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		<Text textformat="02">&lt;i&gt;Adverbs and Particles at the Form-Meaning Interface&lt;/i&gt; offers a comprehensive investigation of two word classes that play a crucial role at the interfaces and have posed challenges for linguistic theory. Drawing on a broad typological range, including Germanic, Romance, Basque, and Heritage Greek, this volume sheds new light on the role of adverbs and particles at the interfaces between morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics from both a synchronic and diachronic perspective. Contributions from both established and emerging scholars offer original theoretical, methodological, and empirical research, addressing diverse topics such as the internal structure of adverbs, external syntax, grammaticalization from adverbs to particles, and their specific role in discourse. This volume will be highly relevant to theoretical and historical linguists, particularly those interested in the interaction of form and meaning.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">From adverb to modal particle</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">German  &lt;i&gt;wieder&lt;/i&gt;  ‘again’ and its kin</Subtitle>
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					<Text textformat="02">   The German adverb &lt;i&gt;wieder&lt;/i&gt; ‘again’ has a restitutive and a repetitive meaning with different base positions reflecting their semantic relations to the rest of the sentence. In its restitutive reading, it is a process adverb which is a V-adjunct, whereas in its repetitive reading it is an event adverb which is adjoined in a higher position. The diachronic development of &lt;i&gt;wieder&lt;/i&gt; from a restitutive to a repetitive adverb results from a reanalysis made possible by an ambiguous surface structure in the German middle field and semantic ambiguities. These also provide the critical context for the further development of &lt;i&gt;wieder&lt;/i&gt; into a modal particle with a remind-me meaning. The modal particle is the result of grammaticalization processes which applies to some other temporal adverbs that can occur in combinations with &lt;i&gt;wieder.&lt;/i&gt;</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">Manner adverbs in - &lt;i&gt;mente&lt;/i&gt;  from Latin to Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A grammaticalization analysis under Distributed Morphology</Subtitle>
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					<Affiliation>Federal University of Juiz de Fora</Affiliation>
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					<Affiliation>Federal University of Juiz de Fora</Affiliation>
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				<PersonName>Paula Roberta Gabbai Armelin</PersonName>
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				<KeyNames>Armelin</KeyNames>
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					<Affiliation>Federal University of Juiz de Fora</Affiliation>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>adjectives</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This paper investigates the grammaticalization (Roberts &amp;#38; Roussou 1999, Lehmann 2015) of the adverbial constructions of the &lt;i&gt;X-mente&lt;/i&gt; pattern from Latin to Brazilian Portuguese, under the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle &amp;#38; Marantz 1993, Marantz 1997). In Latin, these adverbials consisted of the feminine noun &lt;i&gt;mens&lt;/i&gt; ‘mind’ and an adjective, and expressed the meaning of ‘in an X manner’ (with ‘X’ representing the adjective). In Brazilian Portuguese, they are formally adverbs, single words composed of a feminine adjective followed by the ending &lt;i&gt;-mente&lt;/i&gt;. We propose that the noun &lt;i&gt;mente&lt;/i&gt; changed into an adverbial categorizer head (&lt;i&gt;adv&lt;/i&gt;) while preserving some properties from its lexical origin, notably the feminine gender, which is shared with the adjective to which it merges.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">&lt;i&gt;Wise&lt;/i&gt;  adverbs and the functional hierarchy</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A case study</Subtitle>
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					<Affiliation>University Utrecht</Affiliation>
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				<PersonName>Guido Vanden Wyngaerd</PersonName>
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					<Affiliation>KU Leuven</Affiliation>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>-erwijs</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This article presents a case study on Dutch adverbs formed with the suffix &lt;i&gt;-erwijs&lt;/i&gt;. It addresses two research questions that have been raised in the literature. Firstly, it asks the question whether other Germanic adverbial suffixes are equivalents of this suffix. It is shown that &lt;i&gt;-erwijs&lt;/i&gt; can realise a large subset of the Cinquean adverbial projections. It is pointed out that the question whether other affixes are equivalents of the -&lt;i&gt;erwijs&lt;/i&gt; suffix is therefore unprecise and misguided: adverbial suffixes may realize sets of adverbial syntactic projections, subsets of which may also be realized by other adverbial affixes. Secondly, it investigates whether there is a structural relation between adverbs formed with the suffix &lt;i&gt;-erwijs&lt;/i&gt; and present participles. We show that the adverbs built on participles fail to project verbal argument structure. This leads to an interesting puzzle, where the adverbs morphologically appear to contain the participle, but do not contain a verb semantically. We propose to solve this puzzle by putting verbal argument structure projecting heads higher in the structure than the participial suffix, which we take to be a mere adjectiviser.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">Sentence adverbs and modal particles in Basque</TitleText>
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				<PersonName>Sergio Monforte</PersonName>
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					<Affiliation>Universidad del País Vasco</Affiliation>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This paper investigates sentence adverbs, modal particles, and evidential-epistemic affixes in Basque. While previous studies have often grouped Basque verbal affixes expressing evidentiality and epistemicity under the label of modal particles, this work argues that such elements differ significantly from German modal particles in their morphosyntactic behavior and should instead be classified as evidential-epistemic affixes. The study also offers a first descriptive and syntactic analysis of Basque sentence adverbs, an understudied category. A preliminary classification is proposed, distinguishing between adverbs that function exclusively as sentence adverbs and those that also serve other grammatical roles. Additionally, the paper explores the origins of these adverbs, shedding light on their grammaticalization paths. Finally, it identifies a small set of elements in Basque that align more closely with German modal particles in terms of syntactic behaviour and interpretation.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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		<TextItem>
