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860017829 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 254 Eb 15 9789027262752 06 10.1075/la.254 13 2018056738 DG 002 02 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 254 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The Determinants of Diachronic Stability</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Determinants of Diachronic Stability</TitleWithoutPrefix> 01 la.254 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.254 1 B01 Anne Breitbarth Breitbarth, Anne Anne Breitbarth Ghent University 2 B01 Miriam Bouzouita Bouzouita, Miriam Miriam Bouzouita Ghent University 3 B01 Lieven Danckaert Danckaert, Lieven Lieven Danckaert University of Lille 4 B01 Melissa Farasyn Farasyn, Melissa Melissa Farasyn Ghent University 01 eng 300 vi 294 LAN009010 v.2006 CFF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SOCIO Sociolinguistics and Dialectology 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.TYP Typology 06 01 While much of the literature has focused on explaining diachronic variation and change, the fact that sometimes change does not seem to happen has received much less attention. The current volume unites ten contributions that look for the determinants of diachronic stability, mainly in the areas of morphology and (morpho)syntax. The relevant question is approached from different angles, both empirical and theoretical. Empirically, the contributions deal with the absence of change where one may expect it, uncover underlying stability where traditionally diachronic change was postulated, and, inversely, superficial stability that disguises underlying change. Determining factors ranging from internal causes to language contact are explored. Theoretically, the questions of whether stable variation is possible, and how it can be modeled are addressed. The volume will be of interest to linguists working on the causes of language change, and to scholars working on the history of Germanic, Romance, and Sinitic languages. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.254.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027202413.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027202413.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.254.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.254.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.254.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.254.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.254.01bre 1 10 10 Chapter 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;1. The determinants of diachronic stability</TitleText> 1 A01 Miriam Bouzouita Bouzouita, Miriam Miriam Bouzouita Ghent University 2 A01 Anne Breitbarth Breitbarth, Anne Anne Breitbarth Ghent University 3 A01 Lieven Danckaert Danckaert, Lieven Lieven Danckaert Université de Lille, CNRS 4 A01 Melissa Farasyn Farasyn, Melissa Melissa Farasyn Ghent University 10 01 JB code la.254.02wat 11 38 28 Chapter 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;2. Gender stability, gender loss</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">What didn&#8217;t happen to German</Subtitle> 1 A01 Sheila Watts Watts, Sheila Sheila Watts University of Cambridge 01 This paper investigates the factors which have led to the diachronic stability of gender as a three-way category in German. Old High German and Old English are contrasted to show how phonological, morphological and semantic changes contribute to a reinforcement of gender as a grammatical category in German, while in English it suffers attrition and loss. The early restructuring of the pronominal declension through analogical pattern generalization is shown to combine gender and case marking in ways which allow the three-way distinction to become more salient over time. The resulting cohesion within noun phrases and gender marking on targets, particularly through the interaction of gender and case marking in the high-frequency nominative and accusative cases, gives gender marking a role in communication. As a result the cognitive effort of acquiring gender pays off and the three-way distinction remains stable. 10 01 JB code la.254.03far 39 68 30 Chapter 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;3. Apparent competing agreement patterns in Middle Low German non-restrictive relative clauses with a first or second person head</TitleText> 1 A01 Melissa Farasyn Farasyn, Melissa Melissa Farasyn Ghent University 01 This paper updates Farasyn (2017), who charted the agreement patterns found in Middle Low German (non-restrictive) relative clauses with a first or second person head. In related West Germanic languages, these clauses show different types of agreement patterns. This study presents new corpus data illustrating how Middle Low German compares to these. Expanding on Farasyn (2017), it investigates the historical development and elements introducing the relative clause, showing that &#966;-features in older stages of the West Germanic languages are always encoded in the non-restrictive relative clause, though often in different positions. Middle Low German displays a remarkable stability in retaining a covert resumptive pronoun bearing &#966;-features. An apparent competing pattern with an overt resumptive is a later innovation, as are structures with third person agreement found in neighboring languages. 