219-7677 10 7500817 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 201705011130 ONIX title feed eng 01 EUR
590016518 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 227 Eb 15 9789027267436 06 10.1075/la.227 13 2016000409 DG 002 02 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 227 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cyclical Change Continued</TitleText> 01 la.227 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.227 1 B01 Elly van Gelderen Gelderen, Elly van Elly van Gelderen Arizona State University 01 eng 437 viii 429 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book presents new data and additional questions regarding the linguistic cycle. The topics discussed are the pronoun, negative, negative existential, analytic-synthetic, distributive, determiner, degree, and future/modal cycles. The papers raise questions about the length of time that cycles take, the interactions between different cycles, the typical stages and their stability, and the areal factors influencing cycles. The languages and language families that are considered in depth are Central Pomo, Cherokee, Chinese, English, French, Gbe, German, Hmong-Mien, Maipurean, Mayan, Mohawk, Mon-Khmer, Niger-Congo, Nupod, Quechuan, Sino-Tibetan, Tai-Kadai , Tuscarora, Ute, and Yoruboid. One paper covers several of the world’s language families. Cyclical change connects linguists working in various frameworks because it is exciting to find a reason behind this fascinating phenomenon. 05 The book reviewed is impressive from many points of view. First and foremost, it is impressive from an empirical perspective: the material discussed in the chapters of the book is from a large number of (genealogically unrelated, typologically distinct and geographically diverse) languages, some of which rarely discussed in the literature. Secondly – and more importantly – the book is impressive from the point of view of its contribution to the concept of ‘linguistic cycle’. Van Gelderen’s and Mithun’s chapters represent an excellent applied discussion of cycles, every general theoretical and methodological aspect concerning this linguistic concept being taken into account in these contributions. The Sapirian ‘drift’ is conceptually undermined by some of the papers, e.g. McWhorter or Szmrecsanyi. The role of the external factors in linguistic change is stressed by McWhorter, who shows that radical analyticity in a few African and Asian languages arose from rapid and untutored non-native adult acquisition of a second language, not from language-internal changes. A (somewhat tacitly assumed) universal directionality of cycles is questioned in van der Auwera and Vossen, who analyse a reversed instance of the Jespersen cycle which proceeds from right to left. Another important recurring idea which is explicitly made prominent by Pye is that linguistic cycles are sensitive to the underlying structure of the language (“We will not know what historical paths that negation takes until we have investigated negation in all languages”, Pye, p. 245). Givón introduces a distinct, but related idea, namely that the universality of a cycle/chain is, to some extent, an illusory epiphenomenon: “local diachronic changes, constrained locally, tend to have global consequences without being necessarily globally constrained” (Givón, p. 253). In her analysis, Wood shows that the cyclic change does not proceed only from lexical-to-functional; rather, functional-to-functional is also a path of change. Finally, more or less explicitly, many of the papers converge on the idea that cycles actually involve repeated instances of grammaticalization. In conclusion, it goes without saying that the book is illuminating for many categories of scholars: first and foremost, for descriptive and historical linguists, but also for theoreticians of all persuasions (generative grammarians, functionalists, etc.) and typologists. Alexandru Cosmin Nicolae, Romanian Academy, Institute of Linguistics, on Linguist List 28.3125 (2017) 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.227.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027257109.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027257109.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.227.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.227.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.227.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.227.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.227.001loc vii viii 2 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">List of contributors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.s1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I Characteristics of Cycles</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.01gel 3 17 15 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cyclical change continued</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Introduction</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elly van Gelderen Gelderen, Elly van Elly van Gelderen Arizona State University 01 This introductory chapter outlines what a cycle is, what kinds of cycles are generally accepted, and how the contributions in this book fit the various cycles. Uncontroversial cycles are the negative, future, modal, and determiner cycles; these will be referred to as micro-cycles. More controversial are macro-cycles, i.e. cycles that shift a language from analytic to synthetic and from synthetic to analytic. These cycles are controversial partly because of the use of the terms analytic and synthetic, which will be discussed briefly. The introduction also includes a section on recent work, issues of debate, and on future directions. 