20016146 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 239 Eb 15 9789027265722 06 10.1075/la.239 13 2017024591 00 EA E107 10 01 JB code LA 02 0166-0829 02 239.00 01 02 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 11 01 JB code jbe-all 01 02 Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles) 11 01 JB code jbe-2017 01 02 2017 collection (152 titles) 05 02 2017 collection 01 01 Boundaries, Phases and Interfaces Case studies in honor of Violeta Demonte Boundaries, Phases and Interfaces: Case studies in honor of Violeta Demonte 1 B01 01 JB code 754233290 Olga Fernández-Soriano Fernández-Soriano, Olga Olga Fernández-Soriano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/754233290 2 B01 01 JB code 1233291 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró Ikerbasque and UPV/EHU 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/1233291 3 B01 01 JB code 119233292 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Universidad de Alcalá 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/119233292 01 eng 11 377 03 03 viii 03 00 369 03 01 23 415.01/822 03 2017 P158 04 Generative grammar--Case studies. 04 Grammar, Comparative and general--Syntax--Case studies. 04 Grammar, Comparative and general--Morphosyntax--Case studies 04 Lexicology. 04 Minimalist theory. 10 LAN009060 12 CFK 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 This book approaches the concept of boundary, central in linguistic theory, and the related notion of phase from the perspective of the interaction between syntax and its interfaces. 03 00 This book approaches the concept of boundary, central in linguistic theory, and the related notion of phase from the perspective of the interaction between syntax and its interfaces. A primary notion is that phases are the appropriate domains to explain most interface linguistic phenomena and that the study of (narrow) interfaces helps to understand conditions on the internal structure of the Language Faculty. The first part of this volume is dedicated to introducing the notion of boundary, cycle and phase, and also the current debates regarding internal interfaces, in particular, the syntax-phonology, syntax-semantics, syntax-discourse, syntax-morphology and syntax-lexicon interfaces, in order to show how the notion of boundary/phase is related to (or even determines) most of their characteristics. The four sections of the second part deal with (morpho)phonology/ syntax and the role or boundaries/phases; the syntax-discourse and syntax-semantics interface; and the lexicon-syntax interface, while the notion of boundary/phase cross-cuts the main topics addressed. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.239.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027257222.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027257222.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.239.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.239.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.239.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.239.hb.png 01 01 JB code la.239.pre 06 10.1075la.239.pre Miscellaneous 1 01 04 Preface Preface 01 01 JB code la.239.001pre 06 10.1075/la.239.001pre vii viii 2 Article 1 01 04 Preface Preface 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.239.01cas 06 10.1075/la.239.01cas 1 24 24 Introduction 2 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 04 Boundaries, phases and interfaces Boundaries, phases and interfaces 1 A01 01 JB code 770293562 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró Ikerbasque and UPV/EHU 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/770293562 2 A01 01 JB code 88293563 Olga Fernández-Soriano Fernández-Soriano, Olga Olga Fernández-Soriano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/88293563 3 A01 01 JB code 362293564 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Universidad de Alcalá 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/362293564 01 01 JB code la.239.s1 06 10.1075/la.239.s1 28 104 77 Section header 3 01 04 Section 1. (Morpho)phonology-Syntax Interface Section 1. (Morpho)phonology-Syntax Interface 01 01 JB code la.239.02dan 06 10.1075/la.239.02dan 25 46 22 Chapter 4 01 04 Syntacticizing blends Syntacticizing blends 01 04 The case of English wh-raising The case of English wh-raising 1 A01 01 JB code 550293565 Lieven Danckaert Danckaert, Lieven Lieven Danckaert Ghent University, FWO 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/550293565 2 A01 01 JB code 892293566 Liliane Haegeman Haegeman, Liliane Liliane Haegeman Ghent University, FWO 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/892293566 30 00

This paper aims at analysing English structures in which a wh-moved subject triggers agreement both in the clause it is extracted from and in the immediately higher clause. This pattern is only accepted by some native speakers, and it is also attested in corpora. Although the relevant structures could at first sight be analysed as extragrammatical ‘blends’, we propose that they are in fact part of certain speakers’ linguistic competence, and hence generated by the grammar of those speakers. Adopting the approach to subject extraction developed in Rizzi & Shlonsky (2007), we suggest that extracted subjects can exceptionally be ‘hyperactive’ (Carstens 2011), and thus take part in A-relations (case and agreement) in more than one clausal domain.

01 01 JB code la.239.03cam 06 10.1075/la.239.03cam 47 62 16 Chapter 5 01 04 Does the verb raise to T in Spanish? Does the verb raise to T in Spanish? 1 A01 01 JB code 594293567 José Camacho Camacho, José José Camacho Rutgers University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/594293567 2 A01 01 JB code 653293568 Liliana Sánchez Sánchez, Liliana Liliana Sánchez Rutgers University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/653293568 30 00

We test adverb-verb word orders in Peruvian Spanish against analyses of verb movement (Pollock 1989, Embick & Noyer 2001). While the preferred order is V-adv-O, the alternative Adv-V-O is also possible. We propose that the verb raises in overt syntax and morphological insertion targets either the higher or the lower position. In the latter case, morphological requirements force the more computationally costly option of T-to-V lowering. We analyze the ungrammaticality of neg-adv-V as a blocking of the selectional restriction requirements of neg (the extended verbal projection, including T) by the intervening adverb. This distribution is parallel to English do-insertion in negative contexts (I don’t frequently eat vs. * I not frequently eat), where neg selects for a -T category (cf. Williams 1994).

01 01 JB code la.239.04pil 06 10.1075/la.239.04pil 63 84 22 Chapter 6 01 04 Locative DPs and deictic adverbs/pronouns in subject position in Brazilian Portuguese Locative DPs and deictic adverbs/pronouns in subject position in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 608293569 Eloisa Silva Nascimento Pilati Pilati, Eloisa Silva Nascimento Eloisa Silva Nascimento Pilati University of Brasilia 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/608293569 2 A01 01 JB code 666293570 Rozana Reigota Naves Naves, Rozana Reigota Rozana Reigota Naves University of Brasilia 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/666293570 3 A01 01 JB code 934293571 Heloisa Maria M. Lima-Salles Lima-Salles, Heloisa Maria M. Heloisa Maria M. Lima-Salles University of Brasilia 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/934293571 30 00

The paper investigates the licensing of locative DPs and deictic adverbs in subject position in Brazilian Portuguese (henceforth, BP), taking into consideration specifically the grammatical status of third person verb inflection in this language. We develop a unified analysis for related phenomena, which allow to identifying Brazilian Portuguese (BP) as a partial null subject language (cf. Holmberg 2010). In particular, we examine (i) sentences with a locative preverbal adverb/pronoun, which can be either overt or null (further allowing a locative adverb in postverbal position), in which the verb bears third person inflection and the subject has an arbitrary reading; (ii) VS word order sentences with an overt locative adverb, giving rise to a locative inversion configuration; (iii) sentences with weather verbs and a preverbal locative DP licensing agreement on the verb; (iv) the so-called topic-subject constructions, with a (selected) DP raised from an internal VP position. We assume that third person inflection on the verb, unlike first and second person inflection, is unable to license referential definite null subjects (cf. Rabelo 2010). We claim that the possibility of filling the subject position with a locative pronoun/adverb or a locative DP is due to the fact that the third person inflection in BP is no longer referential. In turn, null or overt locative adverbs/pronouns in preverbal position can check the EPP feature in these constructions, yielding arbitrary interpretation of the external argument as a consequence of the absence of a referential feature on (third person) T. We further claim that the (null) adverb/pronoun bears a locative feature in locative inversion constructions, existential predicates, and (internal) locative/part-whole arguments.