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			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.06spe</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>116</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>141</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>26</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>7</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Adverbial adjectives vs. adjective-adverbs</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">What’s better for German?</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Augustin Speyer</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Speyer, Augustin</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Augustin</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Speyer</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Saarland</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Jenny Diener</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Diener, Jenny</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Jenny</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Diener</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Saarland</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adjective vs. adverb distinction</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbial adjectives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbially used adjectives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>part-of-speech classification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   In German linguistics, words like &lt;i&gt;langsam&lt;/i&gt; in &lt;i&gt;der Hund läuft langsam&lt;/i&gt; (‘the dog walks slowly’) are traditionally classified as ‘adverbially used adjectives’. We argue instead that they should be classified as adverbs, regularly converted from adjectives. We show that classical arguments for labeling them adjectives are spurious, because they need to resort to decontextualization which is not a legitimate strategy for defining part-of-speech. An argument for treating them as adverbs is that their semantic contribution is comparable to that of regular adverbs and not to that of prototypical adjectives, in that they do not predicate over an entity variable, but over another predicate or an event variable. Such semantic differences usually justify classification in different parts-of-speech. Some relic unambiguous adverb forms still survive; they show distributional constraints that can be explained by their inability to predicate over entities.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.07tes</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>142</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>175</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>34</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>8</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Diagnosing features in syntactic derivation</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">The role of adverbs</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Aquiles Tescari Neto</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Tescari Neto, Aquiles</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Aquiles</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Tescari Neto</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Campinas</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>João Francisco Bergamini-Perez</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Bergamini-Perez, João Francisco</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>João Francisco</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Bergamini-Perez</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Campinas</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Bruno Ferreira de Lima</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>de Lima, Bruno Ferreira</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Bruno Ferreira</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>de Lima</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Campinas</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Cinque’s hierarchy</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>decompositionality principle</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>features</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Jackendoff’s criterion</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   The criterion often used to define and identify “linguistic categories” (also known as Jackendoff’s criterion) — whereby membership in a given category can be defined by means of the ban on the joint occurrence of elements from one and the same class in the same sentence — has been extensively explored in Theoretical Syntax and Typology. If it is true that members of the same class/category cannot co-occur, and if Movement is an instance of the same Merge operation, then the assumption of the “decompositionality principle” would allow one to extend Jackendoff’s criterion to identify the features involved in syntactic derivation as the structure is built up. We provide three sets of examples in which adverbs can be used to diagnose the features involved in three particular structures in Brazilian Portuguese.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.08sam</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>176</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>197</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>22</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>9</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Adverbs and non-arguments in the Left Periphery</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A computational cartographic study</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Giuseppe Samo</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Samo, Giuseppe</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Giuseppe</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Samo</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Beijing Language and Culture University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>arguments</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>locality</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>quantitative cartography</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Universal Dependencies</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   In addition to arguments, adverbs and non-arguments are considered potential candidates to occupy left peripheral positions. Following standard assumptions in syntactic locality, adverbs, non-arguments and arguments elicit distinct effects in terms of intervention locality if moved. Such an asymmetry is not expected if these elements are generated in the syntactic position they are spelt-out. In this study, we employ quantitative and computational methods to compare cartographic models differing in the merge nature and explore, as a diagnostic, the intervention effects (or the lack of intervention effects) predicted by these models. Specifically, we compare the observed counts in large-scale datasets to imputed expected frequencies on the basis of the models under investigation. To reach this goal, we extract grammatical clauses from morpho-syntactically annotated treebanks of Chinese, English, French, German, Hebrew, Italian and Swedish. Our findings reveal cross-linguistic levels of complexity and typological variability, consistent with the predictions of featural Relativized Minimality.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.p2</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>199</FirstPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>1</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Section header</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>10</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Studies at the syntax-semantics interface</TitleText>
