190016839
03
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 232 Hb
15
9789027257154
06
10.1075/la.232
13
2016013265
00
BB
08
640
gr
10
01
JB code
LA
02
0166-0829
02
232.00
01
02
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
01
01
Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms
Syntactic properties and interpretative effects
Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms: Syntactic properties and interpretative effects
1
B01
01
JB code
352257216
Werner Frey
Frey, Werner
Werner
Frey
ZAS Berlin
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/352257216
2
B01
01
JB code
525257217
André Meinunger
Meinunger, André
André
Meinunger
ZAS Berlin
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/525257217
3
B01
01
JB code
297257218
Kerstin Schwabe
Schwabe, Kerstin
Kerstin
Schwabe
ZAS Berlin
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/297257218
01
eng
11
284
03
03
v
03
00
278
03
01
23
415
03
2016
P285
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Propositional phrases.
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Syntax.
04
German language--Grammar, Comparative--Dutch.
04
Dutch language--Grammar, Comparative--German.
10
LAN009000
12
CFK
24
JB code
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
01
06
02
00
This book deals with sentential proforms and their relationship to their associated clauses.
03
00
This book deals with sentential proforms and their relationship to their associated clauses. Sentential proforms are highly interesting from the point of view of grammatical theory, since their occurrence is determined not only by syntax, but also by prosody and semantics. The present volume contributes to a better understanding of the interfaces between these different levels. By providing syntactic, prosodic, semantic, psycholinguistic and corpus-based support, this book underpins the claim that there exist different sentential proform types in German and Dutch, that these proform types correlate with different verb classes, and that their associated related clauses are located in different syntactic positions. The present volume also looks at a Hungarian sentential proform construction, which is similar to the German(ic) structure, but, at the same time, is different in its licensing conditions.
01
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D503
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.232.png
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027257154.jpg
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01
01
JB code
la.232.01sch
06
10.1075/la.232.01sch
1
22
22
Article
1
01
04
Sentential proforms
Sentential proforms
01
04
An
overview
An overview
1
A01
01
JB code
281266081
Kerstin Schwabe
Schwabe, Kerstin
Kerstin
Schwabe
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/281266081
2
A01
01
JB code
604266082
Werner Frey
Frey, Werner
Werner
Frey
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/604266082
3
A01
01
JB code
645266083
André Meinunger
Meinunger, André
André
Meinunger
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/645266083
01
eng
01
01
JB code
la.232.02sud
06
10.1075/la.232.02sud
23
48
26
Article
2
01
04
Correlates of object clauses in German and Dutch
Correlates of object clauses in German and Dutch
1
A01
01
JB code
926266084
Stefan Sudhoff
Sudhoff, Stefan
Stefan
Sudhoff
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/926266084
01
eng
30
00
This paper deals with usages of the German pronoun es (and its counterpart het in Dutch) as a correlate of extraposed object clauses. It is argued (i) that es is the head of an argument DP and takes the embedded clause as its complement; (ii) that there are two types of matrix predicates, one of them being compatible with correlate-es, the other one incompatible; and (iii) that correlate-es has to be distinguished from an anaphoric use of the pronoun es that is possible in constructions with both types of matrix predicates, but has different contextual requirements.
01
01
JB code
la.232.03axe
06
10.1075/la.232.03axe
49
72
24
Article
3
01
04
Correlative es vs. das in German
Correlative es vs. das in German
01
04
An
empirical perspective
An empirical perspective
1
A01
01
JB code
338266085
Katrin Axel-Tober
Axel-Tober, Katrin
Katrin
Axel-Tober
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/338266085
2
A01
01
JB code
385266086
Anke Holler
Holler, Anke
Anke
Holler
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/385266086
3
A01
01
JB code
715266087
Helena Krause
Krause, Helena
Helena
Krause
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/715266087
01
eng
30
00
In the last few decades, the role of correlative elements in recursive sentence embedding has received considerable attention. In the theoretical literature on German, it has been argued that the syntax of correlative constructions is not homogeneous and that one has to distinguish between so-called pro-form and placeholder constructions. In this paper, we give empirical evidence for distinguishing between these two uses, by focusing on two correlative lexemes: es and das. Furthermore, we present psycholinguistic and corpus-based support for the differentiation of two verb classes regarding the realizations of correlative elements.