01 01 JB code la.239.05zub 06 10.1075/la.239.05zub 85 104 20 Chapter 7 01 04 A note on the syntax of possession in Paraguayan Guarani A note on the syntax of possession in Paraguayan Guaraní 1 A01 01 JB code 647293572 María Luisa Zubizarreta Zubizarreta, María Luisa María Luisa Zubizarreta University of Southern California 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/647293572 2 A01 01 JB code 19293573 Roumyana Pancheva Pancheva, Roumyana Roumyana Pancheva University of Southern California 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/19293573 30 00

This article shows that the pronominal system of Paraguayan Guaraní provides evidence that 3p (null) possessor pronouns behave differently from 1p and 2p (overt) possessor pronouns and argues that this difference can be captured by a conjunction of hypotheses, namely, that the 3p possessor pronoun in Paraguayan Guaraní is negatively specified for Person feature and that its syntax is crucially different from that of 1p and 2p possessor pronouns. The null possessor pronoun is an nP (not a DP) that receives its interpretation via local binding. We furthermore argue that all inalienable possessor pronouns in Paraguayan Guaraní originate as an nP and that 1p and 2p pronouns must sideward-merge with a D and then merge as specifiers of higher heads (either in the nominal or verbal domain) to be syntactically realized as full DPs. We extend the analysis proposed for inalienable possessors to a certain class of transitive verbs (known as triforme verbs) as well as to nominal possessor constructions.

01 01 JB code la.239.s2 06 10.1075/la.239.s2 108 192 85 Section header 8 01 04 Section 2. Syntax-Semantics interface Section 2. Syntax-Semantics interface 01 01 JB code la.239.06gut 06 10.1075/la.239.06gut 105 128 24 Chapter 9 01 04 Adverbial elatives in Caribbean Spanish Adverbial elatives in Caribbean Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 102293574 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach The Ohio State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/102293574 2 A01 01 JB code 177293575 Melvin González-Rivera González-Rivera, Melvin Melvin González-Rivera University of Puerto Rico, Mayagüez 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/177293575 30 00

This paper is a study of the adverbial modifier bien and its use as an elative or operator of extreme degree in a Caribbean Spanish variety, Puerto Rican Spanish. It is argued that there are several properties setting the elative interpretation of bien apart from other well-known uses in other varieties and from the intensifier muy. The modifier bien is also argued to be exclamative and modal in nature, related to the high degree of commitment of the speaker with the truth of a proposition.

01 01 JB code la.239.07esp 06 10.1075/la.239.07esp 129 150 22 Chapter 10 01 04 On weak definites and their contribution to event kinds On weak definites and their contribution to event kinds 1 A01 01 JB code 954293576 M. Teresa Espinal Espinal, M. Teresa M. Teresa Espinal Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/954293576 2 A01 01 JB code 133293577 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino Universidade Estadual de Campinas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/133293577 30 00

In this paper we focus on the meaning of definite DPs that allow a weak reading. We review three different proposals for weak definites, and we present a new analysis with special reference to Romance languages. We submit that the eventual weak reading of a definite DP and its contribution to a ‘familiar’ kind of activity is exclusively dependent on whether certain stereotypical information encoded on the N present in the DP is activated at the time of utterance interpretation. These DPs do not refer to kinds and do not correspond to incorporated objects. Hence, their interpretation is not compositionally driven, but rather pragmatically inferred. We predict that the identification of weak definites takes place beyond grammar and is constrained by encyclopedic information.

01 01 JB code la.239.08riv 06 10.1075/la.239.08riv 151 172 22 Chapter 11 01 04 The grammaticalization of `big' situations The grammaticalization of ‘big’ situations 01 04 The IMPF operator and perfective imperfects in Bulgarian The IMPF operator and perfective imperfects in Bulgarian 1 A01 01 JB code 691293578 María Luisa Rivero Rivero, María Luisa María Luisa Rivero University of Ottawa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/691293578 2 A01 01 JB code 998293579 Ana Arregui Arregui, Ana Ana Arregui University of Ottawa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/998293579 3 A01 01 JB code 7293580 Nikolay Slavkov Slavkov, Nikolay Nikolay Slavkov University of Ottawa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/7293580 30 00

Assuming that syntax and morphology constraints can target ‘situation size’ in semantics, this paper argues for the necessity of constraints on ‘big’ situations, and for their grammaticalization. Data from Bulgarian indicate that complex (viewpoint) aspectual interactions between Perfective verbs in the Imperfect Tense in adjunct/restrictor clauses and verbs in the Imperfect Tense in main/nuclear scope clauses trigger habitual interpretations. Such interactions result in propositions that can only be true in ‘big’ situations, informally described as ‘non-accidental generalizations on repeated actions that are complete’. Furthermore, a morphological contrast between Perfective Imperfects and Perfective Aorists in adverbial adjunct clauses accounts for restrictions on the modal interpretations of imperfective aspect associated with a Viewpoint operator IMPF, and distinguishes between ongoing and habitual readings.

01 01 JB code la.239.09mcn 06 10.1075/la.239.09mcn 173 192 20 Chapter 12 01 04 On the scalar properties and telicity of degree achievements On the scalar properties and telicity of degree achievements 1 A01 01 JB code 828293581 Louise McNally McNally, Louise Louise McNally Universitat Pompeu Fabra 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/828293581 30 00

Kennedy & Levin (2008) argue that the aspectual properties of so-called degree achievement (DA) verbs (e.g. darken) can largely be predicted from the scale structure of the adjectives to which they are derivationally related (e.g. dark). Specifically, when the adjective is evaluated on a scale that is upper closed and the standard for the adjective to truthfully apply is the upper endpoint on that scale (i.e., when the adjective is absolute; see e.g. Kennedy & McNally 2005), the corresponding DA can be either telic or atelic. In contrast, when the adjective’s scale is open and the standard is context-dependent (i.e., when the adjective is relative), the corresponding DA is atelic. In this paper, I defend, following Kearns (2007), the position that telic interpretations of DAs are not directly a function of the standards for the adjectives from which the verbs are derived. Rather, the telic interpretation simply depends on it being possible to characterize the amount of change undergone in terms of the part structure of the event described, without reference to a specific comparison class. This conclusion will emerge from reflection on how the notions of relative and absolute standards can be recast in terms of similarity- vs. rule-based classification (as proposed in McNally 2011), extended from the adjectival to the verbal domain.