		</Title>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.09ale</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>200</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>215</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>16</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>11</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Adverb placement and V-raising in heritage Greek</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Artemis Alexiadou</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Alexiadou, Artemis</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Artemis</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Alexiadou</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS)</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>heritage Greek</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>interference</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>V2</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>V-raising</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper presents a preliminary discussion of adverb placement and V-raising in heritage Greek, by examining two groups of Greek heritage speakers in the US and in Germany. It is shown that heritage speakers generally preserve the V-raising pattern of Greek. Nevertheless, they seem to prefer orders that are compatible with both their languages, as has been observed in previous studies on other V-raising languages.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.10bro</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>216</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>235</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>20</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>12</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Syntactic and semantic flexibility among adverbials</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Evidence from underspecified adjuncts</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Kristin Klubbo Brodahl</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Brodahl, Kristin Klubbo</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Kristin Klubbo</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Brodahl</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Oslo</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>English</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>German</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>non-finite clauses</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>participles</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>underspecified adjuncts</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper is concerned with the syntactic and semantic properties of underspecified adjuncts, i.e. adjuncts without an inherent interpretation. Based on a corpus of non-finite participial clauses in German and English, it is shown that underspecified adjuncts occur with many different adverbial interpretations, modifying all the syntactico-semantic domains of a clause identified in the adjunction-based literature on adverbials, as well as a variety of control readings. The corpus data reveal interesting correlations between the interpretation, distribution and control status of these adjuncts that show how syntax and semantics work compositionally to determine an adjunct’s meaning.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.11gut</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>236</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>259</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>24</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>13</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Climbing up the context — from temporal adverb to discourse particle</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">The case of German  &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt;</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Katharina Turgay</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Turgay, Katharina</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Katharina</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Turgay</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Ruhr University Bochum</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Daniel Gutzmann</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Gutzmann, Daniel</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Daniel</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Gutzmann</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Ruhr University Bochum</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>context</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>discourse particle</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>discourse structure</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>extended now</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>grammaticalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>indexicality</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>pragmaticalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>semantic change</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   While the German expression &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; ‘now’ is usually a temporal adverb it also has a use as a discourse particle. In its temporal use, &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; is a temporal indexical that gets its denotation from the utterance context. It does, however, not just refer to the utterance point at which the utterance is made (present reading), but can also refer to a larger time interval that starts in the past and ends at the utterance time point (past reading) or refer to one that starts at the utterance time point and extends into the future (future reading). Crucially, the discourse particle has three corresponding readings that center around a discourse question. This &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; can relate an utterance back to a previous question (past reading), mark the start of a new question (future reading), or it may also mark a question as still being current (present reading). The discourse use of &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; thus inherits the three orientations of the temporal use of &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; and applies them to a higher notion of context: instead of situating the utterance in the time of the physical world, it situates the utterance with respect to other utterances in the linguistic interaction. We provide a formal semantics for temporal and discourse &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; that can provide all three readings and also highlight the similarities between the two uses.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.12ale</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>260</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>277</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>18</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>14</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">On the arguments for analyzing adverbs as PPs</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Sascha Alexeyenko</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Alexeyenko, Sascha</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Sascha</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Alexeyenko</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Georg-August-Universität Göttingen</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>affixes</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>lexical categories</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>PPs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>roots</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper argues that adverbs in English do not constitute a separate lexical class, neither are they positional variants of a single category together with adjectives, but rather they can and should be assimilated to PPs. In particular, the paper provides evidence from the complement-taking capacities of adverbs that the morpheme &lt;i&gt;-ly&lt;/i&gt; is not a suffix but a nominal root, which forms the basis of the analysis of adverbs as PPs. Furthermore, it shows that the PP analysis of adverbs is also able to account for the facts that have been previously used as arguments for alternative analyses.