10 01 JB code la.227.02mit 19 46 28 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">What cycles when and why</TitleText> 1 A01 Marianne Mithun Mithun, Marianne Marianne Mithun University of California 01 Certain kinds of grammatical markers show heightened propensities for turnover cross-linguistically. Some, like negatives, are widespread, while others, such as distributives, are rarer. Several factors might underlie these propensities. Most cycles involve two sets of processes: grammaticalization and renewal. Grammaticalization processes, which can result in phonological erosion, semantic generalization and abstraction, and pragmatic weakening, are generally driven by frequency. The resulting form/function mismatches can trigger renewal, stimulated by expressive need and the availability of resources for new markers. These factors are first investigated in negative, demonstrative, pronominal, reflexive, and distributive cycles from languages of the Iroquoian family, indigenous to eastern North America. Another potential factor, language contact, is then explored, with examples from languages indigenous to western North America. 10 01 JB code la.227.s2 Section header 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II Macro-cycles</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.03mcw 49 92 44 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Is radical analyticity normal</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Implications of Niger-Congo and Southeast Asia for typology and diachronic theory</Subtitle> 1 A01 John H. McWhorter McWhorter, John H. John H. McWhorter Columbia University 01 It is assumed among linguists that radical analyticity is a typological state that a language might develop into as the result of ordinary stepwise grammatical change. It is well-known that extensive second-language acquisition tends to make languages more, or even completely, analytic. Contact, however, is thought to be an <i>alternate</i> pathway towards analyticity. Diachronic theory has identified no mechanism via which a grammar would become completely analytic. While some affixes are worn away by phonetic erosion, inexorable processes of reconstitution operate at the same time, such as grammaticalization. The commonly cited case of Egyptian&#8217;s inflectional &#8220;cycle&#8221; described by Hodge (1970) did not depict the language reaching anything approaching a completely analytic state. There is a growing awareness that the &#8220;natural&#8221; state of language, uninterrupted by adult acquisition, is one of heavy morphological complexity, while large-scale population movements often condition languages of a more moderate morphological complexity (McWhorter 2007; Trudgill 2011). Under this assumption, radically analytic languages are diachronically anomalous. In this presentation, I will propose a contact account for the radical analyticity of a certain few west African Niger-Congo languages and for the languages of Southeast Asia. 10 01 JB code la.227.04szm 93 112 20 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">An analytic-synthetic spiral in the history of English</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>An </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">analytic-synthetic spiral in the history of English</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Benedikt Szmrecsanyi Szmrecsanyi, Benedikt Benedikt Szmrecsanyi KU Leuven 01 Drawing on techniques familiar from quantitative morphological typology (Greenberg 1960), this contribution marshals usage- and frequency-based, aggregative measures of grammatical analyticity and syntheticity to profile the history of grammatical marking in English between circa AD 1100 and AD 1900, tapping into the Penn Parsed Corpora of Historical English series. Results indicate that the post-Old English period is clearly not characterized by a linear drift towards more analyticity and less syntheticity. Instead, analyticity was on the rise until the end of the Early Modern English period, but declined subsequently; the reverse is true for syntheticity. In terms of typological analyticity-syntheticity coordinates, 20th century English texts are actually fairly similar to 12th and 13th century English texts. I suggest that this historical pattern can be interpreted in terms of a Gabelentz-type spiral. 10 01 JB code la.227.05bah 113 136 24 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The interaction between the French subject and object cycles</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">interaction between the French subject and object cycles</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Mariana Bahtchevanova Bahtchevanova, Mariana Mariana Bahtchevanova Arizona State University 2 A01 Elly van Gelderen Gelderen, Elly van Elly van Gelderen Arizona State University 01 In Colloquial French, first and second person preverbal subject pronouns function as agreement markers on the finite verb because they are obligatory and adjacent to the finite verb (e.g. von Wartburg 1943). In other spoken varieties of French, third person pronouns are also agreement markers, having lost gender and number (Fonseca-Greber 2000 for Swiss French). This paper adds new data on third person subjects for Colloquial French, namely third person emphatic pronouns being used on their own, and shows how these data fit the subject cycle. Because, like subject markers, object pronouns are preverbal, they &#8216;interfere&#8217; with the preverbal subject agreement markers. Our hypothesis was therefore that preverbal object clitics would be replaced by postverbal pronouns (cf. van Gelderen 2011: 52) or would be deleted, as Lambrecht et al. (1996) had already observed. We investigated postverbal placement of object pronouns and found some evidence of this but, more interestingly, we found that object markers were reinterpreted as agreement markers. The important insights for cyclical change this paper provides are that different person markings can be at different stages, that some stages can be skipped, and that one cycle can influence another. 