01 01 JB code la.239.s3 06 10.1075/la.239.s3 196 276 81 Section header 13 01 04 Section 3. Syntax-Discourse interface Section 3. Syntax-Discourse interface 01 01 JB code la.239.10gal 06 10.1075/la.239.10gal 193 222 30 Chapter 14 01 04 Multiple Wh-Movement in European Spanish Multiple Wh-Movement in European Spanish 01 04 Exploring the role of interface conditions for variation Exploring the role of interface conditions for variation 1 A01 01 JB code 972293582 Ángel J. Gallego Gallego, Ángel J. Ángel J. Gallego Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/972293582 30 00

In this paper I explore Multiple Wh-Movement (MWM) in European Romance, a syntactic pattern that has been regarded as impossible (all Romance languages but Romanian excluding it; cf. Escandell-Vidal 1999; RAE-ASALE 2009; Chernova 2015, among others). After reviewing some data that qualify this well-known observation, I argue that European Spanish can actually display MWM under specific discourse conditions, some of which have not been previously reported. The paper puts forward an analysis of the facts adopting Richards’ (2010)Distinctiness, a PF condition that requires for X and Y to be morphologically or featurally different (within the same domain) for them to be linearized, a solution that places the relevant parameter in the Syntax → PF wing of the grammar.

01 01 JB code la.239.11fra 06 10.1075/la.239.11fra 223 254 32 Chapter 15 01 04 Subextraction at the Discourse-Grammar interface Subextraction at the Discourse-Grammar interface 01 04 A featural approach to island effects A featural approach to island effects 1 A01 01 JB code 666293583 Mara Frascarelli Frascarelli, Mara Mara Frascarelli University of Roma Tre 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/666293583 2 A01 01 JB code 988293584 Ángel L. Jiménez-Fernández Jiménez-Fernández, Ángel L. Ángel L. Jiménez-Fernández University of Seville 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/988293584 30 00

In this paper we carry out an interface investigation of subject islands in Italian and Spanish, in which subextraction in the form of focus fronting is connected with the type of Focus implemented by the subextracted PP (Corrective vs. Mirative) and the D-properties of the subextraction site. Adopting a featural approach, we claim that subjects are not ‘absolute’ islands and variation is not idiosyncratic: subextraction is possible in the two languages under examination provided specific properties are met in the relevant D-domain and depending on the information-structural properties of the subextracted PP. More precisely, subextraction of a Corrective Focus in Italian is fully accepted from [−spec] DPs, whereas Spanish needs a [−def] feature in the same context. Subextraction to obtain a mirative interpretation, on the other hand, is only (marginally) allowed from [+def, −spec] DPs: this is attributed to the compatibility between D-features and the discourse-semantics properties of a Mirative Focus.

01 01 JB code la.239.12hoe 06 10.1075/la.239.12hoe 255 276 22 Chapter 16 01 04 On the de se reading in the de se center shift in Korean On the de se reading in the de se center shift in Korean 01 04 An account based on logophoric binding An account based on logophoric binding 1 A01 01 JB code 664293585 Semoon Hoe Hoe, Semoon Semoon Hoe Seoul National University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/664293585 2 A01 01 JB code 981293586 Dongsik Lim Lim, Dongsik Dongsik Lim Hongik University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/981293586 30 00

Korean long-distance anaphor (LDA) caki is obligatorily interpreted as de se: the attitude holder should know that the reference of caki is himself/herself. However, this restriction can be obviated when the Korean direct perceptive evidential marker –te is used. In this case, caki can be used as far as the evidence holder indicated by –te knows that the reference of caki is the attitude holder himself/herself, even when the attitude holder does not know that (Lim 2012, 2014; Lim & Lee 2012; Lim & Hoe to appear, among others). In this paper we call this puzzle de se center shift, and argue that the de se center shift in Korean should be analyzed in terms of the binding relation between an operator and caki. We also present some evidence that this puzzle should not be analyzed in terms of a pragmatically motivated binding relation, such as empathic binding and/or indirect de se (such as what is argued for Chinese ziji in Wang & Pan 2014, 2015, among others). Finally, we discuss some theoretical implications of our proposal, especially regarding the interaction between –te and different types of attitude predicates.

01 01 JB code la.239.s4 06 10.1075/la.239.s4 280 366 87 Section header 17 01 04 Section 4. Lexicon-Syntax interface Section 4. Lexicon-Syntax interface 01 01 JB code la.239.13zag 06 10.1075/la.239.13zag 277 304 28 Chapter 18 01 04 Spanish participial adjectives and individual-level/stage-level interpretations in nominals Spanish participial adjectives and individual-level/stage-level interpretations in nominals 1 A01 01 JB code 99293587 Karen Zagona Zagona, Karen Karen Zagona University of Washington 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/99293587 2 A01 01 JB code 221293588 Heles Contreras Contreras, Heles Heles Contreras University of Washington 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/221293588 30 00

This article addresses the well-known restriction on stage-level readings of pre-nominal predicative adjectives in Spanish. We argue that this restriction is due to a structural difference between ‘direct modifiers’ and ‘indirect modifiers’ as has been previously proposed in the literature (Demonte 1999; Cinque 2010). New evidence for such a distinction is introduced, based on the contrasting behavior of two classes of deverbal adjectives: se-inchoatives versus ‘perfective’ participial adjectives.

01 01 JB code la.239.14fer 06 10.1075/la.239.14fer 305 324 20 Chapter 19 01 04 Two types of transitive verbs in Spanish Two types of transitive verbs in Spanish 01 04 Ditransitives in disguise Ditransitives in disguise 1 A01 01 JB code 112293589 Héctor Fernández-Alcalde Fernández-Alcalde, Héctor Héctor Fernández-Alcalde Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/112293589 30 00

This paper focuses on the different properties shown by two types of verbs that surface as transitive verbs in Spanish. The article tries to demonstrate that, beside regular transitive verbs taking a DP complement (e.g. Juan leyó un libro ‘Juan read a book’), other apparent transitive verbs – pseudotransitive verbs – (e.g. Juan golpeó al prisionero ‘Juan hit the prisoner’) hide a deep ditransitive structure in which a nominal argument is conflated into an abstract predicate. Subextraction, nominalization and quantifier scope data are used to support this claim. The analysis derives the different properties exhibited by these two types of verbs from their base argument structure and shows that they are independent from other syntactic mechanisms such as differential object marking.

01 01 JB code la.239.15rom 06 10.1075/la.239.15rom 325 342 18 Chapter 20 01 04 Grammatical categories at the Lexicon-Syntax-Semantics interface Grammatical categories at the Lexicon-Syntax-Semantics interface 01 04 The case of prepositions The case of prepositions 1 A01 01 JB code 19293590 Juan Romeu Romeu, Juan Juan Romeu PhD. Universidad Complutense de Madrid/Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/19293590 30 00

Although it is descriptively useful to classify lexical items into grammatical categories, this classification is not theoretically accurate and it requires a more fine-grained analysis.