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.13axe</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>278</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>306</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>29</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>15</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Sentence adverbs based on parenthetical clauses</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">The case of German</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Katrin Axel-Tober</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Axel-Tober, Katrin</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Katrin</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Axel-Tober</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Tübingen</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Kalle Müller</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Müller, Kalle</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Kalle</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Müller</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Tübingen</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>grammaticalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>parenthetical</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>reanalysis</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>sentence adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This paper investigates German sentence adverbs that have a clausal origin. In particular, we propose a scenario in which they are reanalyzed from V1- or V2-parentheticals, rather than from subordinating matrix constructions. This reanalysis is facilitated by systematic structural ambiguity between integrated and non-integrated material in the German middle field. We argue that the change can be better explained by principles of syntactic economy that lead to structural simplification, rather than semanto-pragmatic mechanisms such as subjectification. While we assume that this path is highly relevant also cross-linguistically, German offers a particularly well-suited environment for its study because it exhibits asymmetries for main clauses vs. subordinate clauses, V1 parentheticals vs. main clauses, and a disambiguating position for integrated vs. non-integrated material in the C-domain, the German prefield.</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   Modal particles typically grammaticalize from adverbs in German and Dutch, and some modal particles have not lost all of their adverb properties yet. Presenting an exploratory and mainly qualitative analysis, this paper addresses two particular features of adverbs that can still be found with a number of modal particles, viz. intensification by means of degree particles in German and Dutch and the existence of diminutive variants in Dutch. These features turn out to occur only with a restricted set of particles, that is largely the same for both features and in both languages and that only contains particles stemming from adverbs that show these features and for which intensification or diminution is conceivable from a semantic-pragmatic point of view.</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This paper investigates the use of chains of clause-initial temporal adjuncts as signals of continuative and contrastive discourse relations in written English discourse. Drawing on 88 examples from the magazine section of the &lt;i&gt;British National Corpus&lt;/i&gt;, the study shows that the linguistic realization of continuative and contrastive discourse relations varies considerably with regard to (i) the semantics of the temporal adjuncts, (ii) the presence of additional discourse connectives and (iii) the degree of continuity of the intra-clausal coherence strands (i.e. referential (dis)continuity, topic (dis)continuity, temporal/aspectual coherence and lexical coherence). In light of these findings, the present paper argues for conceptualizing continuative and contrastive discourse relations in terms of a continuum with varying degrees of (dis)continuity, depending on their linguistic realization.</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   Several types of adverbial clauses can occur external to a German independent clause. The article argues that between such externally occurring adverbial clauses (ExtAdvCls) a basic distinction has to be made between those ExtAdvCls that refer to the world and contribute to the propositional meaning (W-ExtAdvCls) and those that refer to the discourse situation (D-ExtAdvCls).   &lt;br /&gt;W-ExtAdvCls and D-ExtAdvCls differ in terms of distribution, scope, ability to accommodate root phenomena and illocutionary force. To account for these differences, it is argued that W-ExtAdvCls are handled by regular sentence grammar and D-ExtAdvCls by a discourse grammar module that adopts a central aspect of Thetical Grammar, a part of Discourse Grammar (Heine et al. 2013). Thetical grammar provides for a cognitive-communicative operation whereby pieces of clausal syntax are transferred to the grammar of discourse.</Text>
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		<Text textformat="02">&lt;i&gt;Adverbs and Particles at the Form-Meaning Interface&lt;/i&gt; offers a comprehensive investigation of two word classes that play a crucial role at the interfaces and have posed challenges for linguistic theory. Drawing on a broad typological range, including Germanic, Romance, Basque, and Heritage Greek, this volume sheds new light on the role of adverbs and particles at the interfaces between morphology, syntax, semantics, and pragmatics from both a synchronic and diachronic perspective. Contributions from both established and emerging scholars offer original theoretical, methodological, and empirical research, addressing diverse topics such as the internal structure of adverbs, external syntax, grammaticalization from adverbs to particles, and their specific role in discourse. This volume will be highly relevant to theoretical and historical linguists, particularly those interested in the interaction of form and meaning.</Text>
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					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>event adverb</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>grammaticalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>modal particle</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>pragmaticalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>remind-me particle</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>subjectification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   The German adverb &lt;i&gt;wieder&lt;/i&gt; ‘again’ has a restitutive and a repetitive meaning with different base positions reflecting their semantic relations to the rest of the sentence. In its restitutive reading, it is a process adverb which is a V-adjunct, whereas in its repetitive reading it is an event adverb which is adjoined in a higher position. The diachronic development of &lt;i&gt;wieder&lt;/i&gt; from a restitutive to a repetitive adverb results from a reanalysis made possible by an ambiguous surface structure in the German middle field and semantic ambiguities. These also provide the critical context for the further development of &lt;i&gt;wieder&lt;/i&gt; into a modal particle with a remind-me meaning. The modal particle is the result of grammaticalization processes which applies to some other temporal adverbs that can occur in combinations with &lt;i&gt;wieder.