10 01 JB code la.227.s3 Section header 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III The Negative Micro-Cycles</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.06ves 139 188 50 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The negative existential cycle viewed through the lens of comparative data</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">negative existential cycle viewed through the lens of comparative data</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Ljuba N. Veselinova Veselinova, Ljuba N. Ljuba N. Veselinova Stockholm University 01 In this paper a family-based sample is used in order to test the model of evolution of standard negation markers from negative existentials suggested by Croft (1991) and known as the Negative Existential Cycle (NEC). The comparative data collected here were analyzed and classified following the definitions of type/stages suggested in the original model. The data collected here were also analyzed from a diachronic perspective and whenever possible also supplied with historical information. It is found that the stages with variation are dominant in the families under study. Consequently they are considered to be far more important for this cycle than the stages without variation. Furthermore, the stages with variation are not only synchronically frequent, they are also diachronically stable as they can be demonstrated to last for very long periods of time. The data collected here also suggest that the NEC is rarely completed within a time span for reasonable reconstruction. This is attributed to the importance of the distinction between negation of actions and negation of existence and its contant renewal in human languages. 10 01 JB code la.227.07auw 189 218 30 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Jespersen cycles in the Mayan, Quechuan and Maipurean languages&#42;</TitleText> 1 A01 Johan van der Auwera Auwera, Johan van der Johan van der Auwera University of Antwerp 2 A01 Frens Vossen Vossen, Frens Frens Vossen University of Antwerp 01 This study looks for evidence for the Jespersen Cycle, which is typically the development from one single negator to another one via a strengthening stage in which both are present, in the Mayan, Quechuan and Maipurean languages. For Mayan and Quechuan languages the evidence is solid, and what is particularly interesting is that the strengthening would seem to have happened twice and that in both families an irrealis marker served to make the negation emphatic. In Maipurean languages the most important development is the extension of a prenominal privative marker (&#8216;without&#8217;) to clausal negation, which if it shows up preverbally to a verb that already has postverbal negation, would show us a Jespersen Cycle which, untypically, operates from right to left. 10 01 JB code la.227.08pye 219 248 30 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Mayan negation cycles</TitleText> 1 A01 Clifton Pye Pye, Clifton Clifton Pye University of Kansas 01 The Jespersen Cycle (1917) remains the definitive example of the linguistic cycle. A reconstruction of the history of negation marking in the Mayan languages shows that while some Mayan languages exhibit the beginning of a typical Jespersen Cycle, the majority of Mayan languages evidence different types of negation cycles. Differences in the domain of negation strengthening and the absence of postverbal negation strengthening provide evidence of the unique structure of Mayan languages. This evidence suggests that constraints on negation cycles are just as important as the cycles themselves in examining cross-linguistic variation in the structure of negation. 10 01 JB code la.227.s4 Section header 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part IV Pronominal, Quantifier, and Modal Micro-cycles</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.09giv 251 286 36 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The diachrony of pronominal agreement</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">diachrony of pronominal agreement</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">In UTE and maybe elsewhere</Subtitle> 1 A01 T. Givón Givón, T. T. Givón University of Oregon and White Cloud Ranch, Ignacio, Colorado 01 This paper examines Ute clitic pronouns and contrasts them with other reference-coding devices, such as demonstratives, independent pronouns, zero anaphora, and flexible word-order. It concludes that most independent pronouns are used in contexts of referential discontinuity and most zero and clitic pronouns show extreme referential continuity&#8211;a one-clause anaphoric gap. This shows evidence of a typical cycle having taken place: as pronouns weaken into clitics and affixes, they lose referential independence which then needs to be expressed by demonstratives. In addition, the fronting of pronouns and nominal groups is strongly associated with referential or thematic discontinuity whereas the post-posing of pronouns and nominals goes with referential continuity. The chapter also contributes to structural questions: why do pronouns cliticize to verbs and why do they do so in certain positions. 