This is possible by means of a model like the one presented in this article. In it, each node of a universal syntactic structure encodes an indecomposable semantic component (which can be altered by modifiers). Lexical items lexicalize different chunks of the structure. The category to which they are related and the differences between elements belonging to the same category depend on the chunk they lexicalize.

I show that prepositions, for instance, lexicalize different chunks of the structure around the node Rel(ation) (only Rel, Rel and a modifier or only a modifier of Rel). This explains the different behavior of lexical items included under the label preposition (as can be seen, for instance, in their different possibilities of combination).

01 01 JB code la.239.16mat 06 10.1075/la.239.16mat 343 366 24 Chapter 21 01 04 State and change of state in Latin State and change of state in Latin 01 04 A view from the Lexicon-Syntax interface A view from the Lexicon-Syntax interface 1 A01 01 JB code 885293591 Jaume Mateu Mateu, Jaume Jaume Mateu 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/885293591 30 00

This paper offers a syntactic account of Haverling’s (1994 ff.) descriptive insights regarding the formation of both stative verbs and -sco verbs expressing change in Early and Classical Latin. In particular, the formal distinction between incorporation and conflation (cfr. Haugen 2008, 2009 and Mateu 2012, i.a.) is shown to be useful when dealing with the formation of these verbs. Following Acedo-Matellán and Mateu’s (2013) formal account of Talmy’s (1991, 2000) typology of motion events, the paper also addresses the question of why aspectual resultative prefixation is a phenomenon that is expected to be found in a satellite-framed language like Latin (e.g., cfr. inarescere ‘to start becoming dry’) but not in verb-framed languages like Catalan or Spanish.