01
01
JB code
la.232.04fre
06
10.1075/la.232.04fre
73
104
32
Article
4
01
04
On properties differentiating constructions with inner-sentential pro-forms for clauses
On properties differentiating constructions with inner-sentential pro-forms for clauses
1
A01
01
JB code
5266088
Werner Frey
Frey, Werner
Werner
Frey
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/5266088
01
eng
30
00
The paper discusses various syntactic properties of different constructions featuring a dependent clause associated with a pro-form. The paper adopts the thesis of Pütz (19862) and Sudhoff (2003) that the pro-form construction with verbs of the class to which bedauern (‘to regret’) belongs and the pro-form construction with verbs of the class which contains behaupten (‘to claim’) have to be differentiated. With regard to the former it is argued that contrary to standard assumptions, the presence of the pro-form makes a syntactic and a semantic difference. Regarding the construction in which the pro-form has the function of a prepositional object the argumentation is different in that the very same syntax is present independent of whether the pro-form is lexically realised or not, whether the pro-form is unstressed or stressed, or whether it is reduced or not. However, a special interpretation – narrow focus on the dependent clause – arises when the prepositional part of the pro-form is stressed. For the construction with a dependent adverbial clause the presence or absence of a lexically realised pro-form is again crucial. Finally and most importantly, it is demonstrated that a further construction has to be distinguished. It features a psych-verb with an experiencer-object, es and a clausal argument. In this construction, es is not a pro-form for the clausal argument as such but an independent argument which is co-referential with the clause and encodes the causer of the emotion.
01
01
JB code
la.232.05tru
06
10.1075/la.232.05tru
105
146
42
Article
5
01
04
Some distinctions in the right periphery of the German clause
Some distinctions in the right periphery of the German clause
1
A01
01
JB code
156266089
Hubert Truckenbrodt
Truckenbrodt, Hubert
Hubert
Truckenbrodt
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/156266089
01
eng
30
00
Right dislocation/afterthought (resuming a pronoun) obeys prosody and information structure restrictions not shared by extraposition (leaving a gap) in German. Right dislocation/afterthought requires that the preceding clause is an intonation phrase carrying sentence stress on its own. It also requires that no focus-background structure is built across the clause and the dislocated element. Neither requirement is present with extraposition. The syntactic analysis derives right dislocation/afterthought from full clauses by deletion. The separate clause is outside of the root sentence of Bruce Downing (1970), which is tentatively identified with the non-integrated clauses of Reis (1997) and Holler (2008). Earlier analyses are confirmed in a related case: What looks like the resumption of es ‘it’ by clauses (Germ. Korrelate) under certain matrix verbs seems to be syntactic extraposition from [DP es CP] instead.
01
01
JB code
la.232.06zim
06
10.1075/la.232.06zim
147
170
24
Article
6
01
04
Phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic properties of es
Phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic properties of es
1
A01
01
JB code
435266090
Ilse Zimmermann
Zimmermann, Ilse
Ilse
Zimmermann
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/435266090
01
eng
30
00
The contribution deals with the German multifunctional item es and its suppletive forms dessen, dem and da(r). Their phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic lexical properties are considered and represented in corresponding lexical entries. The focus of attention is on the interrelation of the anaphoric and cataphoric functions of es and its role in sentence embedding. As far as possible, a unified syntactic and semantic analysis is given. As for the pro-form and the correlate es, I follow the differentiation of two matrix-predicate classes made by Sudhoff (2003) and try to add necessary distinctions and semantic considerations. For some types of matrix-predicates lexical representations are proposed. It is assumed that the correlate has an obligatory propositional argument, while the pro-forms es, dessen, dem, and da(r) occur separately or are accompanied by an apposition. The extraposition of the propositional argument of the correlate takes place for phonological and/or computational reasons and is not visible, semantically. In contrast, explicative constituents of pronouns and pro-forms can be base-generated right-dislocated to the matrix-sentence and are semantically correlated with their antecedent. The same seems true for cleft-constructions. It is discussed what it means to supply embedded clauses with nominal character. In this connection, a comparison is made between DPs with a pronominal head and DPs with a determiner and a lexical head with regard to their role in the embedding of clauses.