10 01 JB code la.254.04sig 69 100 32 Chapter 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;4. Stability and change in Icelandic weather verbs</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Syntax, semantics and argument structure</Subtitle> 1 A01 Sigridur Saeunn Sigurdardottir Sigurdardottir, Sigridur Saeunn Sigridur Saeunn Sigurdardottir Yale University 2 A01 Thórhallur Eythórsson Eythórsson, Thórhallur Thórhallur Eythórsson University of Iceland 01 Contrary to previous claims, weather verbs in Icelandic are not &#8220;no-argument&#8221; predicates. Both in Old and Modern Icelandic they can appear with an NP either in nominative, accusative or dative case. It can be shown that in Modern Icelandic the NPs are subjects, and this is likely to have been the case in Old Icelandic. Diachronically, in addition to some changes in subject case marking (Nominative Substitution and Impersonalization), the main innovations in weather verbs involve the introduction of the &#8220;expletive&#8221; elements <i>&#254;a&#240;</i> and <i>hann</i>. On the whole, however, there is considerable stability in the use of weather verbs in the history of Icelandic. Not only are the lexical items nearly all the same, but a clear continuity in the syntax of weather expressions can be documented. 10 01 JB code la.254.05dja 101 130 30 Chapter 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;5. Disharmony in harmony with diachronic stability</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The case of Chinese</Subtitle> 1 A01 Redouane Djamouri Djamouri, Redouane Redouane Djamouri Centre de Recherches Linguistiques sur l'Asie Orientale, CNRS-EHESS-INALCO 2 A01 Waltraud Paul Paul, Waltraud Waltraud Paul Centre de Recherches Linguistiques sur l'Asie Orientale, CNRS-EHESS-INALCO 01 Chinese is an intriguing case of syntactic stability. Since the earliest available documents (13th c. BC) up to today, it has displayed SVO order in combination with a head final NP as well as&#160;&#8211; in subsequent stages&#160;&#8211; other phenomena said to be typical of SOV languages, such as postpositions (since 1st c. BC) and a head-final CP (since 5th c. BC). This contradicts the received wisdom in the literature that highly &#8216;disharmonic&#8217; stages are unstable and liable to change towards a (more) &#8216;harmonic&#8217; one. Taking Chinese as a starting point, the assumption that the concept of stability itself&#160;&#8211; although inaccessible to the child acquirer and only observable with hindsight by the linguist&#160;&#8211; is an inbuilt part of human language and hence of universal grammar, is shown to be wrong. 10 01 JB code la.254.06sit 131 156 26 Chapter 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;6. Against V2 in Old Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Ioanna Sitaridou Sitaridou, Ioanna Ioanna Sitaridou University of Cambridge, Queens' College 01 In this article, using rich data from 13th C. Spanish, it is argued that Old Spanish does not belong to any known V2 type of language, even the most flexible/relaxed attested type&#160;&#8211; the latter defined as mandatory verb movement from T-to-Fin/Force without the necessary raising of an XP to the preverbal field (as is the case in prototypical V2 languages such as German); neither does it constitute a new one for lack of evidence for formal movement of the verb to a C-related head. Instead, it is claimed that V2 effects in Old Spanish are due either because (i) verb movement is associated with some discourse effect or polarity; or, (ii) it is simply linear V2. Such V2 effects are trivially found in non-V2 languages and may also relate to rhetorical schemata and the discourse tradition. 10 01 JB code la.254.07puj 157 190 34 Chapter 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;7. V1 clauses in Old Catalan</TitleText> 1 A01 Afra Pujol i Campeny Pujol i Campeny, Afra Afra Pujol i Campeny Queens' College/Fitzwilliam College, University of Cambridge 01 This paper explores verb initial clauses in Old Catalan, contributing to the debate surrounding Old Romance verb placement. Using data from <i>El Llibre dels Feyts</i>, a 13th century Catalan chronicle, it is established that analyses proposed for V1 clauses for other Old Romance languages do not generally hold for Old Catalan. Instead, V1 clauses from <i>El Llibre dels Feyts</i> behave like Modern Catalan V1 clauses, that is, like V1 clauses of an SVO language. V1 clauses are examined in relation to information structure and predicate types, and systematically compared to their Modern Catalan counterparts. Through this analysis it is established that the uses and structure of Catalan V1 clauses have remained stable through the centuries. 10 01 JB code la.254.08gal 191 214 24 Chapter 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;8. Competition, stability and change in the emergence of Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 Charlotte Galves Galves, Charlotte Charlotte Galves IEL-Unicamp, Campinas 01 This chapter discusses morphological variation in Brazilian Portuguese, namely the clitic/tonic pronoun alternation and the variation in the morphological realization of subject-verb agreement. We argue on diachronic and synchronic grounds that while the alternation between the clitic and tonic pronoun in the 3rd person is clearly a case of competition between the conservative European grammar and the innovative Brazilian grammar, the other cases of variation are produced by the latter. Both in the case of 1st and 2nd person clitics and in the case of verbal agreement, conservative forms have innovative uses. This supports the claim that they have been reanalyzed in the new system. Clitic doubling of tonic pronouns without a preposition suggests that there was a functional specialization of the 1st and 2nd person clitic forms. As for subject-verb agreement, the licensing and interpretation of null subjects shows that the inflection is too weak to referentially identify empty categories in subject position, even when person and number are overtly realized on the verb. We conclude that part of the morphological variation due to linguistic contact is indeed integrated to the innovative grammar, with morphological elements of the old grammar surviving in apparent, but not actual, competition with new forms. 