01 01 JB code la.239.ind 06 10.1075/la.239.ind Miscellaneous 22 01 04 Index Index
01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.239 Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20170614 C 2017 John Benjamins D 2017 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027257222 WORLD 09 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 https://jbe-platform.com 29 https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027265722 21 01 00 Unqualified price 02 99.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 02 83.00 GBP GB 01 00 Unqualified price 02 149.00 USD
308018213 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 239 GE 15 9789027265722 06 10.1075/la.239 13 2017024591 00 EA E133 10 01 JB code LA 02 JB code 0166-0829 02 239.00 01 02 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 01 01 Boundaries, Phases and Interfaces Boundaries, Phases and Interfaces 1 B01 01 JB code 754233290 Olga Fernández-Soriano Fernández-Soriano, Olga Olga Fernández-Soriano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 2 B01 01 JB code 1233291 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró Ikerbasque and UPV/EHU 3 B01 01 JB code 119233292 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Universidad de Alcalá 01 eng 11 377 03 03 viii 03 00 369 03 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 10 LAN009060 12 CFK 01 06 02 00 This book approaches the concept of boundary, central in linguistic theory, and the related notion of phase from the perspective of the interaction between syntax and its interfaces. 03 00 This book approaches the concept of boundary, central in linguistic theory, and the related notion of phase from the perspective of the interaction between syntax and its interfaces. A primary notion is that phases are the appropriate domains to explain most interface linguistic phenomena and that the study of (narrow) interfaces helps to understand conditions on the internal structure of the Language Faculty. The first part of this volume is dedicated to introducing the notion of boundary, cycle and phase, and also the current debates regarding internal interfaces, in particular, the syntax-phonology, syntax-semantics, syntax-discourse, syntax-morphology and syntax-lexicon interfaces, in order to show how the notion of boundary/phase is related to (or even determines) most of their characteristics. The four sections of the second part deal with (morpho)phonology/ syntax and the role or boundaries/phases; the syntax-discourse and syntax-semantics interface; and the lexicon-syntax interface, while the notion of boundary/phase cross-cuts the main topics addressed. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.239.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027257222.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027257222.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.239.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.239.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.239.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.239.hb.png 01 01 JB code la.239.001pre 06 10.1075/la.239.001pre vii viii 2 Article 1 01 04 Preface Preface 01 01 JB code la.239.pre 06 10.1075la.239.pre Miscellaneous 1 01 04 Preface Preface 01 01 JB code la.239.01cas 06 10.1075/la.239.01cas 2 24 23 Introduction 2 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 04 Boundaries, phases and interfaces Boundaries, phases and interfaces 1 A01 01 JB code 770293562 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró Ikerbasque and UPV/EHU 2 A01 01 JB code 88293563 Olga Fernández-Soriano Fernández-Soriano, Olga Olga Fernández-Soriano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 3 A01 01 JB code 362293564 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Universidad de Alcalá 01 01 JB code la.239.s1 06 10.1075/la.239.s1 28 104 77 Section header 3 01 04 Section 1. (Morpho)phonology-Syntax Interface Section 1. (Morpho)phonology-Syntax Interface 01 01 JB code la.239.02dan 06 10.1075/la.239.02dan 28 46 19 Chapter 4 01 04 Syntacticizing blends Syntacticizing blends 01 04 The case of English wh-raising The case of English wh-raising 1 A01 01 JB code 550293565 Lieven Danckaert Danckaert, Lieven Lieven Danckaert Ghent University, FWO 2 A01 01 JB code 892293566 Liliane Haegeman Haegeman, Liliane Liliane Haegeman Ghent University, FWO 01 01 JB code la.239.03cam 06 10.1075/la.239.03cam 48 62 15 Chapter 5 01 04 Does the verb raise to T in Spanish? Does the verb raise to T in Spanish? 1 A01 01 JB code 594293567 José Camacho Camacho, José José Camacho Rutgers University 2 A01 01 JB code 653293568 Liliana Sánchez Sánchez, Liliana Liliana Sánchez Rutgers University 01 01 JB code la.239.04pil 06 10.1075/la.239.04pil 64 84 21 Chapter 6 01 04 Locative DPs and deictic adverbs/pronouns in subject position in Brazilian Portuguese Locative DPs and deictic adverbs/pronouns in subject position in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 608293569 Eloisa Silva Nascimento Pilati Pilati, Eloisa Silva Nascimento Eloisa Silva Nascimento Pilati University of Brasilia 2 A01 01 JB code 666293570 Rozana Reigota Naves Naves, Rozana Reigota Rozana Reigota Naves University of Brasilia 3 A01 01 JB code 934293571 Heloisa Maria M. Lima-Salles Lima-Salles, Heloisa Maria M. Heloisa Maria M. Lima-Salles University of Brasilia 01 01 JB code la.239.05zub 06 10.1075/la.239.05zub 86 104 19 Chapter 7 01 04 A note on the syntax of possession in Paraguayan Guarani A note on the syntax of possession in Paraguayan Guaraní 1 A01 01 JB code 647293572 María Luisa Zubizarreta Zubizarreta, María Luisa María Luisa Zubizarreta University of Southern California 2 A01 01 JB code 19293573 Roumyana Pancheva Pancheva, Roumyana Roumyana Pancheva University of Southern California 01 01 JB code la.239.s2 06 10.1075/la.239.s2 108 192 85 Section header 8 01 04 Section 2. Syntax-Semantics interface Section 2. Syntax-Semantics interface 01 01 JB code la.239.06gut 06 10.1075/la.239.06gut 108 128 21 Chapter 9 01 04 Adverbial elatives in Caribbean Spanish Adverbial elatives in Caribbean Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 102293574 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach The Ohio State University 2 A01 01 JB code 177293575 Melvin González-Rivera González-Rivera, Melvin Melvin González-Rivera University of Puerto Rico, Mayagüez 01 01 JB code la.239.07esp 06 10.1075/la.239.07esp 130 150 21 Chapter 10 01 04 On weak definites and their contribution to event kinds On weak definites and their contribution to event kinds 1 A01 01 JB code 954293576 M. Teresa Espinal Espinal, M. Teresa M. Teresa Espinal Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 01 JB code 133293577 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino Universidade Estadual de Campinas 01 01 JB code la.239.08riv 06 10.1075/la.239.08riv 152 172 21 Chapter 11 01 04 The grammaticalization of `big' situations The grammaticalization of ‘big’ situations 01 04 The IMPF operator and perfective imperfects in Bulgarian The IMPF operator and perfective imperfects in Bulgarian 1 A01 01 JB code 691293578 María Luisa Rivero Rivero, María Luisa María Luisa Rivero University of Ottawa 2 A01 01 JB code 998293579 Ana Arregui Arregui, Ana Ana Arregui University of Ottawa 3 A01 01 JB code 7293580 Nikolay Slavkov Slavkov, Nikolay Nikolay Slavkov University of Ottawa 01 01 JB code la.239.09mcn 06 10.1075/la.239.09mcn 174 192 19 Chapter 12 01 04 On the scalar properties and telicity of degree achievements On the scalar properties and telicity of degree achievements 1 A01 01 JB code 828293581 Louise McNally McNally, Louise Louise McNally Universitat Pompeu Fabra 01 01 JB code la.239.s3 06 10.1075/la.239.s3 196 276 81 Section header 13 01 04 Section 3. Syntax-Discourse interface Section 3. Syntax-Discourse interface 01 01 JB code la.239.10gal 06 10.1075/la.239.10gal 196 222 27 Chapter 14 01 04 Multiple Wh-Movement in European Spanish Multiple Wh-Movement in European Spanish 01 04 Exploring the role of interface conditions for variation Exploring the role of interface conditions for variation 1 A01 01 JB code 972293582 Ángel J. Gallego Gallego, Ángel J. Ángel J. Gallego Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 01 JB code la.239.11fra 06 10.1075/la.239.11fra 224 254 31 Chapter 15 01 04 Subextraction at the Discourse-Grammar interface Subextraction at the Discourse-Grammar interface 01 04 A featural approach to island effects A featural approach to island effects 1 A01 01 JB code 666293583 Mara Frascarelli Frascarelli, Mara Mara Frascarelli University of Roma Tre 2 A01 01 JB code 988293584 Ángel L. Jiménez-Fernández Jiménez-Fernández, Ángel L. Ángel L. Jiménez-Fernández University of Seville 01 01 JB code la.239.12hoe 06 10.1075/la.239.12hoe 256 276 21 Chapter 16 01 04 On the de se reading in the de se center shift in Korean On the de se reading in the de se center shift in Korean 01 04 An account based on logophoric binding An account based on logophoric binding 1 A01 01 JB code 664293585 Semoon Hoe Hoe, Semoon Semoon Hoe Seoul National University 2 A01 01 JB code 981293586 Dongsik Lim Lim, Dongsik Dongsik Lim Hongik University 01 01 JB code la.239.s4 06 10.1075/la.239.s4 280 366 87 Section header 17 01 04 Section 4. Lexicon-Syntax interface Section 4. Lexicon-Syntax interface 01 01 JB code la.239.13zag 06 10.1075/la.239.13zag 280 304 25 Chapter 18 01 04 Spanish participial adjectives and individual-level/stage-level interpretations in nominals Spanish participial adjectives and individual-level/stage-level interpretations in nominals 1 A01 01 JB code 99293587 Karen Zagona Zagona, Karen Karen Zagona University of Washington 2 A01 01 JB code 221293588 Heles Contreras Contreras, Heles Heles Contreras University of Washington 01 01 JB code la.239.14fer 06 10.1075/la.239.14fer 306 324 19 Chapter 19 01 04 Two types of transitive verbs in Spanish Two types of transitive verbs in Spanish 01 04 Ditransitives in disguise Ditransitives in disguise 1 A01 01 JB code 112293589 Héctor Fernández-Alcalde Fernández-Alcalde, Héctor Héctor Fernández-Alcalde Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 01 01 JB code la.239.15rom 06 10.1075/la.239.15rom 326 342 17 Chapter 20 01 04 Grammatical categories at the Lexicon-Syntax-Semantics interface Grammatical categories at the Lexicon-Syntax-Semantics interface 01 04 The case of prepositions The case of prepositions 1 A01 01 JB code 19293590 Juan Romeu Romeu, Juan Juan Romeu PhD. Universidad Complutense de Madrid/Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas 01 01 JB code la.239.16mat 06 10.1075/la.239.16mat 344 366 23 Chapter 21 01 04 State and change of state in Latin State and change of state in Latin 01 04 A view from the Lexicon-Syntax interface A view from the Lexicon-Syntax interface 1 A01 01 JB code 885293591 Jaume Mateu Mateu, Jaume Jaume Mateu 01 01 JB code la.239.ind 06 10.1075/la.239.ind Miscellaneous 22 01 04 Index Index 01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20170614 C 2017 John Benjamins D 2017 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027257222 WORLD 03 01 JB 17 Google 03 https://play.google.com/store/books 21 01 00 Unqualified price 00 99.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 00 83.00 GBP 01 00 Unqualified price 00 149.00 USD 437016145 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 239 Hb 15 9789027257222 06 10.1075/la.239 13 2017009747 00 BB 08 805 gr 10 01 JB code LA 02 0166-0829 02 239.00 01 02 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 01 01 Boundaries, Phases and Interfaces Case studies in honor of Violeta Demonte Boundaries, Phases and Interfaces: Case studies in honor of Violeta Demonte 1 B01 01 JB code 754233290 Olga Fernández-Soriano Fernández-Soriano, Olga Olga Fernández-Soriano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/754233290 2 B01 01 JB code 1233291 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró Ikerbasque and UPV/EHU 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/1233291 3 B01 01 JB code 119233292 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Universidad de Alcalá 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/119233292 01 eng 11 377 03 03 viii 03 00 369 03 01 23 415.01/822 03 2017 P158 04 Generative grammar--Case studies. 04 Grammar, Comparative and general--Syntax--Case studies. 04 Grammar, Comparative and general--Morphosyntax--Case studies 04 Lexicology. 04 Minimalist theory. 10 LAN009060 12 CFK 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 This book approaches the concept of boundary, central in linguistic theory, and the related notion of phase from the perspective of the interaction between syntax and its interfaces. 03 00 This book approaches the concept of boundary, central in linguistic theory, and the related notion of phase from the perspective of the interaction between syntax and its interfaces. A primary notion is that phases are the appropriate domains to explain most interface linguistic phenomena and that the study of (narrow) interfaces helps to understand conditions on the internal structure of the Language Faculty. The first part of this volume is dedicated to introducing the notion of boundary, cycle and phase, and also the current debates regarding internal interfaces, in particular, the syntax-phonology, syntax-semantics, syntax-discourse, syntax-morphology and syntax-lexicon interfaces, in order to show how the notion of boundary/phase is related to (or even determines) most of their characteristics. The four sections of the second part deal with (morpho)phonology/ syntax and the role or boundaries/phases; the syntax-discourse and syntax-semantics interface; and the lexicon-syntax interface, while the notion of boundary/phase cross-cuts the main topics addressed. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.239.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027257222.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027257222.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.239.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.239.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.239.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.239.hb.png 01 01 JB code la.239.pre 06 10.1075la.239.pre Miscellaneous 1 01 04 Preface Preface 01 01 JB code la.239.001pre 06 10.1075/la.239.001pre vii viii 2 Article 1 01 04 Preface Preface 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.239.01cas 06 10.1075/la.239.01cas 1 24 24 Introduction 2 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 04 Boundaries, phases and interfaces Boundaries, phases and interfaces 1 A01 01 JB code 770293562 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró Ikerbasque and UPV/EHU 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/770293562 2 A01 01 JB code 88293563 Olga Fernández-Soriano Fernández-Soriano, Olga Olga Fernández-Soriano Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/88293563 3 A01 01 JB code 362293564 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Universidad de Alcalá 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/362293564 01 01 JB code la.239.s1 06 10.1075/la.239.s1 28 104 77 Section header 3 01 04 Section 1. (Morpho)phonology-Syntax Interface Section 1. (Morpho)phonology-Syntax Interface 01 01 JB code la.239.02dan 06 10.1075/la.239.02dan 25 46 22 Chapter 4 01 04 Syntacticizing blends Syntacticizing blends 01 04 The case of English wh-raising The case of English wh-raising 1 A01 01 JB code 550293565 Lieven Danckaert Danckaert, Lieven Lieven Danckaert Ghent University, FWO 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/550293565 2 A01 01 JB code 892293566 Liliane Haegeman Haegeman, Liliane Liliane Haegeman Ghent University, FWO 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/892293566 30 00