01
01
JB code
la.232.07nol
06
10.1075/la.232.07nol
171
210
40
Article
7
01
04
On the formation of prepositional adverbs in Modern German
On the formation of prepositional adverbs in Modern German
01
04
A
case study on darunter
A case study on darunter
1
A01
01
JB code
894266091
Andreas Nolda
Nolda, Andreas
Andreas
Nolda
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/894266091
01
eng
30
00
In this paper, I defend the hypothesis that each prepositional adverb in Modern German is formed from an adverb and a preposition – and not from two adverbs, as recently suggested in the literature. As major support for this hypothesis, I show on the example of darunter that the intensions of the lexical meanings of non-idiomatic prepositional adverbs are compositionally built from the intensions of preposition meanings by combining them in an appropriate way with the intension of an adverb meaning. The proposed analysis, formulated within the general framework of Integrational Linguistics (IL), also provides a solution for the animacy problem of prepositional adverbs, i.e. the problem that many prepositional adverbs in Modern German do not phorically take up animated entities, in particular, persons. This restriction follows, it is argued, from a sortal restriction inherited from the preposition meaning. While syntactic semantics can accommodate preposition meanings in order to properly relate preposition complement interpretations, there is no such accommodation in the case of prepositional adverbs, their valence being lexically reduced by one.
01
01
JB code
la.232.08sch
06
10.1075/la.232.08sch
211
240
30
Article
8
01
04
Sentential proforms and argument conditionals
Sentential proforms and argument conditionals
1
A01
01
JB code
50266092
Kerstin Schwabe
Schwabe, Kerstin
Kerstin
Schwabe
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/50266092
01
eng
30
00
The paper is about the relationship between German argument wenn-clauses and their proforms as in Lea bedauert es, wenn Mia Klavier spielt ‘Lea regrets it if Mia plays the piano’. Confirming and complementing Fabricius-Hansen’s (1980) view that these clauses are proper adverbials and simultaneously provide a propositional argument for a matrix predicate, the paper regards argument wenn-clauses as left- or right TP-adjuncts that m-command a sentential proform. It shows that the proform can also be pro if it represents an obligatory propositional argument. This pro is locally m-bound by the argument wenn-clause and itself locally m-binds an argument dass-clause. The latter is a right vP-adjunct and can be deleted if it is coreferential with the argument wenn-clause, if both are alike with respect to their information structural status, if they are identical with respect to their C’, and if they are adjacent.
01
01
JB code
la.232.09bra
06
10.1075/la.232.09bra
241
270
30
Article
9
01
04
Rethinking clausal asymmetries
Rethinking clausal asymmetries
01
04
Propositional pronoun insertion in Hungarian
Propositional pronoun insertion in Hungarian
1
A01
01
JB code
468266093
Johan Brandtler
Brandtler, Johan
Johan
Brandtler
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/468266093
2
A01
01
JB code
537266094
Valéria Molnár
Molnár, Valéria
Valéria
Molnár
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/537266094
01
eng
30
00
This paper proposes a theoretically minimal analysis of cataphoric propositional pronoun insertion in complex sentences in Hungarian, based on the realization of the SpecCP in the embedded clause. In accordance with Chomsky (2008), we assume that the derivation of SpecCP results from the instantiation of the edge-feature in C. We argue that syntax universally provides two clause types: those with an edge-feature (EF) in C, and those lacking an edge-feature in C. As propositional pronoun insertion is dependent on the availability of SpecCP, it is only possible in [+EF]-clauses. In our modular framework, we regard the EF as semantically vacuous, although it can be associated with different semantic contents in different languages. In Hungarian, the semantic content of the EF can be rendered in terms of predicationality. As we demonstrate, pronoun insertion has information-structural effects in Hungarian, a fact that can be seen as an immediate consequence of the claimed correlation between the EF and predicationality.