10 01 JB code la.254.09ste 215 244 30 Chapter 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;9. What is a diachronically stable system in a language-contact situation?</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The case of the English recipient passive</Subtitle> 1 A01 Achim Stein Stein, Achim Achim Stein Universität Stuttgart 2 A01 Richard P. Ingham Ingham, Richard P. Richard P. Ingham Universität Mannheim/University of Westminster 3 A01 Carola Trips Trips, Carola Carola Trips Universität Mannheim 01 In this paper we present data showing that the development of the English recipient passive (RP) was linked predominantly to verbs of French origin, although Old French (OF) did not have an RP. We present two explanations of the role that contact with French could have played in this development. The first explanation builds on the fact that only structurally case-marked arguments can become subjects of passive clauses and assumes that the RP was developed with French verbs because the OF structural dative was copied to Middle English (ME). The second explanation is that clause-taking ditransitive verbs in Anglo-French (AF, the variety of OF spoken in England) showed case idiosyncracies that licensed the RP in AF and may thus have acted as a bridge construction. We relate both explanations to current approaches in contact linguistics as well as to the degrees of stability of the three languages involved, ME, OF, and AF. 10 01 JB code la.254.10wal 245 262 18 Chapter 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;10. A variational theory of specialization in acquisition and diachrony</TitleText> 1 A01 Joel C. Wallenberg Wallenberg, Joel C. Joel C. Wallenberg Newcastle University 01 This article presents an empirical case study in the diachronic <i>specialization</i> of morphosyntactic forms for different syntactic contexts, and uses it to develop a theory of variational specialization. This theory links specialization in diachrony to specialization in language acquisition, sociolinguistic coordination in a speech community, and a general understanding of evolutionary dynamics. The case study illustrates these relationships with the specialization of <i>melted</i> and <i>molten</i> in Early Modern English, and tests the hypothesis that even diachronic specialization in a lexical domain will not take the same trajectory for different speakers, but that the community will nevertheless coordinate on a direction of specialization given multiple generations. In doing so, it answers a question referred to as Yang&#8217;s Paradox: how can we reconcile diachronic results showing that specialization is slow, with experimental results on acquisition showing that it&#8217;s fast? The study ultimately shows that specialization in a speech community is orders of magnitude slower than specialization for an individual child in an experimental setting, due to the problem of coordinating the dimension and direction of specialization among many speakers. I also show how Yang&#8217;s (2000) variational grammar learning model can be extended to the problem of specialization, and that children plausibly do not play an active role in specializing linguistic forms: they only need to identify potential contexts that the forms could specialize for, and the learning analog of natural selection does the rest. 10 01 JB code la.254.11kau 263 290 28 Chapter 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;11. Stable variation in multidimensional competition</TitleText> 1 A01 Henri Kauhanen Kauhanen, Henri Henri Kauhanen The University of Manchester 01 The Fundamental Theorem of Language Change (Yang 2000) implies the impossibility of stable variation in the Variational Learning framework, but only in the special case where two, and not more, grammatical variants compete. Introducing the notion of an advantage matrix, I generalize Variational Learn-ing to situations where the learner receives input generated by more than two grammars, and show that diachronically stable variation is an intrinsic feature of several types of such multiple-grammar systems. This invites experimentalists to take the possibility of stable variation seriously and identifies one possible place where to look for it: situations of complex language contact. 10 01 JB code la.254.index 291 294 4 Miscellaneous 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20190320 2019 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027202413 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 99.00 EUR R 01 00 83.