10 01 JB code la.227.10woo 287 318 32 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The degree cycle</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">degree cycle</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Johanna L. Wood Wood, Johanna L. Johanna L. Wood Aarhus University 01 The grammaticalization of the demonstratives <i>this</i>, <i>that</i> and <i>thus</i> is investigated with respect to their functions as degree adverbs using empirical data from dictionaries and historical and modern corpora. It is first argued that <i>thus</i> participates in the CP cycle. With respect to <i>this</i> and <i>that, </i> data relevant to the development of the degree adverb function is presented and possible relevant constructions identified. It is argued that the degree adverb function of <i>that</i> possibly occurs later than the historical dictionaries indicate. The degree adverb function of <i>this</i> is challenging to trace due to the apparent overlap with <i>thus</i>. 10 01 JB code la.227.11ger 319 350 32 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Modality and gradation</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Comparing the sequel of developments in &#8216;<i>rather</i>&#8217; and &#8216;<i>eher</i>&#8217;</Subtitle> 1 A01 Remus Gergel Gergel, Remus Remus Gergel University of Graz / Saarland University 01 This paper focuses on some effects and possible causes in the concatenation of two micro-developments undergone by words like <i>rather</i>. While the first one maps its semantics from an original temporal-based comparison to modal meanings, the second takes it from modal ordering to the modification of gradable predicates. A comparison is drawn with the parallel sequel of developments observed in the case of German <i>eher </i>(&#8216;sooner, rather&#8217;) especially with respect to the apparently distinct flavors of modal ordering available in the two items. 10 01 JB code la.227.12jed 351 394 44 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">All you need is another &#8216;Need&#8217;</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">On the verbal NPI cycle in the history of German&#42;</Subtitle> 1 A01 Łukasz Jędrzejowski Jędrzejowski, Łukasz Łukasz Jędrzejowski Universität Potsdam 01 In this chapter, I will examine the verbal NPI cycle in the history of German including three NPIs: <i>d&#252;rfen</i>, <i>bed&#252;rfen</i> and <i>brauchen</i>. In doing so, I will illustrate that <i>d&#252;rfen</i> used to function as an NPI in older stages and that it lost its NPI status due to a semantic change. The received wisdom has it that <i>d&#252;rfen</i> was then replaced by <i>brauchen</i> (cf. Bech 1951; Kolb 1964; Lenz 1996; Paul 1897). I will challenge this view and provide evidence illustrating that <i>d&#252;rfen</i> was first replaced by <i>bed&#252;rfen</i>, while <i>bed&#252;rfen</i> has being replaced by <i>brauchen</i> in the last three centuries. In my view, <i>bed&#252;rfen </i>builds a bridge between <i>d&#252;rfen </i>and <i>brauchen</i>.<i> </i>Remarkably, as there is no need to preserve both predicates in Modern German, <i>bed&#252;rfen</i> as NPI is about to disappear giving way to <i>brauchen</i>. In what follows, I argue that <i>d&#252;rfen</i>, <i>bed&#252;rfen</i> and <i>brauchen </i>constitute a linguistic cycle in the sense claimed by van Gelderen (2009, 2011, this volume) and illustrate, both synchronically and diachronically, that although these three predicates have a lot in common, they differ in several respects. Their differences, however, do not weaken the cycle analysis. Quite the opposite, they provide direct evidence for typical hallmarks of a linguistic cycle, whereby &#8220;toward the end of the cycle, similar events start again, but they are (slightly) different and happen at a difference pace&#8221; (van Gelderen 2011: 3). As it will turn out, these properties hold for the NPI cycle in German as well. 10 01 JB code la.227.13lab 395 418 24 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The grammaticalization of &#35201; Yao and the future cycle from Archaic Chinese to Modern Mandarin&#42;</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">grammaticalization of &#35201; Yao and the future cycle from Archaic Chinese to Modern Mandarin&#42;</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Robert Santana LaBarge Santana LaBarge, Robert Robert Santana LaBarge Arizona State University 01 In this paper, I argue that the grammaticalization of the Chinese word &#35201; <i>y&#257;o/y&#224;o</i> shows an instance of the future cycle. Similar to English <i>will</i>, &#35201; <i>y&#257;o/y&#224;o</i> has developed new functional meanings apart from its earlier semantic meanings of Compulsion and Volition, including deontic and future time uses. I adopt the theory of Late Merge (van Gelderen 2004) as a descriptive account to argue that while full verb &#35201; <i>y&#257;o/y&#224;o</i> is in the VP, the deontic and future time uses are in the Aspect Phrase and Mood Phrase respectively. I present evidence of scope differences in Modern Mandarin to support this thesis, and also briefly suggest that a &#8220;Problems of Projection&#8221; approach (Chomsky 2013, 2014) to grammaticalization may motivate the Late Merge phenomenon. Lastly, I show that although the older uses of &#35201; <i>y&#257;o/y&#224;o</i> still exist in Modern Mandarin, they are increasingly likely to be replaced by renewed forms, as predicted in the cycle framework. 10 01 JB code la.227.14aut 419 424 6 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Author Index</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.15sub 425 430 6 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject and Language Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20160309 2016 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027257109 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 99.00 EUR R 01 00 83.