&lt;/i&gt;</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.03gon</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>42</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>71</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>30</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>4</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Manner adverbs in - &lt;i&gt;mente&lt;/i&gt;  from Latin to Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A grammaticalization analysis under Distributed Morphology</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Lydsson Agostinho Gonçalves</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Gonçalves, Lydsson Agostinho</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Lydsson Agostinho</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Gonçalves</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Federal University of Juiz de Fora</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Bianca Agrelli Rodrigues</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Agrelli Rodrigues, Bianca</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Bianca</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Agrelli Rodrigues</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Federal University of Juiz de Fora</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Paula Roberta Gabbai Armelin</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Armelin, Paula Roberta Gabbai</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Paula Roberta Gabbai</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Armelin</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Federal University of Juiz de Fora</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adjectives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Distributed Morphology</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>grammaticalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper investigates the grammaticalization (Roberts &amp;#38; Roussou 1999, Lehmann 2015) of the adverbial constructions of the &lt;i&gt;X-mente&lt;/i&gt; pattern from Latin to Brazilian Portuguese, under the framework of Distributed Morphology (Halle &amp;#38; Marantz 1993, Marantz 1997). In Latin, these adverbials consisted of the feminine noun &lt;i&gt;mens&lt;/i&gt; ‘mind’ and an adjective, and expressed the meaning of ‘in an X manner’ (with ‘X’ representing the adjective). In Brazilian Portuguese, they are formally adverbs, single words composed of a feminine adjective followed by the ending &lt;i&gt;-mente&lt;/i&gt;. We propose that the noun &lt;i&gt;mente&lt;/i&gt; changed into an adverbial categorizer head (&lt;i&gt;adv&lt;/i&gt;) while preserving some properties from its lexical origin, notably the feminine gender, which is shared with the adjective to which it merges.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.04deb</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>72</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>99</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>28</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>5</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">&lt;i&gt;Wise&lt;/i&gt;  adverbs and the functional hierarchy</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A case study</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Marijke De Belder</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>De Belder, Marijke</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Marijke</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>De Belder</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University Utrecht</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Guido Vanden Wyngaerd</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Vanden Wyngaerd, Guido</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Guido</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Vanden Wyngaerd</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>KU Leuven</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Dutch</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>-erwijs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>present participle</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This article presents a case study on Dutch adverbs formed with the suffix &lt;i&gt;-erwijs&lt;/i&gt;. It addresses two research questions that have been raised in the literature. Firstly, it asks the question whether other Germanic adverbial suffixes are equivalents of this suffix. It is shown that &lt;i&gt;-erwijs&lt;/i&gt; can realise a large subset of the Cinquean adverbial projections. It is pointed out that the question whether other affixes are equivalents of the -&lt;i&gt;erwijs&lt;/i&gt; suffix is therefore unprecise and misguided: adverbial suffixes may realize sets of adverbial syntactic projections, subsets of which may also be realized by other adverbial affixes. Secondly, it investigates whether there is a structural relation between adverbs formed with the suffix &lt;i&gt;-erwijs&lt;/i&gt; and present participles. We show that the adverbs built on participles fail to project verbal argument structure. This leads to an interesting puzzle, where the adverbs morphologically appear to contain the participle, but do not contain a verb semantically. We propose to solve this puzzle by putting verbal argument structure projecting heads higher in the structure than the participial suffix, which we take to be a mere adjectiviser.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.05mon</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>100</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>115</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>16</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>6</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Sentence adverbs and modal particles in Basque</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Sergio Monforte</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Monforte, Sergio</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Sergio</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Monforte</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Universidad del País Vasco</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Basque</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>evidential-epistemic affixes</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>grammaticalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>modal particles</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>sentence adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>syntax</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper investigates sentence adverbs, modal particles, and evidential-epistemic affixes in Basque. While previous studies have often grouped Basque verbal affixes expressing evidentiality and epistemicity under the label of modal particles, this work argues that such elements differ significantly from German modal particles in their morphosyntactic behavior and should instead be classified as evidential-epistemic affixes. The study also offers a first descriptive and syntactic analysis of Basque sentence adverbs, an understudied category. A preliminary classification is proposed, distinguishing between adverbs that function exclusively as sentence adverbs and those that also serve other grammatical roles. Additionally, the paper explores the origins of these adverbs, shedding light on their grammaticalization paths. Finally, it identifies a small set of elements in Basque that align more closely with German modal particles in terms of syntactic behaviour and interpretation.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.06spe</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>116</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>141</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>26</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>7</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Adverbial adjectives vs. adjective-adverbs</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">What’s better for German?