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 149.00 USD S 484017828 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 254 Hb 15 9789027202413 13 2018053690 BB 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 254 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The Determinants of Diachronic Stability</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Determinants of Diachronic Stability</TitleWithoutPrefix> 01 la.254 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.254 1 B01 Anne Breitbarth Breitbarth, Anne Anne Breitbarth Ghent University 2 B01 Miriam Bouzouita Bouzouita, Miriam Miriam Bouzouita Ghent University 3 B01 Lieven Danckaert Danckaert, Lieven Lieven Danckaert University of Lille 4 B01 Melissa Farasyn Farasyn, Melissa Melissa Farasyn Ghent University 01 eng 300 vi 294 LAN009010 v.2006 CFF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SOCIO Sociolinguistics and Dialectology 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.TYP Typology 06 01 While much of the literature has focused on explaining diachronic variation and change, the fact that sometimes change does not seem to happen has received much less attention. The current volume unites ten contributions that look for the determinants of diachronic stability, mainly in the areas of morphology and (morpho)syntax. The relevant question is approached from different angles, both empirical and theoretical. Empirically, the contributions deal with the absence of change where one may expect it, uncover underlying stability where traditionally diachronic change was postulated, and, inversely, superficial stability that disguises underlying change. Determining factors ranging from internal causes to language contact are explored. Theoretically, the questions of whether stable variation is possible, and how it can be modeled are addressed. The volume will be of interest to linguists working on the causes of language change, and to scholars working on the history of Germanic, Romance, and Sinitic languages. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.254.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027202413.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027202413.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.254.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.254.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.254.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.254.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.254.01bre 1 10 10 Chapter 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;1. The determinants of diachronic stability</TitleText> 1 A01 Miriam Bouzouita Bouzouita, Miriam Miriam Bouzouita Ghent University 2 A01 Anne Breitbarth Breitbarth, Anne Anne Breitbarth Ghent University 3 A01 Lieven Danckaert Danckaert, Lieven Lieven Danckaert Université de Lille, CNRS 4 A01 Melissa Farasyn Farasyn, Melissa Melissa Farasyn Ghent University 10 01 JB code la.254.02wat 11 38 28 Chapter 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;2. Gender stability, gender loss</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">What didn&#8217;t happen to German</Subtitle> 1 A01 Sheila Watts Watts, Sheila Sheila Watts University of Cambridge 01 This paper investigates the factors which have led to the diachronic stability of gender as a three-way category in German. Old High German and Old English are contrasted to show how phonological, morphological and semantic changes contribute to a reinforcement of gender as a grammatical category in German, while in English it suffers attrition and loss. The early restructuring of the pronominal declension through analogical pattern generalization is shown to combine gender and case marking in ways which allow the three-way distinction to become more salient over time. The resulting cohesion within noun phrases and gender marking on targets, particularly through the interaction of gender and case marking in the high-frequency nominative and accusative cases, gives gender marking a role in communication. As a result the cognitive effort of acquiring gender pays off and the three-way distinction remains stable. 10 01 JB code la.254.03far 39 68 30 Chapter 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;3. Apparent competing agreement patterns in Middle Low German non-restrictive relative clauses with a first or second person head</TitleText> 1 A01 Melissa Farasyn Farasyn, Melissa Melissa Farasyn Ghent University 01 This paper updates Farasyn (2017), who charted the agreement patterns found in Middle Low German (non-restrictive) relative clauses with a first or second person head. In related West Germanic languages, these clauses show different types of agreement patterns. This study presents new corpus data illustrating how Middle Low German compares to these. Expanding on Farasyn (2017), it investigates the historical development and elements introducing the relative clause, showing that &#966;-features in older stages of the West Germanic languages are always encoded in the non-restrictive relative clause, though often in different positions. Middle Low German displays a remarkable stability in retaining a covert resumptive pronoun bearing &#966;-features. An apparent competing pattern with an overt resumptive is a later innovation, as are structures with third person agreement found in neighboring languages. 