100027502 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 276 Hb 15 9789027211071 06 10.1075/la.276 13 2022008123 00 BB 08 605 gr 10 01 JB code LA 02 0166-0829 02 276.00 01 02 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 01 01 Discourse Particles Syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and historical aspects Discourse Particles: Syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and historical aspects 1 B01 01 JB code 213425859 Xabier Artiagoitia Artiagoitia, Xabier Xabier Artiagoitia University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/213425859 2 B01 01 JB code 929425860 Arantzazu Elordieta Elordieta, Arantzazu Arantzazu Elordieta University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/929425860 3 B01 01 JB code 510425861 Sergio Monforte Monforte, Sergio Sergio Monforte University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/510425861 01 eng 11 264 03 03 vi 03 00 258 03 10 LAN009060 12 CFK 24 JB code LIN.DISC Discourse studies 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.PRAG Pragmatics 24 JB code LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 Discourse particles have often been treated as a phenomenon restricted to Germanic languages (Abraham 2020) and they still raise questions about their nature as an independent category. This book reveals that this phenomenon exists in other languages as well, and provides evidence for their nature as a separate category. 03 00 Discourse particles have often been treated as a phenomenon restricted to Germanic languages (Abraham 2020) and they still raise questions about their nature as an independent category. This book reveals that this phenomenon exists in other languages as well, and provides evidence for their nature as a separate category. The volume brings together a collection of nine papers that focus on three research topics: a) the diachronic development of discourse particles; b) their syntactic analysis; and c) the study of their semantic-pragmatics. Furthermore, it also discusses other issues less often dealt with in the literature but of great interest for linguistic theory, such as the acquisition of discourse particles by children or the analysis of elements not usually considered discourse particles but whose historical path or microvariation indicates otherwise. Additionally, the book offers a cross-linguistic perspective as it discusses various languages including Basque, Catalan, German, Italian, Laz, Mandarin Chinese, Old English, Portuguese, and Spanish. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.276.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027211071.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027211071.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.276.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.276.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.276.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.276.hb.png 01 01 JB code la.276.int 06 10.1075/la.276.int 1 10 10 Chapter 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 04 Discourse particles: syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and historical aspects Discourse particles: syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and historical aspects 1 A01 01 JB code 165440359 Xabier Artiagoitia Artiagoitia, Xabier Xabier Artiagoitia University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/165440359 2 A01 01 JB code 451440360 Arantzazu Elordieta Elordieta, Arantzazu Arantzazu Elordieta University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/451440360 3 A01 01 JB code 709440361 Sergio Monforte Monforte, Sergio Sergio Monforte University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/709440361 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.276.p01 06 10.1075/la.276.p01 Section header 2 01 04 Part I. Diachronic issues and the development of discourse particles Part I. Diachronic issues and the development of discourse particles 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.276.01con 06 10.1075/la.276.01con 13 40 28 Chapter 3 01 04 Chapter 1. On the adverbial origin of German modal particles Chapter 1. On the adverbial origin of German modal particles 1 A01 01 JB code 491440362 Marco Coniglio Coniglio, Marco Marco Coniglio Georg-August-Universität Göttingen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/491440362 01 eng 30 00

All German modal particles share important common properties. However, in a diachronic perspective, their origin has often been explained by assuming that they have grammaticalized from different types of lexemes belonging to several word classes: adjectives, adverbs, conjunctions, etc. The present paper intends to dissipate some erroneous assumptions about the grammaticalization paths of modal particles and to offer a novel syntactic approach that explains their origin and development. By following and elaborating on some recent ideas, I will explore the hypothesis that modal particles have an adverbial origin and will provide corresponding evidence. In the syntactic analysis, I will claim that all modal particles originate from specific types of (strong) lower adverb(ial)s that become weak sentential adverbs under reanalysis.