</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Augustin Speyer</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Speyer, Augustin</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Augustin</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Speyer</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Saarland</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Jenny Diener</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Diener, Jenny</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Jenny</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Diener</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Saarland</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adjective vs. adverb distinction</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbial adjectives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbially used adjectives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>part-of-speech classification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   In German linguistics, words like &lt;i&gt;langsam&lt;/i&gt; in &lt;i&gt;der Hund läuft langsam&lt;/i&gt; (‘the dog walks slowly’) are traditionally classified as ‘adverbially used adjectives’. We argue instead that they should be classified as adverbs, regularly converted from adjectives. We show that classical arguments for labeling them adjectives are spurious, because they need to resort to decontextualization which is not a legitimate strategy for defining part-of-speech. An argument for treating them as adverbs is that their semantic contribution is comparable to that of regular adverbs and not to that of prototypical adjectives, in that they do not predicate over an entity variable, but over another predicate or an event variable. Such semantic differences usually justify classification in different parts-of-speech. Some relic unambiguous adverb forms still survive; they show distributional constraints that can be explained by their inability to predicate over entities.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.07tes</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>142</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>175</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>34</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>8</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Diagnosing features in syntactic derivation</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">The role of adverbs</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Aquiles Tescari Neto</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Tescari Neto, Aquiles</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Aquiles</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Tescari Neto</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Campinas</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>João Francisco Bergamini-Perez</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Bergamini-Perez, João Francisco</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>João Francisco</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Bergamini-Perez</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Campinas</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Bruno Ferreira de Lima</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>de Lima, Bruno Ferreira</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Bruno Ferreira</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>de Lima</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Campinas</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Cinque’s hierarchy</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>decompositionality principle</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>features</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Jackendoff’s criterion</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   The criterion often used to define and identify “linguistic categories” (also known as Jackendoff’s criterion) — whereby membership in a given category can be defined by means of the ban on the joint occurrence of elements from one and the same class in the same sentence — has been extensively explored in Theoretical Syntax and Typology. If it is true that members of the same class/category cannot co-occur, and if Movement is an instance of the same Merge operation, then the assumption of the “decompositionality principle” would allow one to extend Jackendoff’s criterion to identify the features involved in syntactic derivation as the structure is built up. We provide three sets of examples in which adverbs can be used to diagnose the features involved in three particular structures in Brazilian Portuguese.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.08sam</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>176</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>197</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>22</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>9</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Adverbs and non-arguments in the Left Periphery</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A computational cartographic study</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Giuseppe Samo</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Samo, Giuseppe</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Giuseppe</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Samo</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Beijing Language and Culture University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>arguments</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>locality</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>quantitative cartography</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Universal Dependencies</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   In addition to arguments, adverbs and non-arguments are considered potential candidates to occupy left peripheral positions. Following standard assumptions in syntactic locality, adverbs, non-arguments and arguments elicit distinct effects in terms of intervention locality if moved. Such an asymmetry is not expected if these elements are generated in the syntactic position they are spelt-out. In this study, we employ quantitative and computational methods to compare cartographic models differing in the merge nature and explore, as a diagnostic, the intervention effects (or the lack of intervention effects) predicted by these models. Specifically, we compare the observed counts in large-scale datasets to imputed expected frequencies on the basis of the models under investigation. To reach this goal, we extract grammatical clauses from morpho-syntactically annotated treebanks of Chinese, English, French, German, Hebrew, Italian and Swedish. Our findings reveal cross-linguistic levels of complexity and typological variability, consistent with the predictions of featural Relativized Minimality.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.p2</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>199</FirstPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>1</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Section header</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>10</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Studies at the syntax-semantics interface</TitleText>