10 01 JB code la.254.04sig 69 100 32 Chapter 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;4. Stability and change in Icelandic weather verbs</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Syntax, semantics and argument structure</Subtitle> 1 A01 Sigridur Saeunn Sigurdardottir Sigurdardottir, Sigridur Saeunn Sigridur Saeunn Sigurdardottir Yale University 2 A01 Thórhallur Eythórsson Eythórsson, Thórhallur Thórhallur Eythórsson University of Iceland 01 Contrary to previous claims, weather verbs in Icelandic are not &#8220;no-argument&#8221; predicates. Both in Old and Modern Icelandic they can appear with an NP either in nominative, accusative or dative case. It can be shown that in Modern Icelandic the NPs are subjects, and this is likely to have been the case in Old Icelandic. Diachronically, in addition to some changes in subject case marking (Nominative Substitution and Impersonalization), the main innovations in weather verbs involve the introduction of the &#8220;expletive&#8221; elements <i>&#254;a&#240;</i> and <i>hann</i>. On the whole, however, there is considerable stability in the use of weather verbs in the history of Icelandic. Not only are the lexical items nearly all the same, but a clear continuity in the syntax of weather expressions can be documented. 10 01 JB code la.254.05dja 101 130 30 Chapter 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;5. Disharmony in harmony with diachronic stability</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The case of Chinese</Subtitle> 1 A01 Redouane Djamouri Djamouri, Redouane Redouane Djamouri Centre de Recherches Linguistiques sur l'Asie Orientale, CNRS-EHESS-INALCO 2 A01 Waltraud Paul Paul, Waltraud Waltraud Paul Centre de Recherches Linguistiques sur l'Asie Orientale, CNRS-EHESS-INALCO 01 Chinese is an intriguing case of syntactic stability. Since the earliest available documents (13th c. BC) up to today, it has displayed SVO order in combination with a head final NP as well as&#160;&#8211; in subsequent stages&#160;&#8211; other phenomena said to be typical of SOV languages, such as postpositions (since 1st c. BC) and a head-final CP (since 5th c. BC). This contradicts the received wisdom in the literature that highly &#8216;disharmonic&#8217; stages are unstable and liable to change towards a (more) &#8216;harmonic&#8217; one. Taking Chinese as a starting point, the assumption that the concept of stability itself&#160;&#8211; although inaccessible to the child acquirer and only observable with hindsight by the linguist&#160;&#8211; is an inbuilt part of human language and hence of universal grammar, is shown to be wrong. 10 01 JB code la.254.06sit 131 156 26 Chapter 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;6. Against V2 in Old Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Ioanna Sitaridou Sitaridou, Ioanna Ioanna Sitaridou University of Cambridge, Queens' College 01 In this article, using rich data from 13th C. Spanish, it is argued that Old Spanish does not belong to any known V2 type of language, even the most flexible/relaxed attested type&#160;&#8211; the latter defined as mandatory verb movement from T-to-Fin/Force without the necessary raising of an XP to the preverbal field (as is the case in prototypical V2 languages such as German); neither does it constitute a new one for lack of evidence for formal movement of the verb to a C-related head. Instead, it is claimed that V2 effects in Old Spanish are due either because (i) verb movement is associated with some discourse effect or polarity; or, (ii) it is simply linear V2. Such V2 effects are trivially found in non-V2 languages and may also relate to rhetorical schemata and the discourse tradition. 10 01 JB code la.254.07puj 157 190 34 Chapter 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;7. V1 clauses in Old Catalan</TitleText> 1 A01 Afra Pujol i Campeny Pujol i Campeny, Afra Afra Pujol i Campeny Queens' College/Fitzwilliam College, University of Cambridge 01 This paper explores verb initial clauses in Old Catalan, contributing to the debate surrounding Old Romance verb placement. Using data from <i>El Llibre dels Feyts</i>, a 13th century Catalan chronicle, it is established that analyses proposed for V1 clauses for other Old Romance languages do not generally hold for Old Catalan. Instead, V1 clauses from <i>El Llibre dels Feyts</i> behave like Modern Catalan V1 clauses, that is, like V1 clauses of an SVO language. V1 clauses are examined in relation to information structure and predicate types, and systematically compared to their Modern Catalan counterparts. Through this analysis it is established that the uses and structure of Catalan V1 clauses have remained stable through the centuries. 10 01 JB code la.254.08gal 191 214 24 Chapter 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;8. Competition, stability and change in the emergence of Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 Charlotte Galves Galves, Charlotte Charlotte Galves IEL-Unicamp, Campinas 01 This chapter discusses morphological variation in Brazilian Portuguese, namely the clitic/tonic pronoun alternation and the variation in the morphological realization of subject-verb agreement. We argue on diachronic and synchronic grounds that while the alternation between the clitic and tonic pronoun in the 3rd person is clearly a case of competition between the conservative European grammar and the innovative Brazilian grammar, the other cases of variation are produced by the latter. Both in the case of 1st and 2nd person clitics and in the case of verbal agreement, conservative forms have innovative uses. This supports the claim that they have been reanalyzed in the new system. Clitic doubling of tonic pronouns without a preposition suggests that there was a functional specialization of the 1st and 2nd person clitic forms. As for subject-verb agreement, the licensing and interpretation of null subjects shows that the inflection is too weak to referentially identify empty categories in subject position, even when person and number are overtly realized on the verb. We conclude that part of the morphological variation due to linguistic contact is indeed integrated to the innovative grammar, with morphological elements of the old grammar surviving in apparent, but not actual, competition with new forms. 