01 01 JB code la.276.02eck 06 10.1075/la.276.02eck 41 64 24 Chapter 4 01 04 Chapter 2. A particle-like use of hwaether Wisdom's questions in Boethius Chapter 2. A particle-like use of hwæþer Wisdom’s questions in Boethius 1 A01 01 JB code 225440363 Regine Eckardt Eckardt, Regine Regine Eckardt University of Konstanz 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/225440363 2 A01 01 JB code 494440364 George Walkden Walkden, George George Walkden University of Konstanz 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/494440364 01 eng 30 00

The paper investigates unembedded hwæþer questions in Old English (OE). We argue that they represent an intermediate stage in the development of hwæþer ‘which of the two’ to modern English whether. Syntactically, we find a range of quasi-subordinating uses of hwæþer in questions that all have in common that the speaker expresses a pedagogical question. Pedagogical questions are questions the speaker knows the answer to, but is urging the addressee to consider while drawing their own conclusions. In the OE Boethius, hwæþer can convey this use-conditional pragmatic flavour for polar questions. It thus comes close in function to other use-conditional particles.

01 01 JB code la.276.03per 06 10.1075/la.276.03per 65 98 34 Chapter 5 01 04 Chapter 3. The discourse particle es que in Spanish and in other Iberian languages Chapter 3. The discourse particle es que in Spanish and in other Iberian languages 1 A01 01 JB code 49440365 Manuel Pérez-Saldanya Pérez-Saldanya, Manuel Manuel Pérez-Saldanya Universitat de València 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/49440365 2 A01 01 JB code 298440366 José Ignacio Hualde Hualde, José Ignacio José Ignacio Hualde University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/298440366 01 eng 30 00

We examine the historical reanalysis of the Spanish sequence es que (lit. ‘is that’) as a discourse particle with justificatory and even purely emphatic functions. We argue that the diachronic process involved first the appearance of non-coindexed pro as subject of the copula es ‘is’ and, at a later stage, deletion of the empty pronoun and syntactic restructuring. The restructuring was triggered by the use of the construction in counter-argumentative and other contexts where the semantic content of the null category was not easily recoverable. We also consider parallel developments in Catalan and Portuguese, as well as the borrowing of the particle es que in colloquial Basque.

01 01 JB code la.276.p02 06 10.1075/la.276.p02 Section header 6 01 04 Part II. Syntactic analyses of discourse particles Part II. Syntactic analyses of discourse particles 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.276.04dem 06 10.1075/la.276.04dem 101 130 30 Chapter 7 01 04 Chapter 4. Agreeing complementizers may just be moody Chapter 4. Agreeing complementizers may just be moody 1 A01 01 JB code 103440367 Ömer Demirok Demirok, Ömer Ömer Demirok Bogaziçi University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/103440367 2 A01 01 JB code 359440368 Balkız Öztürk Öztürk, Balkız Balkız Öztürk Bogaziçi University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/359440368 01 eng 30 00

This study investigates two discourse-related particles, ya and şo, in Laz, an endangered South Caucasian language. We argue that both ya and şo are indexical shift complementizers which can occur without an overt embedding verb, suggesting root complementizer behavior. However, when they appear embedded, the mood specification of the embedding verb determines which of the two will surface, suggestive of complementizer agreement in mood features. We show that, while ya and şo need to be semantically distinct in their root occurrences, there are compositionality challenges against the null hypothesis that ya and şo keep their meanings when embedded. As an alternative to a formal agreement account, we propose to semantically relate the embedded and root occurrences of these complementizers.