01
01
JB code
la.232.10nam
06
10.1075/la.232.10nam
271
272
2
Article
10
01
04
Name Index
Name Index
01
eng
01
01
JB code
la.232.11sub
06
10.1075/la.232.11sub
273
278
6
Article
11
01
04
Subject Index
Subject Index
01
eng
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.232
Amsterdam
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
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20160726
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2016
John Benjamins
D
2016
John Benjamins
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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149.00
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833017382
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01
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JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 232 GE
15
9789027266941
06
10.1075/la.232
13
2016024235
00
EA
E133
10
01
JB code
LA
02
JB code
0166-0829
02
232.00
01
02
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
01
01
Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms
Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms
1
B01
01
JB code
352257216
Werner Frey
Frey, Werner
Werner
Frey
ZAS Berlin
2
B01
01
JB code
525257217
André Meinunger
Meinunger, André
André
Meinunger
ZAS Berlin
3
B01
01
JB code
297257218
Kerstin Schwabe
Schwabe, Kerstin
Kerstin
Schwabe
ZAS Berlin
01
eng
11
284
03
03
v
03
00
278
03
24
JB code
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
10
LAN009000
12
CFK
01
06
02
00
This book deals with sentential proforms and their relationship to their associated clauses.
03
00
This book deals with sentential proforms and their relationship to their associated clauses. Sentential proforms are highly interesting from the point of view of grammatical theory, since their occurrence is determined not only by syntax, but also by prosody and semantics. The present volume contributes to a better understanding of the interfaces between these different levels. By providing syntactic, prosodic, semantic, psycholinguistic and corpus-based support, this book underpins the claim that there exist different sentential proform types in German and Dutch, that these proform types correlate with different verb classes, and that their associated related clauses are located in different syntactic positions. The present volume also looks at a Hungarian sentential proform construction, which is similar to the German(ic) structure, but, at the same time, is different in its licensing conditions.
01
00
03
01
01
D503
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.232.png
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D502
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027257154.jpg
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01
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JB code
la.232.01sch
06
10.1075/la.232.01sch
1
22
22
Article
1
01
04
Sentential proforms
Sentential proforms
01
04
An
overview
An overview
1
A01
01
JB code
281266081
Kerstin Schwabe
Schwabe, Kerstin
Kerstin
Schwabe
2
A01
01
JB code
604266082
Werner Frey
Frey, Werner
Werner
Frey
3
A01
01
JB code
645266083
André Meinunger
Meinunger, André
André
Meinunger
01
01
JB code
la.232.02sud
06
10.1075/la.232.02sud
23
48
26
Article
2
01
04
Correlates of object clauses in German and Dutch
Correlates of object clauses in German and Dutch
1
A01
01
JB code
926266084
Stefan Sudhoff
Sudhoff, Stefan
Stefan
Sudhoff
01
01
JB code
la.232.03axe
06
10.1075/la.232.03axe
49
72
24
Article
3
01
04
Correlative es vs. das in German
Correlative es vs. das in German
01
04
An
empirical perspective
An empirical perspective
1
A01
01
JB code
338266085
Katrin Axel-Tober
Axel-Tober, Katrin
Katrin
Axel-Tober
2
A01
01
JB code
385266086
Anke Holler
Holler, Anke
Anke
Holler
3
A01
01
JB code
715266087
Helena Krause
Krause, Helena
Helena
Krause
01
01
JB code
la.232.04fre
06
10.1075/la.232.04fre
73
104
32
Article
4
01
04
On properties differentiating constructions with inner-sentential pro-forms for clauses