This paper aims at analysing English structures in which a wh-moved subject triggers agreement both in the clause it is extracted from and in the immediately higher clause. This pattern is only accepted by some native speakers, and it is also attested in corpora. Although the relevant structures could at first sight be analysed as extragrammatical ‘blends’, we propose that they are in fact part of certain speakers’ linguistic competence, and hence generated by the grammar of those speakers. Adopting the approach to subject extraction developed in Rizzi & Shlonsky (2007), we suggest that extracted subjects can exceptionally be ‘hyperactive’ (Carstens 2011), and thus take part in A-relations (case and agreement) in more than one clausal domain.

01 01 JB code la.239.03cam 06 10.1075/la.239.03cam 47 62 16 Chapter 5 01 04 Does the verb raise to T in Spanish? Does the verb raise to T in Spanish? 1 A01 01 JB code 594293567 José Camacho Camacho, José José Camacho Rutgers University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/594293567 2 A01 01 JB code 653293568 Liliana Sánchez Sánchez, Liliana Liliana Sánchez Rutgers University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/653293568 30 00

We test adverb-verb word orders in Peruvian Spanish against analyses of verb movement (Pollock 1989, Embick & Noyer 2001). While the preferred order is V-adv-O, the alternative Adv-V-O is also possible. We propose that the verb raises in overt syntax and morphological insertion targets either the higher or the lower position. In the latter case, morphological requirements force the more computationally costly option of T-to-V lowering. We analyze the ungrammaticality of neg-adv-V as a blocking of the selectional restriction requirements of neg (the extended verbal projection, including T) by the intervening adverb. This distribution is parallel to English do-insertion in negative contexts (I don’t frequently eat vs. * I not frequently eat), where neg selects for a -T category (cf. Williams 1994).

01 01 JB code la.239.04pil 06 10.1075/la.239.04pil 63 84 22 Chapter 6 01 04 Locative DPs and deictic adverbs/pronouns in subject position in Brazilian Portuguese Locative DPs and deictic adverbs/pronouns in subject position in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 608293569 Eloisa Silva Nascimento Pilati Pilati, Eloisa Silva Nascimento Eloisa Silva Nascimento Pilati University of Brasilia 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/608293569 2 A01 01 JB code 666293570 Rozana Reigota Naves Naves, Rozana Reigota Rozana Reigota Naves University of Brasilia 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/666293570 3 A01 01 JB code 934293571 Heloisa Maria M. Lima-Salles Lima-Salles, Heloisa Maria M. Heloisa Maria M. Lima-Salles University of Brasilia 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/934293571 30 00

The paper investigates the licensing of locative DPs and deictic adverbs in subject position in Brazilian Portuguese (henceforth, BP), taking into consideration specifically the grammatical status of third person verb inflection in this language. We develop a unified analysis for related phenomena, which allow to identifying Brazilian Portuguese (BP) as a partial null subject language (cf. Holmberg 2010). In particular, we examine (i) sentences with a locative preverbal adverb/pronoun, which can be either overt or null (further allowing a locative adverb in postverbal position), in which the verb bears third person inflection and the subject has an arbitrary reading; (ii) VS word order sentences with an overt locative adverb, giving rise to a locative inversion configuration; (iii) sentences with weather verbs and a preverbal locative DP licensing agreement on the verb; (iv) the so-called topic-subject constructions, with a (selected) DP raised from an internal VP position. We assume that third person inflection on the verb, unlike first and second person inflection, is unable to license referential definite null subjects (cf. Rabelo 2010). We claim that the possibility of filling the subject position with a locative pronoun/adverb or a locative DP is due to the fact that the third person inflection in BP is no longer referential. In turn, null or overt locative adverbs/pronouns in preverbal position can check the EPP feature in these constructions, yielding arbitrary interpretation of the external argument as a consequence of the absence of a referential feature on (third person) T. We further claim that the (null) adverb/pronoun bears a locative feature in locative inversion constructions, existential predicates, and (internal) locative/part-whole arguments.

01 01 JB code la.239.05zub 06 10.1075/la.239.05zub 85 104 20 Chapter 7 01 04 A note on the syntax of possession in Paraguayan Guarani A note on the syntax of possession in Paraguayan Guaraní 1 A01 01 JB code 647293572 María Luisa Zubizarreta Zubizarreta, María Luisa María Luisa Zubizarreta University of Southern California 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/647293572 2 A01 01 JB code 19293573 Roumyana Pancheva Pancheva, Roumyana Roumyana Pancheva University of Southern California 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/19293573 30 00

This article shows that the pronominal system of Paraguayan Guaraní provides evidence that 3p (null) possessor pronouns behave differently from 1p and 2p (overt) possessor pronouns and argues that this difference can be captured by a conjunction of hypotheses, namely, that the 3p possessor pronoun in Paraguayan Guaraní is negatively specified for Person feature and that its syntax is crucially different from that of 1p and 2p possessor pronouns. The null possessor pronoun is an nP (not a DP) that receives its interpretation via local binding. We furthermore argue that all inalienable possessor pronouns in Paraguayan Guaraní originate as an nP and that 1p and 2p pronouns must sideward-merge with a D and then merge as specifiers of higher heads (either in the nominal or verbal domain) to be syntactically realized as full DPs. We extend the analysis proposed for inalienable possessors to a certain class of transitive verbs (known as triforme verbs) as well as to nominal possessor constructions.