01 01 JB code la.276.05itu 06 10.1075/la.276.05itu 131 156 26 Chapter 8 01 04 Chapter 5. Outer particles vs tag particles Chapter 5. Outer particles vs tag particles 01 04 A distinction in homophony A distinction in homophony 1 A01 01 JB code 975440369 Aitor Lizardi Ituarte Ituarte, Aitor Lizardi Aitor Lizardi Ituarte University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/975440369 01 eng 30 00

This article aims to draw a syntactic analysis that accounts for the differing properties of two sets of discourse particles: Outer (or Final) Particles (OutPs) and Tag Particles (TagPs). In recent years, researchers have built a syntactic model to accommodate OutPs (Haegeman 2014; Wiltschko & Heim 2016; a.o.), but TagPs have received little attention. In order to highlight the different nature of these two sets of particles, I will focus on two segmentally homophonous Basque particles: alaOutP and alaTag . After discussing their distinct prosodic, syntactic and pragmatic properties, I will argue that these particles show structural differences: while OutPs merge in the right periphery of the clause, TagPs are intransitive X0s and head their own Speech Act Phrase (SAP).

01 01 JB code la.276.06mun 06 10.1075/la.276.06mun 157 178 22 Chapter 9 01 04 Chapter 6. Anchoring primary and secondary interjections to the context Chapter 6. Anchoring primary and secondary interjections to the context 1 A01 01 JB code 766440370 Nicola Munaro Munaro, Nicola Nicola Munaro Ca' Foscari University of Venice 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/766440370 01 eng 30 00

On the basis of empirical evidence from various Italian dialects, I argue that primary and secondary interjections lexicalize different functional heads which are computed syntactically at the edge of the clause. Secondary interjections should be clearly distinguished from primary ones; only secondary interjections lexicalizing a SpeechAct° head represent autonomous speech acts and are prosodically and syntactically independent from the co-occurring clause, which they can attract to their specifier position, raising eventually to the adjacent head Speaker° in order to achieve the necessary spatio-temporal contextual anchoring. Primary interjections, which can co-occur with secondary ones and surface clause-initially, lexicalize arguably the highest functional head Speaker°, interacting in interesting ways with lower projections and with the overt realization of the complementizer in Force.

01 01 JB code la.276.07pau 06 10.1075/la.276.07pau 179 206 28 Chapter 10 01 04 Chapter 7. Sentence-final particles in Mandarin Chinese Chapter 7. Sentence-final particles in Mandarin Chinese 01 04 Syntax, semantics and acquisition Syntax, semantics and acquisition 1 A01 01 JB code 281440371 Waltraud Paul Paul, Waltraud Waltraud Paul CNRS-EHESS-INALCO, CRLAO, Paris 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/281440371 2 A01 01 JB code 517440372 Shanshan Yan Yan, Shanshan Shanshan Yan School of Chinese as a second language, Peking University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/517440372 01 eng 30 00

Sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese realize the heads of three projections in the rigidly ordered head-final CP ‘Low CP < ForceP < AttitudeP’. Only the highest projection AttitudeP encodes discourse-related properties, whereas ForceP encodes the sentence-type (interrogative, imperative). Low Cs interact with properties of the TP-internal extended verbal projection and are obligatory when acting as (non-default) anchors. They play an important role in determining the temporal interpretation and finiteness in Mandarin Chinese and can therefore no longer be neglected by studies addressing these issues. There is no evidence for an “incremental” acquisition “up the tree” of the different projections in the split CP nor for the acquisition of TP prior to CP, as postulated by the cartographic approach.

01 01 JB code la.276.p03 06 10.1075/la.276.p03 Section header 11 01 04 Part III. The semantic-pragmatics of discourse particles Part III. The semantic-pragmatics of discourse particles 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.276.08kor 06 10.1075/la.276.08kor 209 228 20 Chapter 12 01 04 Chapter 8. Meaning and use of the Basque particle bide Chapter 8. Meaning and use of the Basque particle bide 1 A01 01 JB code 339440373 Kepa Korta Korta, Kepa Kepa Korta University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/339440373 2 A01 01 JB code 584440374 Larraitz Zubeldia Zubeldia, Larraitz Larraitz Zubeldia University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/584440374 01 eng 30 00

In this work we study the meaning and use of the Basque particle bide. We contend that, uttering a bide-sentence, the speaker asserts the proposition she would assert had she uttered a sentence without bide, but conveys additional evidential and doxastic information. She conveys that the evidence for the belief she expresses is indirect and that she is not absolutely certain on its truth–although it seems that the latter is sometimes cancellable. To put it in speech-act theoretic terms, bide is an illocutionary force indicator with no contribution to the propositional content of the speech act, which imposes to the assertion a certain preparatory condition and, perhaps, a constraint on the degree of strength of the belief expressed.