		</Title>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.09ale</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>200</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>215</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>16</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>11</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Adverb placement and V-raising in heritage Greek</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Artemis Alexiadou</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Alexiadou, Artemis</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Artemis</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Alexiadou</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft (ZAS)</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>heritage Greek</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>interference</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>V2</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>V-raising</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper presents a preliminary discussion of adverb placement and V-raising in heritage Greek, by examining two groups of Greek heritage speakers in the US and in Germany. It is shown that heritage speakers generally preserve the V-raising pattern of Greek. Nevertheless, they seem to prefer orders that are compatible with both their languages, as has been observed in previous studies on other V-raising languages.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>la.292.10bro</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>216</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>235</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>20</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>12</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Syntactic and semantic flexibility among adverbials</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Evidence from underspecified adjuncts</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Kristin Klubbo Brodahl</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Brodahl, Kristin Klubbo</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Kristin Klubbo</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Brodahl</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Oslo</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>English</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>German</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>non-finite clauses</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>participles</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>underspecified adjuncts</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
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					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper is concerned with the syntactic and semantic properties of underspecified adjuncts, i.e. adjuncts without an inherent interpretation. Based on a corpus of non-finite participial clauses in German and English, it is shown that underspecified adjuncts occur with many different adverbial interpretations, modifying all the syntactico-semantic domains of a clause identified in the adjunction-based literature on adverbials, as well as a variety of control readings. The corpus data reveal interesting correlations between the interpretation, distribution and control status of these adjuncts that show how syntax and semantics work compositionally to determine an adjunct’s meaning.</Text>
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				<FirstPageNumber>236</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>259</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>24</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentNumber>13</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Climbing up the context — from temporal adverb to discourse particle</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">The case of German  &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt;</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Katharina Turgay</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Turgay, Katharina</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Katharina</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Turgay</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Ruhr University Bochum</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Daniel Gutzmann</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Gutzmann, Daniel</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Daniel</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Gutzmann</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Ruhr University Bochum</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>context</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>discourse particle</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>discourse structure</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>extended now</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>grammaticalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>indexicality</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>pragmaticalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
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					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>semantic change</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   While the German expression &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; ‘now’ is usually a temporal adverb it also has a use as a discourse particle. In its temporal use, &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; is a temporal indexical that gets its denotation from the utterance context. It does, however, not just refer to the utterance point at which the utterance is made (present reading), but can also refer to a larger time interval that starts in the past and ends at the utterance time point (past reading) or refer to one that starts at the utterance time point and extends into the future (future reading). Crucially, the discourse particle has three corresponding readings that center around a discourse question. This &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; can relate an utterance back to a previous question (past reading), mark the start of a new question (future reading), or it may also mark a question as still being current (present reading). The discourse use of &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; thus inherits the three orientations of the temporal use of &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; and applies them to a higher notion of context: instead of situating the utterance in the time of the physical world, it situates the utterance with respect to other utterances in the linguistic interaction. We provide a formal semantics for temporal and discourse &lt;i&gt;jetzt&lt;/i&gt; that can provide all three readings and also highlight the similarities between the two uses.</Text>
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				<FirstPageNumber>260</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>277</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>18</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>14</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">On the arguments for analyzing adverbs as PPs</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Sascha Alexeyenko</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Alexeyenko, Sascha</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Sascha</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Alexeyenko</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Georg-August-Universität Göttingen</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>affixes</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>lexical categories</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>PPs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>roots</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This paper argues that adverbs in English do not constitute a separate lexical class, neither are they positional variants of a single category together with adjectives, but rather they can and should be assimilated to PPs. In particular, the paper provides evidence from the complement-taking capacities of adverbs that the morpheme &lt;i&gt;-ly&lt;/i&gt; is not a suffix but a nominal root, which forms the basis of the analysis of adverbs as PPs. Furthermore, it shows that the PP analysis of adverbs is also able to account for the facts that have been previously used as arguments for alternative analyses.</Text>