10 01 JB code la.254.09ste 215 244 30 Chapter 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;9. What is a diachronically stable system in a language-contact situation?</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The case of the English recipient passive</Subtitle> 1 A01 Achim Stein Stein, Achim Achim Stein Universität Stuttgart 2 A01 Richard P. Ingham Ingham, Richard P. Richard P. Ingham Universität Mannheim/University of Westminster 3 A01 Carola Trips Trips, Carola Carola Trips Universität Mannheim 01 In this paper we present data showing that the development of the English recipient passive (RP) was linked predominantly to verbs of French origin, although Old French (OF) did not have an RP. We present two explanations of the role that contact with French could have played in this development. The first explanation builds on the fact that only structurally case-marked arguments can become subjects of passive clauses and assumes that the RP was developed with French verbs because the OF structural dative was copied to Middle English (ME). The second explanation is that clause-taking ditransitive verbs in Anglo-French (AF, the variety of OF spoken in England) showed case idiosyncracies that licensed the RP in AF and may thus have acted as a bridge construction. We relate both explanations to current approaches in contact linguistics as well as to the degrees of stability of the three languages involved, ME, OF, and AF. 10 01 JB code la.254.10wal 245 262 18 Chapter 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;10. A variational theory of specialization in acquisition and diachrony</TitleText> 1 A01 Joel C. Wallenberg Wallenberg, Joel C. Joel C. Wallenberg Newcastle University 01 This article presents an empirical case study in the diachronic <i>specialization</i> of morphosyntactic forms for different syntactic contexts, and uses it to develop a theory of variational specialization. This theory links specialization in diachrony to specialization in language acquisition, sociolinguistic coordination in a speech community, and a general understanding of evolutionary dynamics. The case study illustrates these relationships with the specialization of <i>melted</i> and <i>molten</i> in Early Modern English, and tests the hypothesis that even diachronic specialization in a lexical domain will not take the same trajectory for different speakers, but that the community will nevertheless coordinate on a direction of specialization given multiple generations. In doing so, it answers a question referred to as Yang&#8217;s Paradox: how can we reconcile diachronic results showing that specialization is slow, with experimental results on acquisition showing that it&#8217;s fast? The study ultimately shows that specialization in a speech community is orders of magnitude slower than specialization for an individual child in an experimental setting, due to the problem of coordinating the dimension and direction of specialization among many speakers. I also show how Yang&#8217;s (2000) variational grammar learning model can be extended to the problem of specialization, and that children plausibly do not play an active role in specializing linguistic forms: they only need to identify potential contexts that the forms could specialize for, and the learning analog of natural selection does the rest. 10 01 JB code la.254.11kau 263 290 28 Chapter 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;11. Stable variation in multidimensional competition</TitleText> 1 A01 Henri Kauhanen Kauhanen, Henri Henri Kauhanen The University of Manchester 01 The Fundamental Theorem of Language Change (Yang 2000) implies the impossibility of stable variation in the Variational Learning framework, but only in the special case where two, and not more, grammatical variants compete. Introducing the notion of an advantage matrix, I generalize Variational Learn-ing to situations where the learner receives input generated by more than two grammars, and show that diachronically stable variation is an intrinsic feature of several types of such multiple-grammar systems. This invites experimentalists to take the possibility of stable variation seriously and identifies one possible place where to look for it: situations of complex language contact. 10 01 JB code la.254.index 291 294 4 Miscellaneous 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20190320 2019 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 08 680 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 60 22 01 02 JB 1 00 99.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 104.94 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 22 02 02 JB 1 00 83.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 22 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 149.00 USD