01 01 JB code la.276.09sch 06 10.1075/la.276.09sch 229 254 26 Chapter 13 01 04 Chapter 9. Three German discourse particles as speech act modifiers Chapter 9. Three German discourse particles as speech act modifiers 1 A01 01 JB code 345440375 Johannes Schneider Schneider, Johannes Johannes Schneider Universität Leipzig 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/345440375 01 eng 30 00

This work attempts to reduce the properties of three German discourse particles (DPs), ja, nicht and etwa, to the basic building blocks of a formal discourse model (Farkas & Bruce 2010). We propose a definition of DPs as speech act modifiers that restricts the space of allowed variation of their meanings, arguing against previous approaches in terms of speaker attitudes. Speech acts modified by ja update the Common Ground (CG) directly; previous characterizations of the epistemic status of the proposition arise as descriptions of common justifications for such an imposed CG update. Etwa and nicht turn open polar questions with two default resolutions into questions with only one unmarked resolution; epistemic or bouletic attitudes arise as frequent connotations.

01 01 JB code la.276.li 06 10.1075/la.276.li 255 255 1 Miscellaneous 14 01 04 Language index Language index 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.276.si 06 10.1075/la.276.si 257 258 2 Miscellaneous 15 01 04 Subject index Subject index 01 eng
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538027503 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 276 Eb 15 9789027257765 06 10.1075/la.276 13 2022008124 00 EA E107 10 01 JB code LA 02 0166-0829 02 276.00 01 02 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 11 01 JB code jbe-all 01 02 Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles) 11 01 JB code jbe-eba-2023 01 02 Compact EBA Collection 2023 (ca. 700 titles, starting 2018) 11 01 JB code jbe-2022 01 02 2022 collection (96 titles) 01 01 Discourse Particles Syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and historical aspects Discourse Particles: Syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and historical aspects 1 B01 01 JB code 213425859 Xabier Artiagoitia Artiagoitia, Xabier Xabier Artiagoitia University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/213425859 2 B01 01 JB code 929425860 Arantzazu Elordieta Elordieta, Arantzazu Arantzazu Elordieta University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/929425860 3 B01 01 JB code 510425861 Sergio Monforte Monforte, Sergio Sergio Monforte University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/510425861 01 eng 11 264 03 03 vi 03 00 258 03 10 LAN009060 12 CFK 24 JB code LIN.DISC Discourse studies 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.PRAG Pragmatics 24 JB code LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 Discourse particles have often been treated as a phenomenon restricted to Germanic languages (Abraham 2020) and they still raise questions about their nature as an independent category. This book reveals that this phenomenon exists in other languages as well, and provides evidence for their nature as a separate category. 03 00 Discourse particles have often been treated as a phenomenon restricted to Germanic languages (Abraham 2020) and they still raise questions about their nature as an independent category. This book reveals that this phenomenon exists in other languages as well, and provides evidence for their nature as a separate category. The volume brings together a collection of nine papers that focus on three research topics: a) the diachronic development of discourse particles; b) their syntactic analysis; and c) the study of their semantic-pragmatics. Furthermore, it also discusses other issues less often dealt with in the literature but of great interest for linguistic theory, such as the acquisition of discourse particles by children or the analysis of elements not usually considered discourse particles but whose historical path or microvariation indicates otherwise. Additionally, the book offers a cross-linguistic perspective as it discusses various languages including Basque, Catalan, German, Italian, Laz, Mandarin Chinese, Old English, Portuguese, and Spanish. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.276.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027211071.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027211071.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.276.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.276.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.276.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.276.hb.png 01 01 JB code la.276.int 06 10.1075/la.276.int 1 10 10 Chapter 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 04 Discourse particles: syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and historical aspects Discourse particles: syntactic, semantic, pragmatic and historical aspects 1 A01 01 JB code 165440359 Xabier Artiagoitia Artiagoitia, Xabier Xabier Artiagoitia University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/165440359 2 A01 01 JB code 451440360 Arantzazu Elordieta Elordieta, Arantzazu Arantzazu Elordieta University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/451440360 3 A01 01 JB code 709440361 Sergio Monforte Monforte, Sergio Sergio Monforte University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/709440361 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.276.p01 06 10.1075/la.276.p01 Section header 2 01 04 Part I. Diachronic issues and the development of discourse particles Part I. Diachronic issues and the development of discourse particles 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.276.01con 06 10.1075/la.276.01con 13 40 28 Chapter 3 01 04 Chapter 1. On the adverbial origin of German modal particles Chapter 1. On the adverbial origin of German modal particles 1 A01 01 JB code 491440362 Marco Coniglio Coniglio, Marco Marco Coniglio Georg-August-Universität Göttingen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/491440362 01 eng 30 00

