075/la.226.07gel
159
174
16
Article
7
01
04
The
particle how
The particle how
1
A01
01
JB code
500250810
Elly Gelderen
Gelderen, Elly
Elly
Gelderen
Arizona State University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/500250810
01
eng
30
00
Words that function in the lower part of the clause can be reanalyzed as base generated in the higher part. In this paper, I examine how the manner and degree adverb how also functions as a conjunction and yes/no marker. The latter two uses, though not accepted by all native speakers, go back quite a long time. The paper contributes to the discussion about an inventory of features so important in Minimalism since the mid 1990s by arguing that the grammaticalization of how involves a loss of certain features but an increase in others.
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01
JB code
la.226.08hae
06
10.1075/la.226.08hae
175
210
36
Article
8
01
04
The
cartography of yes and no in West Flemish
The cartography of yes and no in West Flemish
1
A01
01
JB code
82250811
Liliane Haegeman
Haegeman, Liliane
Liliane
Haegeman
FWO/Ghent University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/82250811
2
A01
01
JB code
134250812
Andrew Weir
Weir, Andrew
Andrew
Weir
NTNU Norwegian University of Science and Technology
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/134250812
01
eng
30
00
We make an in-depth study of the response particles ja/nee (‘yes/no’) in the Lapscheure dialect of Dutch. These particles show overt phi-feature marking corresponding to what would be the subject of a response clause. Additionally, in ‘reversal answers’, the particles bear additional morphology. We develop a cartographic analysis, arguing that ja/nee represent TP proforms (Krifka 2013). We analyze the pronominal marking as a reflex of phi-features which are merged in Fin to satisfy the Subject Criterion (Rizzi & Shlonsky 2007). We argue that this analysis accounts for a number of facts concerning the distribution of ja/nee, including their incompatibility with (most) clausemate material, and the co-occurrence restrictions between ja/nee, the discourse particle ba, and ‘reversal doet’ (Van Craenenbroeck 2010).
01
01
JB code
la.226.09gar
06
10.1075/la.226.09gar
211
228
18
Article
9
01
04
On polarity particles in Italian varieties
On polarity particles in Italian varieties
1
A01
01
JB code
593250813
Jacopo Garzonio
Garzonio, Jacopo
Jacopo
Garzonio
Universita` Ca’ Foscari Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/593250813
2
A01
01
JB code
895250814
Cecilia Poletto
Poletto, Cecilia
Cecilia
Poletto
Goethe-Universität Frankfurt
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/895250814
01
eng
30
00
This article considers some constructions related with polarity emphasis in standard Italian and Italian dialects. In particular, the authors examine two constructions where the polarity particle is accompanied by a repetition of the whole propositional content of the stimulus assertion or question. The analysis of these cases is based on the idea that emphasis requires the syntactic presence of the proposition that has to be denied or confirmed. It is argued that the two constructions are not derivationally related, but are the two possible syntactic realizations of the same discourse context. The internal structure of emphatic constructions is also taken into consideration and compared with cases attested in the dialectal domain where polarity emphasis is marked by a special form of the polarity particle. All the examined cases suggest that polarity emphasis is a root phenomenon and the authors argue that this is explained by the presence of some ‘speaker oriented’ features and projections only in root left peripheries.
01
01
JB code
la.226.10gio
06
10.1075/la.226.10gio
229
250
22
Article
10
01
04
Discourse and the syntax of the left periphery
Discourse and the syntax of the left periphery
01
04
Clitic Left Dislocation and Hanging Topic
Clitic Left Dislocation and Hanging Topic
1
A01
01
JB code
8250815
Alessandra Giorgi
Giorgi, Alessandra
Alessandra
Giorgi
Universita` Ca’ Foscari Venezia
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/8250815
01
eng
30
00
In this work I consider the properties of Clitic Left Dislocation (CLLD) and Hanging Topic (HT) in Italian. Rizzi (1997) proposed that the syntactic space pertaining to the complementizer must be conceived of as a layer, i.e. as a set of hierarchically ordered projections, including those for contrastive focus and topics. In the literature following this hypothesis, a focused phrase is argued to be moved, whereas topics such as CLLD and HT are analyzed as base generated in the left periphery. Here I argue that their unmoved status follows from their very special syntax, given that the heads projecting the phrases where they are hosted belong to a peculiar category, i.e. they are prosody- oriented heads. Prosody-oriented heads are not associated to a lexical content, but to a phonological one, i.e. are read off at the interface with phonology as instructions for the assignment of prosodic values. The properties and distribution of CLLD and HT will be shown to follow from this hypothesis.
01
01
JB code
la.226.11ind
06
10.1075/la.226.11ind
251
254
4
Article
11
01
04
Index
Index
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eng
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JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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https://benjamins.com
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https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.226
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
00
20151216
C
2015
John Benjamins
D
2015
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
WORLD
US CA MX
09
01
JB
1
John Benjamins Publishing Company
+31 20 6304747
+31 20 6739773
bookorder@benjamins.nl
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https://benjamins.com
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
+1 800 562-5666
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