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 149.00 USD S 473016517 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 227 Hb 15 9789027257109 13 2015044782 BB 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 227 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cyclical Change Continued</TitleText> 01 la.227 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.227 1 B01 Elly van Gelderen Gelderen, Elly van Elly van Gelderen Arizona State University 01 eng 437 viii 429 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book presents new data and additional questions regarding the linguistic cycle. The topics discussed are the pronoun, negative, negative existential, analytic-synthetic, distributive, determiner, degree, and future/modal cycles. The papers raise questions about the length of time that cycles take, the interactions between different cycles, the typical stages and their stability, and the areal factors influencing cycles. The languages and language families that are considered in depth are Central Pomo, Cherokee, Chinese, English, French, Gbe, German, Hmong-Mien, Maipurean, Mayan, Mohawk, Mon-Khmer, Niger-Congo, Nupod, Quechuan, Sino-Tibetan, Tai-Kadai , Tuscarora, Ute, and Yoruboid. One paper covers several of the world’s language families. Cyclical change connects linguists working in various frameworks because it is exciting to find a reason behind this fascinating phenomenon. 05 The book reviewed is impressive from many points of view. First and foremost, it is impressive from an empirical perspective: the material discussed in the chapters of the book is from a large number of (genealogically unrelated, typologically distinct and geographically diverse) languages, some of which rarely discussed in the literature. Secondly – and more importantly – the book is impressive from the point of view of its contribution to the concept of ‘linguistic cycle’. Van Gelderen’s and Mithun’s chapters represent an excellent applied discussion of cycles, every general theoretical and methodological aspect concerning this linguistic concept being taken into account in these contributions. The Sapirian ‘drift’ is conceptually undermined by some of the papers, e.g. McWhorter or Szmrecsanyi. The role of the external factors in linguistic change is stressed by McWhorter, who shows that radical analyticity in a few African and Asian languages arose from rapid and untutored non-native adult acquisition of a second language, not from language-internal changes. A (somewhat tacitly assumed) universal directionality of cycles is questioned in van der Auwera and Vossen, who analyse a reversed instance of the Jespersen cycle which proceeds from right to left. Another important recurring idea which is explicitly made prominent by Pye is that linguistic cycles are sensitive to the underlying structure of the language (“We will not know what historical paths that negation takes until we have investigated negation in all languages”, Pye, p. 245). Givón introduces a distinct, but related idea, namely that the universality of a cycle/chain is, to some extent, an illusory epiphenomenon: “local diachronic changes, constrained locally, tend to have global consequences without being necessarily globally constrained” (Givón, p. 253). In her analysis, Wood shows that the cyclic change does not proceed only from lexical-to-functional; rather, functional-to-functional is also a path of change. Finally, more or less explicitly, many of the papers converge on the idea that cycles actually involve repeated instances of grammaticalization. In conclusion, it goes without saying that the book is illuminating for many categories of scholars: first and foremost, for descriptive and historical linguists, but also for theoreticians of all persuasions (generative grammarians, functionalists, etc.) and typologists. Alexandru Cosmin Nicolae, Romanian Academy, Institute of Linguistics, on Linguist List 28.3125 (2017) 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.227.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027257109.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027257109.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.227.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.227.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.227.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.227.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.227.001loc vii viii 2 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">List of contributors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.s1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I Characteristics of Cycles</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.01gel 3 17 15 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cyclical change continued</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Introduction</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elly van Gelderen Gelderen, Elly van Elly van Gelderen Arizona State University 01 This introductory chapter outlines what a cycle is, what kinds of cycles are generally accepted, and how the contributions in this book fit the various cycles. Uncontroversial cycles are the negative, future, modal, and determiner cycles; these will be referred to as micro-cycles. More controversial are macro-cycles, i.e. cycles that shift a language from analytic to synthetic and from synthetic to analytic. These cycles are controversial partly because of the use of the terms analytic and synthetic, which will be discussed briefly. The introduction also includes a section on recent work, issues of debate, and on future directions. 