All German modal particles share important common properties. However, in a diachronic perspective, their origin has often been explained by assuming that they have grammaticalized from different types of lexemes belonging to several word classes: adjectives, adverbs, conjunctions, etc. The present paper intends to dissipate some erroneous assumptions about the grammaticalization paths of modal particles and to offer a novel syntactic approach that explains their origin and development. By following and elaborating on some recent ideas, I will explore the hypothesis that modal particles have an adverbial origin and will provide corresponding evidence. In the syntactic analysis, I will claim that all modal particles originate from specific types of (strong) lower adverb(ial)s that become weak sentential adverbs under reanalysis.

01 01 JB code la.276.02eck 06 10.1075/la.276.02eck 41 64 24 Chapter 4 01 04 Chapter 2. A particle-like use of hwaether Wisdom's questions in Boethius Chapter 2. A particle-like use of hwæþer Wisdom’s questions in Boethius 1 A01 01 JB code 225440363 Regine Eckardt Eckardt, Regine Regine Eckardt University of Konstanz 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/225440363 2 A01 01 JB code 494440364 George Walkden Walkden, George George Walkden University of Konstanz 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/494440364 01 eng 30 00

The paper investigates unembedded hwæþer questions in Old English (OE). We argue that they represent an intermediate stage in the development of hwæþer ‘which of the two’ to modern English whether. Syntactically, we find a range of quasi-subordinating uses of hwæþer in questions that all have in common that the speaker expresses a pedagogical question. Pedagogical questions are questions the speaker knows the answer to, but is urging the addressee to consider while drawing their own conclusions. In the OE Boethius, hwæþer can convey this use-conditional pragmatic flavour for polar questions. It thus comes close in function to other use-conditional particles.

01 01 JB code la.276.03per 06 10.1075/la.276.03per 65 98 34 Chapter 5 01 04 Chapter 3. The discourse particle es que in Spanish and in other Iberian languages Chapter 3. The discourse particle es que in Spanish and in other Iberian languages 1 A01 01 JB code 49440365 Manuel Pérez-Saldanya Pérez-Saldanya, Manuel Manuel Pérez-Saldanya Universitat de València 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/49440365 2 A01 01 JB code 298440366 José Ignacio Hualde Hualde, José Ignacio José Ignacio Hualde University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/298440366 01 eng 30 00

We examine the historical reanalysis of the Spanish sequence es que (lit. ‘is that’) as a discourse particle with justificatory and even purely emphatic functions. We argue that the diachronic process involved first the appearance of non-coindexed pro as subject of the copula es ‘is’ and, at a later stage, deletion of the empty pronoun and syntactic restructuring. The restructuring was triggered by the use of the construction in counter-argumentative and other contexts where the semantic content of the null category was not easily recoverable. We also consider parallel developments in Catalan and Portuguese, as well as the borrowing of the particle es que in colloquial Basque.