01 01 JB code la.239.s2 06 10.1075/la.239.s2 108 192 85 Section header 8 01 04 Section 2. Syntax-Semantics interface Section 2. Syntax-Semantics interface 01 01 JB code la.239.06gut 06 10.1075/la.239.06gut 105 128 24 Chapter 9 01 04 Adverbial elatives in Caribbean Spanish Adverbial elatives in Caribbean Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 102293574 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach The Ohio State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/102293574 2 A01 01 JB code 177293575 Melvin González-Rivera González-Rivera, Melvin Melvin González-Rivera University of Puerto Rico, Mayagüez 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/177293575 30 00

This paper is a study of the adverbial modifier bien and its use as an elative or operator of extreme degree in a Caribbean Spanish variety, Puerto Rican Spanish. It is argued that there are several properties setting the elative interpretation of bien apart from other well-known uses in other varieties and from the intensifier muy. The modifier bien is also argued to be exclamative and modal in nature, related to the high degree of commitment of the speaker with the truth of a proposition.

01 01 JB code la.239.07esp 06 10.1075/la.239.07esp 129 150 22 Chapter 10 01 04 On weak definites and their contribution to event kinds On weak definites and their contribution to event kinds 1 A01 01 JB code 954293576 M. Teresa Espinal Espinal, M. Teresa M. Teresa Espinal Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/954293576 2 A01 01 JB code 133293577 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino Universidade Estadual de Campinas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/133293577 30 00

In this paper we focus on the meaning of definite DPs that allow a weak reading. We review three different proposals for weak definites, and we present a new analysis with special reference to Romance languages. We submit that the eventual weak reading of a definite DP and its contribution to a ‘familiar’ kind of activity is exclusively dependent on whether certain stereotypical information encoded on the N present in the DP is activated at the time of utterance interpretation. These DPs do not refer to kinds and do not correspond to incorporated objects. Hence, their interpretation is not compositionally driven, but rather pragmatically inferred. We predict that the identification of weak definites takes place beyond grammar and is constrained by encyclopedic information.

01 01 JB code la.239.08riv 06 10.1075/la.239.08riv 151 172 22 Chapter 11 01 04 The grammaticalization of `big' situations The grammaticalization of ‘big’ situations 01 04 The IMPF operator and perfective imperfects in Bulgarian The IMPF operator and perfective imperfects in Bulgarian 1 A01 01 JB code 691293578 María Luisa Rivero Rivero, María Luisa María Luisa Rivero University of Ottawa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/691293578 2 A01 01 JB code 998293579 Ana Arregui Arregui, Ana Ana Arregui University of Ottawa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/998293579 3 A01 01 JB code 7293580 Nikolay Slavkov Slavkov, Nikolay Nikolay Slavkov University of Ottawa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/7293580 30 00

Assuming that syntax and morphology constraints can target ‘situation size’ in semantics, this paper argues for the necessity of constraints on ‘big’ situations, and for their grammaticalization. Data from Bulgarian indicate that complex (viewpoint) aspectual interactions between Perfective verbs in the Imperfect Tense in adjunct/restrictor clauses and verbs in the Imperfect Tense in main/nuclear scope clauses trigger habitual interpretations. Such interactions result in propositions that can only be true in ‘big’ situations, informally described as ‘non-accidental generalizations on repeated actions that are complete’. Furthermore, a morphological contrast between Perfective Imperfects and Perfective Aorists in adverbial adjunct clauses accounts for restrictions on the modal interpretations of imperfective aspect associated with a Viewpoint operator IMPF, and distinguishes between ongoing and habitual readings.

01 01 JB code la.239.09mcn 06 10.1075/la.239.09mcn 173 192 20 Chapter 12 01 04 On the scalar properties and telicity of degree achievements On the scalar properties and telicity of degree achievements 1 A01 01 JB code 828293581 Louise McNally McNally, Louise Louise McNally Universitat Pompeu Fabra 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/828293581 30 00

Kennedy & Levin (2008) argue that the aspectual properties of so-called degree achievement (DA) verbs (e.g. darken) can largely be predicted from the scale structure of the adjectives to which they are derivationally related (e.g. dark). Specifically, when the adjective is evaluated on a scale that is upper closed and the standard for the adjective to truthfully apply is the upper endpoint on that scale (i.e., when the adjective is absolute; see e.g. Kennedy & McNally 2005), the corresponding DA can be either telic or atelic. In contrast, when the adjective’s scale is open and the standard is context-dependent (i.e., when the adjective is relative), the corresponding DA is atelic. In this paper, I defend, following Kearns (2007), the position that telic interpretations of DAs are not directly a function of the standards for the adjectives from which the verbs are derived. Rather, the telic interpretation simply depends on it being possible to characterize the amount of change undergone in terms of the part structure of the event described, without reference to a specific comparison class. This conclusion will emerge from reflection on how the notions of relative and absolute standards can be recast in terms of similarity- vs. rule-based classification (as proposed in McNally 2011), extended from the adjectival to the verbal domain.

01 01 JB code la.239.s3 06 10.1075/la.239.s3 196 276 81 Section header 13 01 04 Section 3. Syntax-Discourse interface Section 3. Syntax-Discourse interface 01 01 JB code la.239.10gal 06 10.1075/la.239.10gal 193 222 30 Chapter 14 01 04 Multiple Wh-Movement in European Spanish Multiple Wh-Movement in European Spanish 01 04 Exploring the role of interface conditions for variation Exploring the role of interface conditions for variation 1 A01 01 JB code 972293582 Ángel J. Gallego Gallego, Ángel J. Ángel J. Gallego Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/972293582 30 00

In this paper I explore Multiple Wh-Movement (MWM) in European Romance, a syntactic pattern that has been regarded as impossible (all Romance languages but Romanian excluding it; cf. Escandell-Vidal 1999; RAE-ASALE 2009; Chernova 2015, among others). After reviewing some data that qualify this well-known observation, I argue that European Spanish can actually display MWM under specific discourse conditions, some of which have not been previously reported. The paper puts forward an analysis of the facts adopting Richards’ (2010)Distinctiness, a PF condition that requires for X and Y to be morphologically or featurally different (within the same domain) for them to be linearized, a solution that places the relevant parameter in the Syntax → PF wing of the grammar.