On properties differentiating constructions with inner-sentential pro-forms for clauses
1
A01
01
JB code
5266088
Werner Frey
Frey, Werner
Werner
Frey
01
01
JB code
la.232.05tru
06
10.1075/la.232.05tru
105
146
42
Article
5
01
04
Some distinctions in the right periphery of the German clause
Some distinctions in the right periphery of the German clause
1
A01
01
JB code
156266089
Hubert Truckenbrodt
Truckenbrodt, Hubert
Hubert
Truckenbrodt
01
01
JB code
la.232.06zim
06
10.1075/la.232.06zim
147
170
24
Article
6
01
04
Phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic properties of es
Phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic properties of es
1
A01
01
JB code
435266090
Ilse Zimmermann
Zimmermann, Ilse
Ilse
Zimmermann
01
01
JB code
la.232.07nol
06
10.1075/la.232.07nol
171
210
40
Article
7
01
04
On the formation of prepositional adverbs in Modern German
On the formation of prepositional adverbs in Modern German
01
04
A
case study on darunter
A case study on darunter
1
A01
01
JB code
894266091
Andreas Nolda
Nolda, Andreas
Andreas
Nolda
01
01
JB code
la.232.08sch
06
10.1075/la.232.08sch
211
240
30
Article
8
01
04
Sentential proforms and argument conditionals
Sentential proforms and argument conditionals
1
A01
01
JB code
50266092
Kerstin Schwabe
Schwabe, Kerstin
Kerstin
Schwabe
01
01
JB code
la.232.09bra
06
10.1075/la.232.09bra
241
270
30
Article
9
01
04
Rethinking clausal asymmetries
Rethinking clausal asymmetries
01
04
Propositional pronoun insertion in Hungarian
Propositional pronoun insertion in Hungarian
1
A01
01
JB code
468266093
Johan Brandtler
Brandtler, Johan
Johan
Brandtler
2
A01
01
JB code
537266094
Valéria Molnár
Molnár, Valéria
Valéria
Molnár
01
01
JB code
la.232.10nam
06
10.1075/la.232.10nam
271
272
2
Article
10
01
04
Name Index
Name Index
01
01
JB code
la.232.11sub
06
10.1075/la.232.11sub
273
278
6
Article
11
01
04
Subject Index
Subject Index
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
00
20160726
C
2016
John Benjamins
D
2016
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027257154
WORLD
03
01
JB
17
Google
03
https://play.google.com/store/books
21
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Unqualified price
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Unqualified price
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Unqualified price
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149.00
USD
912016840
03
01
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JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 232 Eb
15
9789027266941
06
10.1075/la.232
13
2016024235
00
EA
E107
10
01
JB code
LA
02
0166-0829
02
232.00
01
02
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
11
01
JB code
jbe-all
01
02
Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles)
11
01
JB code
jbe-2016
01
02
2016 collection (147 titles)
05
02
2016 collection
01
01
Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms
Syntactic properties and interpretative effects
Inner-sentential Propositional Proforms: Syntactic properties and interpretative effects
1
B01
01
JB code
352257216
Werner Frey
Frey, Werner
Werner
Frey
ZAS Berlin
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/352257216
2
B01
01
JB code
525257217
André Meinunger
Meinunger, André
André
Meinunger
ZAS Berlin
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/525257217
3
B01
01
JB code
297257218
Kerstin Schwabe
Schwabe, Kerstin
Kerstin
Schwabe
ZAS Berlin
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/297257218
01
eng
11
284
03
03
v
03
00
278
03
01
23
415
03
2016
P285
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Propositional phrases.
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Syntax.
04
German language--Grammar, Comparative--Dutch.
04
Dutch language--Grammar, Comparative--German.
10
LAN009000
12
CFK
24
JB code
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
01
06
02
00
This book deals with sentential proforms and their relationship to their associated clauses.