10 01 JB code la.227.02mit 19 46 28 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">What cycles when and why</TitleText> 1 A01 Marianne Mithun Mithun, Marianne Marianne Mithun University of California 01 Certain kinds of grammatical markers show heightened propensities for turnover cross-linguistically. Some, like negatives, are widespread, while others, such as distributives, are rarer. Several factors might underlie these propensities. Most cycles involve two sets of processes: grammaticalization and renewal. Grammaticalization processes, which can result in phonological erosion, semantic generalization and abstraction, and pragmatic weakening, are generally driven by frequency. The resulting form/function mismatches can trigger renewal, stimulated by expressive need and the availability of resources for new markers. These factors are first investigated in negative, demonstrative, pronominal, reflexive, and distributive cycles from languages of the Iroquoian family, indigenous to eastern North America. Another potential factor, language contact, is then explored, with examples from languages indigenous to western North America. 10 01 JB code la.227.s2 Section header 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II Macro-cycles</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.03mcw 49 92 44 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Is radical analyticity normal</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Implications of Niger-Congo and Southeast Asia for typology and diachronic theory</Subtitle> 1 A01 John H. McWhorter McWhorter, John H. John H. McWhorter Columbia University 01 It is assumed among linguists that radical analyticity is a typological state that a language might develop into as the result of ordinary stepwise grammatical change. It is well-known that extensive second-language acquisition tends to make languages more, or even completely, analytic. Contact, however, is thought to be an <i>alternate</i> pathway towards analyticity. Diachronic theory has identified no mechanism via which a grammar would become completely analytic. While some affixes are worn away by phonetic erosion, inexorable processes of reconstitution operate at the same time, such as grammaticalization. The commonly cited case of Egyptian&#8217;s inflectional &#8220;cycle&#8221; described by Hodge (1970) did not depict the language reaching anything approaching a completely analytic state. There is a growing awareness that the &#8220;natural&#8221; state of language, uninterrupted by adult acquisition, is one of heavy morphological complexity, while large-scale population movements often condition languages of a more moderate morphological complexity (McWhorter 2007; Trudgill 2011). Under this assumption, radically analytic languages are diachronically anomalous. In this presentation, I will propose a contact account for the radical analyticity of a certain few west African Niger-Congo languages and for the languages of Southeast Asia. 10 01 JB code la.227.04szm 93 112 20 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">An analytic-synthetic spiral in the history of English</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>An </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">analytic-synthetic spiral in the history of English</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Benedikt Szmrecsanyi Szmrecsanyi, Benedikt Benedikt Szmrecsanyi KU Leuven 01 Drawing on techniques familiar from quantitative morphological typology (Greenberg 1960), this contribution marshals usage- and frequency-based, aggregative measures of grammatical analyticity and syntheticity to profile the history of grammatical marking in English between circa AD 1100 and AD 1900, tapping into the Penn Parsed Corpora of Historical English series. Results indicate that the post-Old English period is clearly not characterized by a linear drift towards more analyticity and less syntheticity. Instead, analyticity was on the rise until the end of the Early Modern English period, but declined subsequently; the reverse is true for syntheticity. In terms of typological analyticity-syntheticity coordinates, 20th century English texts are actually fairly similar to 12th and 13th century English texts. I suggest that this historical pattern can be interpreted in terms of a Gabelentz-type spiral. 10 01 JB code la.227.05bah 113 136 24 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The interaction between the French subject and object cycles</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">interaction between the French subject and object cycles</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Mariana Bahtchevanova Bahtchevanova, Mariana Mariana Bahtchevanova Arizona State University 2 A01 Elly van Gelderen Gelderen, Elly van Elly van Gelderen Arizona State University 01 In Colloquial French, first and second person preverbal subject pronouns function as agreement markers on the finite verb because they are obligatory and adjacent to the finite verb (e.g. von Wartburg 1943). In other spoken varieties of French, third person pronouns are also agreement markers, having lost gender and number (Fonseca-Greber 2000 for Swiss French). This paper adds new data on third person subjects for Colloquial French, namely third person emphatic pronouns being used on their own, and shows how these data fit the subject cycle. Because, like subject markers, object pronouns are preverbal, they &#8216;interfere&#8217; with the preverbal subject agreement markers. Our hypothesis was therefore that preverbal object clitics would be replaced by postverbal pronouns (cf. van Gelderen 2011: 52) or would be deleted, as Lambrecht et al. (1996) had already observed. We investigated postverbal placement of object pronouns and found some evidence of this but, more interestingly, we found that object markers were reinterpreted as agreement markers. The important insights for cyclical change this paper provides are that different person markings can be at different stages, that some stages can be skipped, and that one cycle can influence another. 