01 01 JB code la.276.p02 06 10.1075/la.276.p02 Section header 6 01 04 Part II. Syntactic analyses of discourse particles Part II. Syntactic analyses of discourse particles 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.276.04dem 06 10.1075/la.276.04dem 101 130 30 Chapter 7 01 04 Chapter 4. Agreeing complementizers may just be moody Chapter 4. Agreeing complementizers may just be moody 1 A01 01 JB code 103440367 Ömer Demirok Demirok, Ömer Ömer Demirok Bogaziçi University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/103440367 2 A01 01 JB code 359440368 Balkız Öztürk Öztürk, Balkız Balkız Öztürk Bogaziçi University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/359440368 01 eng 30 00

This study investigates two discourse-related particles, ya and şo, in Laz, an endangered South Caucasian language. We argue that both ya and şo are indexical shift complementizers which can occur without an overt embedding verb, suggesting root complementizer behavior. However, when they appear embedded, the mood specification of the embedding verb determines which of the two will surface, suggestive of complementizer agreement in mood features. We show that, while ya and şo need to be semantically distinct in their root occurrences, there are compositionality challenges against the null hypothesis that ya and şo keep their meanings when embedded. As an alternative to a formal agreement account, we propose to semantically relate the embedded and root occurrences of these complementizers.

01 01 JB code la.276.05itu 06 10.1075/la.276.05itu 131 156 26 Chapter 8 01 04 Chapter 5. Outer particles vs tag particles Chapter 5. Outer particles vs tag particles 01 04 A distinction in homophony A distinction in homophony 1 A01 01 JB code 975440369 Aitor Lizardi Ituarte Ituarte, Aitor Lizardi Aitor Lizardi Ituarte University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/975440369 01 eng 30 00

This article aims to draw a syntactic analysis that accounts for the differing properties of two sets of discourse particles: Outer (or Final) Particles (OutPs) and Tag Particles (TagPs). In recent years, researchers have built a syntactic model to accommodate OutPs (Haegeman 2014; Wiltschko & Heim 2016; a.o.), but TagPs have received little attention. In order to highlight the different nature of these two sets of particles, I will focus on two segmentally homophonous Basque particles: alaOutP and alaTag . After discussing their distinct prosodic, syntactic and pragmatic properties, I will argue that these particles show structural differences: while OutPs merge in the right periphery of the clause, TagPs are intransitive X0s and head their own Speech Act Phrase (SAP).

01 01 JB code la.276.06mun 06 10.1075/la.276.06mun 157 178 22 Chapter 9 01 04 Chapter 6. Anchoring primary and secondary interjections to the context Chapter 6. Anchoring primary and secondary interjections to the context 1 A01 01 JB code 766440370 Nicola Munaro Munaro, Nicola Nicola Munaro Ca' Foscari University of Venice 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/766440370 01 eng 30 00

On the basis of empirical evidence from various Italian dialects, I argue that primary and secondary interjections lexicalize different functional heads which are computed syntactically at the edge of the clause. Secondary interjections should be clearly distinguished from primary ones; only secondary interjections lexicalizing a SpeechAct° head represent autonomous speech acts and are prosodically and syntactically independent from the co-occurring clause, which they can attract to their specifier position, raising eventually to the adjacent head Speaker° in order to achieve the necessary spatio-temporal contextual anchoring. Primary interjections, which can co-occur with secondary ones and surface clause-initially, lexicalize arguably the highest functional head Speaker°, interacting in interesting ways with lower projections and with the overt realization of the complementizer in Force.