03
00
This book deals with sentential proforms and their relationship to their associated clauses. Sentential proforms are highly interesting from the point of view of grammatical theory, since their occurrence is determined not only by syntax, but also by prosody and semantics. The present volume contributes to a better understanding of the interfaces between these different levels. By providing syntactic, prosodic, semantic, psycholinguistic and corpus-based support, this book underpins the claim that there exist different sentential proform types in German and Dutch, that these proform types correlate with different verb classes, and that their associated related clauses are located in different syntactic positions. The present volume also looks at a Hungarian sentential proform construction, which is similar to the German(ic) structure, but, at the same time, is different in its licensing conditions.
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03
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D503
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.232.png
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D502
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027257154.jpg
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027257154.tif
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01
D503
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.232.hb.png
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D503
https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.232.png
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01
D503
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.232.hb.png
03
00
03
01
01
D503
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.232.hb.png
01
01
JB code
la.232.01sch
06
10.1075/la.232.01sch
1
22
22
Article
1
01
04
Sentential proforms
Sentential proforms
01
04
An
overview
An overview
1
A01
01
JB code
281266081
Kerstin Schwabe
Schwabe, Kerstin
Kerstin
Schwabe
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/281266081
2
A01
01
JB code
604266082
Werner Frey
Frey, Werner
Werner
Frey
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/604266082
3
A01
01
JB code
645266083
André Meinunger
Meinunger, André
André
Meinunger
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/645266083
01
eng
01
01
JB code
la.232.02sud
06
10.1075/la.232.02sud
23
48
26
Article
2
01
04
Correlates of object clauses in German and Dutch
Correlates of object clauses in German and Dutch
1
A01
01
JB code
926266084
Stefan Sudhoff
Sudhoff, Stefan
Stefan
Sudhoff
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/926266084
01
eng
30
00
This paper deals with usages of the German pronoun es (and its counterpart het in Dutch) as a correlate of extraposed object clauses. It is argued (i) that es is the head of an argument DP and takes the embedded clause as its complement; (ii) that there are two types of matrix predicates, one of them being compatible with correlate-es, the other one incompatible; and (iii) that correlate-es has to be distinguished from an anaphoric use of the pronoun es that is possible in constructions with both types of matrix predicates, but has different contextual requirements.
01
01
JB code
la.232.03axe
06
10.1075/la.232.03axe
49
72
24
Article
3
01
04
Correlative es vs. das in German
Correlative es vs. das in German
01
04
An
empirical perspective
An empirical perspective
1
A01
01
JB code
338266085
Katrin Axel-Tober
Axel-Tober, Katrin
Katrin
Axel-Tober
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/338266085
2
A01
01
JB code
385266086
Anke Holler
Holler, Anke
Anke
Holler
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/385266086
3
A01
01
JB code
715266087
Helena Krause
Krause, Helena
Helena
Krause
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/715266087
01
eng
30
00
In the last few decades, the role of correlative elements in recursive sentence embedding has received considerable attention. In the theoretical literature on German, it has been argued that the syntax of correlative constructions is not homogeneous and that one has to distinguish between so-called pro-form and placeholder constructions. In this paper, we give empirical evidence for distinguishing between these two uses, by focusing on two correlative lexemes: es and das. Furthermore, we present psycholinguistic and corpus-based support for the differentiation of two verb classes regarding the realizations of correlative elements.