10 01 JB code la.227.s3 Section header 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III The Negative Micro-Cycles</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.06ves 139 188 50 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The negative existential cycle viewed through the lens of comparative data</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">negative existential cycle viewed through the lens of comparative data</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Ljuba N. Veselinova Veselinova, Ljuba N. Ljuba N. Veselinova Stockholm University 01 In this paper a family-based sample is used in order to test the model of evolution of standard negation markers from negative existentials suggested by Croft (1991) and known as the Negative Existential Cycle (NEC). The comparative data collected here were analyzed and classified following the definitions of type/stages suggested in the original model. The data collected here were also analyzed from a diachronic perspective and whenever possible also supplied with historical information. It is found that the stages with variation are dominant in the families under study. Consequently they are considered to be far more important for this cycle than the stages without variation. Furthermore, the stages with variation are not only synchronically frequent, they are also diachronically stable as they can be demonstrated to last for very long periods of time. The data collected here also suggest that the NEC is rarely completed within a time span for reasonable reconstruction. This is attributed to the importance of the distinction between negation of actions and negation of existence and its contant renewal in human languages. 10 01 JB code la.227.07auw 189 218 30 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Jespersen cycles in the Mayan, Quechuan and Maipurean languages&#42;</TitleText> 1 A01 Johan van der Auwera Auwera, Johan van der Johan van der Auwera University of Antwerp 2 A01 Frens Vossen Vossen, Frens Frens Vossen University of Antwerp 01 This study looks for evidence for the Jespersen Cycle, which is typically the development from one single negator to another one via a strengthening stage in which both are present, in the Mayan, Quechuan and Maipurean languages. For Mayan and Quechuan languages the evidence is solid, and what is particularly interesting is that the strengthening would seem to have happened twice and that in both families an irrealis marker served to make the negation emphatic. In Maipurean languages the most important development is the extension of a prenominal privative marker (&#8216;without&#8217;) to clausal negation, which if it shows up preverbally to a verb that already has postverbal negation, would show us a Jespersen Cycle which, untypically, operates from right to left. 10 01 JB code la.227.08pye 219 248 30 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Mayan negation cycles</TitleText> 1 A01 Clifton Pye Pye, Clifton Clifton Pye University of Kansas 01 The Jespersen Cycle (1917) remains the definitive example of the linguistic cycle. A reconstruction of the history of negation marking in the Mayan languages shows that while some Mayan languages exhibit the beginning of a typical Jespersen Cycle, the majority of Mayan languages evidence different types of negation cycles. Differences in the domain of negation strengthening and the absence of postverbal negation strengthening provide evidence of the unique structure of Mayan languages. This evidence suggests that constraints on negation cycles are just as important as the cycles themselves in examining cross-linguistic variation in the structure of negation. 10 01 JB code la.227.s4 Section header 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part IV Pronominal, Quantifier, and Modal Micro-cycles</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.09giv 251 286 36 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The diachrony of pronominal agreement</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">diachrony of pronominal agreement</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">In UTE and maybe elsewhere</Subtitle> 1 A01 T. Givón Givón, T. T. Givón University of Oregon and White Cloud Ranch, Ignacio, Colorado 01 This paper examines Ute clitic pronouns and contrasts them with other reference-coding devices, such as demonstratives, independent pronouns, zero anaphora, and flexible word-order. It concludes that most independent pronouns are used in contexts of referential discontinuity and most zero and clitic pronouns show extreme referential continuity&#8211;a one-clause anaphoric gap. This shows evidence of a typical cycle having taken place: as pronouns weaken into clitics and affixes, they lose referential independence which then needs to be expressed by demonstratives. In addition, the fronting of pronouns and nominal groups is strongly associated with referential or thematic discontinuity whereas the post-posing of pronouns and nominals goes with referential continuity. The chapter also contributes to structural questions: why do pronouns cliticize to verbs and why do they do so in certain positions. 