01 01 JB code la.239.11fra 06 10.1075/la.239.11fra 223 254 32 Chapter 15 01 04 Subextraction at the Discourse-Grammar interface Subextraction at the Discourse-Grammar interface 01 04 A featural approach to island effects A featural approach to island effects 1 A01 01 JB code 666293583 Mara Frascarelli Frascarelli, Mara Mara Frascarelli University of Roma Tre 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/666293583 2 A01 01 JB code 988293584 Ángel L. Jiménez-Fernández Jiménez-Fernández, Ángel L. Ángel L. Jiménez-Fernández University of Seville 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/988293584 30 00

In this paper we carry out an interface investigation of subject islands in Italian and Spanish, in which subextraction in the form of focus fronting is connected with the type of Focus implemented by the subextracted PP (Corrective vs. Mirative) and the D-properties of the subextraction site. Adopting a featural approach, we claim that subjects are not ‘absolute’ islands and variation is not idiosyncratic: subextraction is possible in the two languages under examination provided specific properties are met in the relevant D-domain and depending on the information-structural properties of the subextracted PP. More precisely, subextraction of a Corrective Focus in Italian is fully accepted from [−spec] DPs, whereas Spanish needs a [−def] feature in the same context. Subextraction to obtain a mirative interpretation, on the other hand, is only (marginally) allowed from [+def, −spec] DPs: this is attributed to the compatibility between D-features and the discourse-semantics properties of a Mirative Focus.

01 01 JB code la.239.12hoe 06 10.1075/la.239.12hoe 255 276 22 Chapter 16 01 04 On the de se reading in the de se center shift in Korean On the de se reading in the de se center shift in Korean 01 04 An account based on logophoric binding An account based on logophoric binding 1 A01 01 JB code 664293585 Semoon Hoe Hoe, Semoon Semoon Hoe Seoul National University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/664293585 2 A01 01 JB code 981293586 Dongsik Lim Lim, Dongsik Dongsik Lim Hongik University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/981293586 30 00

Korean long-distance anaphor (LDA) caki is obligatorily interpreted as de se: the attitude holder should know that the reference of caki is himself/herself. However, this restriction can be obviated when the Korean direct perceptive evidential marker –te is used. In this case, caki can be used as far as the evidence holder indicated by –te knows that the reference of caki is the attitude holder himself/herself, even when the attitude holder does not know that (Lim 2012, 2014; Lim & Lee 2012; Lim & Hoe to appear, among others). In this paper we call this puzzle de se center shift, and argue that the de se center shift in Korean should be analyzed in terms of the binding relation between an operator and caki. We also present some evidence that this puzzle should not be analyzed in terms of a pragmatically motivated binding relation, such as empathic binding and/or indirect de se (such as what is argued for Chinese ziji in Wang & Pan 2014, 2015, among others). Finally, we discuss some theoretical implications of our proposal, especially regarding the interaction between –te and different types of attitude predicates.

01 01 JB code la.239.s4 06 10.1075/la.239.s4 280 366 87 Section header 17 01 04 Section 4. Lexicon-Syntax interface Section 4. Lexicon-Syntax interface 01 01 JB code la.239.13zag 06 10.1075/la.239.13zag 277 304 28 Chapter 18 01 04 Spanish participial adjectives and individual-level/stage-level interpretations in nominals Spanish participial adjectives and individual-level/stage-level interpretations in nominals 1 A01 01 JB code 99293587 Karen Zagona Zagona, Karen Karen Zagona University of Washington 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/99293587 2 A01 01 JB code 221293588 Heles Contreras Contreras, Heles Heles Contreras University of Washington 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/221293588 30 00

This article addresses the well-known restriction on stage-level readings of pre-nominal predicative adjectives in Spanish. We argue that this restriction is due to a structural difference between ‘direct modifiers’ and ‘indirect modifiers’ as has been previously proposed in the literature (Demonte 1999; Cinque 2010). New evidence for such a distinction is introduced, based on the contrasting behavior of two classes of deverbal adjectives: se-inchoatives versus ‘perfective’ participial adjectives.

01 01 JB code la.239.14fer 06 10.1075/la.239.14fer 305 324 20 Chapter 19 01 04 Two types of transitive verbs in Spanish Two types of transitive verbs in Spanish 01 04 Ditransitives in disguise Ditransitives in disguise 1 A01 01 JB code 112293589 Héctor Fernández-Alcalde Fernández-Alcalde, Héctor Héctor Fernández-Alcalde Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/112293589 30 00

This paper focuses on the different properties shown by two types of verbs that surface as transitive verbs in Spanish. The article tries to demonstrate that, beside regular transitive verbs taking a DP complement (e.g. Juan leyó un libro ‘Juan read a book’), other apparent transitive verbs – pseudotransitive verbs – (e.g. Juan golpeó al prisionero ‘Juan hit the prisoner’) hide a deep ditransitive structure in which a nominal argument is conflated into an abstract predicate. Subextraction, nominalization and quantifier scope data are used to support this claim. The analysis derives the different properties exhibited by these two types of verbs from their base argument structure and shows that they are independent from other syntactic mechanisms such as differential object marking.

01 01 JB code la.239.15rom 06 10.1075/la.239.15rom 325 342 18 Chapter 20 01 04 Grammatical categories at the Lexicon-Syntax-Semantics interface Grammatical categories at the Lexicon-Syntax-Semantics interface 01 04 The case of prepositions The case of prepositions 1 A01 01 JB code 19293590 Juan Romeu Romeu, Juan Juan Romeu PhD. Universidad Complutense de Madrid/Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/19293590 30 00

Although it is descriptively useful to classify lexical items into grammatical categories, this classification is not theoretically accurate and it requires a more fine-grained analysis.

This is possible by means of a model like the one presented in this article. In it, each node of a universal syntactic structure encodes an indecomposable semantic component (which can be altered by modifiers). Lexical items lexicalize different chunks of the structure. The category to which they are related and the differences between elements belonging to the same category depend on the chunk they lexicalize.

I show that prepositions, for instance, lexicalize different chunks of the structure around the node Rel(ation) (only Rel, Rel and a modifier or only a modifier of Rel). This explains the different behavior of lexical items included under the label preposition (as can be seen, for instance, in their different possibilities of combination).

01 01 JB code la.239.16mat 06 10.1075/la.239.16mat 343 366 24 Chapter 21 01 04 State and change of state in Latin State and change of state in Latin 01 04 A view from the Lexicon-Syntax interface A view from the Lexicon-Syntax interface 1 A01 01 JB code 885293591 Jaume Mateu Mateu, Jaume Jaume Mateu 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/885293591 30 00

This paper offers a syntactic account of Haverling’s (1994 ff.) descriptive insights regarding the formation of both stative verbs and -sco verbs expressing change in Early and Classical Latin. In particular, the formal distinction between incorporation and conflation (cfr. Haugen 2008, 2009 and Mateu 2012, i.a.) is shown to be useful when dealing with the formation of these verbs. Following Acedo-Matellán and Mateu’s (2013) formal account of Talmy’s (1991, 2000) typology of motion events, the paper also addresses the question of why aspectual resultative prefixation is a phenomenon that is expected to be found in a satellite-framed language like Latin (e.g., cfr. inarescere ‘to start becoming dry’) but not in verb-framed languages like Catalan or Spanish.

01 01 JB code la.239.ind 06 10.1075/la.239.ind Miscellaneous 22 01 04 Index Index
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