01 01 JB code la.276.07pau 06 10.1075/la.276.07pau 179 206 28 Chapter 10 01 04 Chapter 7. Sentence-final particles in Mandarin Chinese Chapter 7. Sentence-final particles in Mandarin Chinese 01 04 Syntax, semantics and acquisition Syntax, semantics and acquisition 1 A01 01 JB code 281440371 Waltraud Paul Paul, Waltraud Waltraud Paul CNRS-EHESS-INALCO, CRLAO, Paris 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/281440371 2 A01 01 JB code 517440372 Shanshan Yan Yan, Shanshan Shanshan Yan School of Chinese as a second language, Peking University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/517440372 01 eng 30 00

Sentence-final particles (SFPs) in Mandarin Chinese realize the heads of three projections in the rigidly ordered head-final CP ‘Low CP < ForceP < AttitudeP’. Only the highest projection AttitudeP encodes discourse-related properties, whereas ForceP encodes the sentence-type (interrogative, imperative). Low Cs interact with properties of the TP-internal extended verbal projection and are obligatory when acting as (non-default) anchors. They play an important role in determining the temporal interpretation and finiteness in Mandarin Chinese and can therefore no longer be neglected by studies addressing these issues. There is no evidence for an “incremental” acquisition “up the tree” of the different projections in the split CP nor for the acquisition of TP prior to CP, as postulated by the cartographic approach.

01 01 JB code la.276.p03 06 10.1075/la.276.p03 Section header 11 01 04 Part III. The semantic-pragmatics of discourse particles Part III. The semantic-pragmatics of discourse particles 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.276.08kor 06 10.1075/la.276.08kor 209 228 20 Chapter 12 01 04 Chapter 8. Meaning and use of the Basque particle bide Chapter 8. Meaning and use of the Basque particle bide 1 A01 01 JB code 339440373 Kepa Korta Korta, Kepa Kepa Korta University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/339440373 2 A01 01 JB code 584440374 Larraitz Zubeldia Zubeldia, Larraitz Larraitz Zubeldia University of the Basque Country (UPV/EHU) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/584440374 01 eng 30 00

In this work we study the meaning and use of the Basque particle bide. We contend that, uttering a bide-sentence, the speaker asserts the proposition she would assert had she uttered a sentence without bide, but conveys additional evidential and doxastic information. She conveys that the evidence for the belief she expresses is indirect and that she is not absolutely certain on its truth–although it seems that the latter is sometimes cancellable. To put it in speech-act theoretic terms, bide is an illocutionary force indicator with no contribution to the propositional content of the speech act, which imposes to the assertion a certain preparatory condition and, perhaps, a constraint on the degree of strength of the belief expressed.

01 01 JB code la.276.09sch 06 10.1075/la.276.09sch 229 254 26 Chapter 13 01 04 Chapter 9. Three German discourse particles as speech act modifiers Chapter 9. Three German discourse particles as speech act modifiers 1 A01 01 JB code 345440375 Johannes Schneider Schneider, Johannes Johannes Schneider Universität Leipzig 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/345440375 01 eng 30 00

This work attempts to reduce the properties of three German discourse particles (DPs), ja, nicht and etwa, to the basic building blocks of a formal discourse model (Farkas & Bruce 2010). We propose a definition of DPs as speech act modifiers that restricts the space of allowed variation of their meanings, arguing against previous approaches in terms of speaker attitudes. Speech acts modified by ja update the Common Ground (CG) directly; previous characterizations of the epistemic status of the proposition arise as descriptions of common justifications for such an imposed CG update. Etwa and nicht turn open polar questions with two default resolutions into questions with only one unmarked resolution; epistemic or bouletic attitudes arise as frequent connotations.

01 01 JB code la.276.li 06 10.1075/la.276.li 255 255 1 Miscellaneous 14 01 04 Language index Language index 01 eng 01 01 JB code la.276.si 06 10.1075/la.276.si 257 258 2 Miscellaneous 15 01 04 Subject index Subject index 01 eng
01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.276 Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20220517 C 2022 John Benjamins D 2022 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027211071 WORLD 09 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 https://jbe-platform.com 29 https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027257765 21 01 00 Unqualified price 02 99.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 02 83.00 GBP GB 01 00 Unqualified price 02 149.00 USD