10 01 JB code la.227.10woo 287 318 32 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The degree cycle</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">degree cycle</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Johanna L. Wood Wood, Johanna L. Johanna L. Wood Aarhus University 01 The grammaticalization of the demonstratives <i>this</i>, <i>that</i> and <i>thus</i> is investigated with respect to their functions as degree adverbs using empirical data from dictionaries and historical and modern corpora. It is first argued that <i>thus</i> participates in the CP cycle. With respect to <i>this</i> and <i>that, </i> data relevant to the development of the degree adverb function is presented and possible relevant constructions identified. It is argued that the degree adverb function of <i>that</i> possibly occurs later than the historical dictionaries indicate. The degree adverb function of <i>this</i> is challenging to trace due to the apparent overlap with <i>thus</i>. 10 01 JB code la.227.11ger 319 350 32 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Modality and gradation</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Comparing the sequel of developments in &#8216;<i>rather</i>&#8217; and &#8216;<i>eher</i>&#8217;</Subtitle> 1 A01 Remus Gergel Gergel, Remus Remus Gergel University of Graz / Saarland University 01 This paper focuses on some effects and possible causes in the concatenation of two micro-developments undergone by words like <i>rather</i>. While the first one maps its semantics from an original temporal-based comparison to modal meanings, the second takes it from modal ordering to the modification of gradable predicates. A comparison is drawn with the parallel sequel of developments observed in the case of German <i>eher </i>(&#8216;sooner, rather&#8217;) especially with respect to the apparently distinct flavors of modal ordering available in the two items. 10 01 JB code la.227.12jed 351 394 44 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">All you need is another &#8216;Need&#8217;</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">On the verbal NPI cycle in the history of German&#42;</Subtitle> 1 A01 Łukasz Jędrzejowski Jędrzejowski, Łukasz Łukasz Jędrzejowski Universität Potsdam 01 In this chapter, I will examine the verbal NPI cycle in the history of German including three NPIs: <i>d&#252;rfen</i>, <i>bed&#252;rfen</i> and <i>brauchen</i>. In doing so, I will illustrate that <i>d&#252;rfen</i> used to function as an NPI in older stages and that it lost its NPI status due to a semantic change. The received wisdom has it that <i>d&#252;rfen</i> was then replaced by <i>brauchen</i> (cf. Bech 1951; Kolb 1964; Lenz 1996; Paul 1897). I will challenge this view and provide evidence illustrating that <i>d&#252;rfen</i> was first replaced by <i>bed&#252;rfen</i>, while <i>bed&#252;rfen</i> has being replaced by <i>brauchen</i> in the last three centuries. In my view, <i>bed&#252;rfen </i>builds a bridge between <i>d&#252;rfen </i>and <i>brauchen</i>.<i> </i>Remarkably, as there is no need to preserve both predicates in Modern German, <i>bed&#252;rfen</i> as NPI is about to disappear giving way to <i>brauchen</i>. In what follows, I argue that <i>d&#252;rfen</i>, <i>bed&#252;rfen</i> and <i>brauchen </i>constitute a linguistic cycle in the sense claimed by van Gelderen (2009, 2011, this volume) and illustrate, both synchronically and diachronically, that although these three predicates have a lot in common, they differ in several respects. Their differences, however, do not weaken the cycle analysis. Quite the opposite, they provide direct evidence for typical hallmarks of a linguistic cycle, whereby &#8220;toward the end of the cycle, similar events start again, but they are (slightly) different and happen at a difference pace&#8221; (van Gelderen 2011: 3). As it will turn out, these properties hold for the NPI cycle in German as well. 10 01 JB code la.227.13lab 395 418 24 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The grammaticalization of &#35201; Yao and the future cycle from Archaic Chinese to Modern Mandarin&#42;</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">grammaticalization of &#35201; Yao and the future cycle from Archaic Chinese to Modern Mandarin&#42;</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Robert Santana LaBarge Santana LaBarge, Robert Robert Santana LaBarge Arizona State University 01 In this paper, I argue that the grammaticalization of the Chinese word &#35201; <i>y&#257;o/y&#224;o</i> shows an instance of the future cycle. Similar to English <i>will</i>, &#35201; <i>y&#257;o/y&#224;o</i> has developed new functional meanings apart from its earlier semantic meanings of Compulsion and Volition, including deontic and future time uses. I adopt the theory of Late Merge (van Gelderen 2004) as a descriptive account to argue that while full verb &#35201; <i>y&#257;o/y&#224;o</i> is in the VP, the deontic and future time uses are in the Aspect Phrase and Mood Phrase respectively. I present evidence of scope differences in Modern Mandarin to support this thesis, and also briefly suggest that a &#8220;Problems of Projection&#8221; approach (Chomsky 2013, 2014) to grammaticalization may motivate the Late Merge phenomenon. Lastly, I show that although the older uses of &#35201; <i>y&#257;o/y&#224;o</i> still exist in Modern Mandarin, they are increasingly likely to be replaced by renewed forms, as predicted in the cycle framework. 10 01 JB code la.227.14aut 419 424 6 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Author Index</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.227.15sub 425 430 6 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject and Language Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20160309 2016 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 08 915 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 19 16 01 02 JB 1 00 99.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 104.94 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 16 02 02 JB 1 00 83.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 16 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 149.00 USD