01
01
JB code
la.232.04fre
06
10.1075/la.232.04fre
73
104
32
Article
4
01
04
On properties differentiating constructions with inner-sentential pro-forms for clauses
On properties differentiating constructions with inner-sentential pro-forms for clauses
1
A01
01
JB code
5266088
Werner Frey
Frey, Werner
Werner
Frey
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/5266088
01
eng
30
00
The paper discusses various syntactic properties of different constructions featuring a dependent clause associated with a pro-form. The paper adopts the thesis of Pütz (19862) and Sudhoff (2003) that the pro-form construction with verbs of the class to which bedauern (‘to regret’) belongs and the pro-form construction with verbs of the class which contains behaupten (‘to claim’) have to be differentiated. With regard to the former it is argued that contrary to standard assumptions, the presence of the pro-form makes a syntactic and a semantic difference. Regarding the construction in which the pro-form has the function of a prepositional object the argumentation is different in that the very same syntax is present independent of whether the pro-form is lexically realised or not, whether the pro-form is unstressed or stressed, or whether it is reduced or not. However, a special interpretation – narrow focus on the dependent clause – arises when the prepositional part of the pro-form is stressed. For the construction with a dependent adverbial clause the presence or absence of a lexically realised pro-form is again crucial. Finally and most importantly, it is demonstrated that a further construction has to be distinguished. It features a psych-verb with an experiencer-object, es and a clausal argument. In this construction, es is not a pro-form for the clausal argument as such but an independent argument which is co-referential with the clause and encodes the causer of the emotion.
01
01
JB code
la.232.05tru
06
10.1075/la.232.05tru
105
146
42
Article
5
01
04
Some distinctions in the right periphery of the German clause
Some distinctions in the right periphery of the German clause
1
A01
01
JB code
156266089
Hubert Truckenbrodt
Truckenbrodt, Hubert
Hubert
Truckenbrodt
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/156266089
01
eng
30
00
Right dislocation/afterthought (resuming a pronoun) obeys prosody and information structure restrictions not shared by extraposition (leaving a gap) in German. Right dislocation/afterthought requires that the preceding clause is an intonation phrase carrying sentence stress on its own. It also requires that no focus-background structure is built across the clause and the dislocated element. Neither requirement is present with extraposition. The syntactic analysis derives right dislocation/afterthought from full clauses by deletion. The separate clause is outside of the root sentence of Bruce Downing (1970), which is tentatively identified with the non-integrated clauses of Reis (1997) and Holler (2008). Earlier analyses are confirmed in a related case: What looks like the resumption of es ‘it’ by clauses (Germ. Korrelate) under certain matrix verbs seems to be syntactic extraposition from [DP es CP] instead.
01
01
JB code
la.232.06zim
06
10.1075/la.232.06zim
147
170
24
Article
6
01
04
Phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic properties of es
Phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic properties of es
1
A01
01
JB code
435266090
Ilse Zimmermann
Zimmermann, Ilse
Ilse
Zimmermann
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/435266090
01
eng
30
00
The contribution deals with the German multifunctional item es and its suppletive forms dessen, dem and da(r). Their phonological, morphosyntactic and semantic lexical properties are considered and represented in corresponding lexical entries. The focus of attention is on the interrelation of the anaphoric and cataphoric functions of es and its role in sentence embedding. As far as possible, a unified syntactic and semantic analysis is given. As for the pro-form and the correlate es, I follow the differentiation of two matrix-predicate classes made by Sudhoff (2003) and try to add necessary distinctions and semantic considerations. For some types of matrix-predicates lexical representations are proposed. It is assumed that the correlate has an obligatory propositional argument, while the pro-forms es, dessen, dem, and da(r) occur separately or are accompanied by an apposition. The extraposition of the propositional argument of the correlate takes place for phonological and/or computational reasons and is not visible, semantically. In contrast, explicative constituents of pronouns and pro-forms can be base-generated right-dislocated to the matrix-sentence and are semantically correlated with their antecedent. The same seems true for cleft-constructions. It is discussed what it means to supply embedded clauses with nominal character. In this connection, a comparison is made between DPs with a pronominal head and DPs with a determiner and a lexical head with regard to their role in the embedding of clauses.
01
01
JB code
la.232.07nol
06
10.1075/la.232.07nol
171
210
40
Article
7
01
04
On the formation of prepositional adverbs in Modern German
On the formation of prepositional adverbs in Modern German
01
04
A
case study on darunter
A case study on darunter
1
A01
01
JB code
894266091
Andreas Nolda
Nolda, Andreas
Andreas
Nolda
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/894266091
01
eng
30
00
In this paper, I defend the hypothesis that each prepositional adverb in Modern German is formed from an adverb and a preposition – and not from two adverbs, as recently suggested in the literature. As major support for this hypothesis, I show on the example of darunter that the intensions of the lexical meanings of non-idiomatic prepositional adverbs are compositionally built from the intensions of preposition meanings by combining them in an appropriate way with the intension of an adverb meaning. The proposed analysis, formulated within the general framework of Integrational Linguistics (IL), also provides a solution for the animacy problem of prepositional adverbs, i.e. the problem that many prepositional adverbs in Modern German do not phorically take up animated entities, in particular, persons. This restriction follows, it is argued, from a sortal restriction inherited from the preposition meaning. While syntactic semantics can accommodate preposition meanings in order to properly relate preposition complement interpretations, there is no such accommodation in the case of prepositional adverbs, their valence being lexically reduced by one.
01
01
JB code
la.232.08sch
06
10.1075/la.232.08sch
211
240
30
Article
8
01
04
Sentential proforms and argument conditionals
Sentential proforms and argument conditionals
1
A01
01
JB code
50266092
Kerstin Schwabe
Schwabe, Kerstin
Kerstin
Schwabe
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/50266092
01
eng
30
00
The paper is about the relationship between German argument wenn-clauses and their proforms as in Lea bedauert es, wenn Mia Klavier spielt ‘Lea regrets it if Mia plays the piano’. Confirming and complementing Fabricius-Hansen’s (1980) view that these clauses are proper adverbials and simultaneously provide a propositional argument for a matrix predicate, the paper regards argument wenn-clauses as left- or right TP-adjuncts that m-command a sentential proform. It shows that the proform can also be pro if it represents an obligatory propositional argument. This pro is locally m-bound by the argument wenn-clause and itself locally m-binds an argument dass-clause. The latter is a right vP-adjunct and can be deleted if it is coreferential with the argument wenn-clause, if both are alike with respect to their information structural status, if they are identical with respect to their C’, and if they are adjacent.
01
01
JB code
la.232.09bra
06
10.1075/la.232.09bra
241
270
30
Article
9
01
04
Rethinking clausal asymmetries
Rethinking clausal asymmetries
01
04
Propositional pronoun insertion in Hungarian
Propositional pronoun insertion in Hungarian
1
A01
01
JB code
468266093
Johan Brandtler
Brandtler, Johan
Johan
Brandtler
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/468266093
2
A01
01
JB code
537266094
Valéria Molnár
Molnár, Valéria
Valéria
Molnár
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/537266094
01
eng
30
00
This paper proposes a theoretically minimal analysis of cataphoric propositional pronoun insertion in complex sentences in Hungarian, based on the realization of the SpecCP in the embedded clause. In accordance with Chomsky (2008), we assume that the derivation of SpecCP results from the instantiation of the edge-feature in C. We argue that syntax universally provides two clause types: those with an edge-feature (EF) in C, and those lacking an edge-feature in C. As propositional pronoun insertion is dependent on the availability of SpecCP, it is only possible in [+EF]-clauses. In our modular framework, we regard the EF as semantically vacuous, although it can be associated with different semantic contents in different languages. In Hungarian, the semantic content of the EF can be rendered in terms of predicationality. As we demonstrate, pronoun insertion has information-structural effects in Hungarian, a fact that can be seen as an immediate consequence of the claimed correlation between the EF and predicationality.
01
01
JB code
la.232.10nam
06
10.1075/la.232.10nam
271
272
2
Article
10
01
04
Name Index
Name Index
01
eng
01
01
JB code
la.232.11sub
06
10.1075/la.232.11sub
273
278
6
Article
11
01
04
Subject Index
Subject Index
01
eng
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.232
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
00
20160726
C
2016
John Benjamins
D
2016
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027257154
WORLD
09
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
https://jbe-platform.com
29
https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027266941
21
01
00
Unqualified price
02
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Unqualified price
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149.00
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