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				<FirstPageNumber>278</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>306</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>29</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>15</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Sentence adverbs based on parenthetical clauses</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">The case of German</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Katrin Axel-Tober</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Axel-Tober, Katrin</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Katrin</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Axel-Tober</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Tübingen</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Kalle Müller</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Müller, Kalle</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Kalle</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Müller</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Tübingen</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>grammaticalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>parenthetical</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>reanalysis</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>sentence adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper investigates German sentence adverbs that have a clausal origin. In particular, we propose a scenario in which they are reanalyzed from V1- or V2-parentheticals, rather than from subordinating matrix constructions. This reanalysis is facilitated by systematic structural ambiguity between integrated and non-integrated material in the German middle field. We argue that the change can be better explained by principles of syntactic economy that lead to structural simplification, rather than semanto-pragmatic mechanisms such as subjectification. While we assume that this path is highly relevant also cross-linguistically, German offers a particularly well-suited environment for its study because it exhibits asymmetries for main clauses vs. subordinate clauses, V1 parentheticals vs. main clauses, and a disambiguating position for integrated vs. non-integrated material in the C-domain, the German prefield.</Text>
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				<IDValue>la.292.14sch</IDValue>
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				<FirstPageNumber>307</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>329</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>23</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>16</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Modal particles with adverb properties in German and Dutch</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Steven Schoonjans</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Schoonjans, Steven</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Steven</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Schoonjans</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Klagenfurt | KU Leuven</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>diminution</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Dutch</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>German</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>intensification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>modal particles</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   Modal particles typically grammaticalize from adverbs in German and Dutch, and some modal particles have not lost all of their adverb properties yet. Presenting an exploratory and mainly qualitative analysis, this paper addresses two particular features of adverbs that can still be found with a number of modal particles, viz. intensification by means of degree particles in German and Dutch and the existence of diminutive variants in Dutch. These features turn out to occur only with a restricted set of particles, that is largely the same for both features and in both languages and that only contains particles stemming from adverbs that show these features and for which intensification or diminution is conceivable from a semantic-pragmatic point of view.</Text>
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				<LastPageNumber>351</LastPageNumber>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>17</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Discourse relations and temporal adjuncts in written Present-Day English</TitleText>
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			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Matthias Klumm</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Klumm, Matthias</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Matthias</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Klumm</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Augsburg</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>coherence strand</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>continuity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>discourse relation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>temporal adjunct</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper investigates the use of chains of clause-initial temporal adjuncts as signals of continuative and contrastive discourse relations in written English discourse. Drawing on 88 examples from the magazine section of the &lt;i&gt;British National Corpus&lt;/i&gt;, the study shows that the linguistic realization of continuative and contrastive discourse relations varies considerably with regard to (i) the semantics of the temporal adjuncts, (ii) the presence of additional discourse connectives and (iii) the degree of continuity of the intra-clausal coherence strands (i.e. referential (dis)continuity, topic (dis)continuity, temporal/aspectual coherence and lexical coherence). In light of these findings, the present paper argues for conceptualizing continuative and contrastive discourse relations in terms of a continuum with varying degrees of (dis)continuity, depending on their linguistic realization.</Text>
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				<FirstPageNumber>352</FirstPageNumber>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>18</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">On different types of adverbial clauses appearing outside of their hosts</TitleText>
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			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Werner Frey</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Frey, Werner</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Werner</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Frey</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Formerly Leibniz_Centre General Linguistics (ZAS)</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>externally occurring clauses</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>illocutionary force</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>ordering</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>root phenomena</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>sentence grammar vs. grammar of discourse</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   Several types of adverbial clauses can occur external to a German independent clause. The article argues that between such externally occurring adverbial clauses (ExtAdvCls) a basic distinction has to be made between those ExtAdvCls that refer to the world and contribute to the propositional meaning (W-ExtAdvCls) and those that refer to the discourse situation (D-ExtAdvCls).   &lt;br /&gt;W-ExtAdvCls and D-ExtAdvCls differ in terms of distribution, scope, ability to accommodate root phenomena and illocutionary force. To account for these differences, it is argued that W-ExtAdvCls are handled by regular sentence grammar and D-ExtAdvCls by a discourse grammar module that adopts a central aspect of Thetical Grammar, a part of Discourse Grammar (Heine et al. 2013). Thetical grammar provides for a cognitive-communicative operation whereby pieces of clausal syntax are transferred to the grammar of discourse.</Text>
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		    <EmailAddress>Girard.Kratz@casematepublishers.com</EmailAddress>
		    <Website>
					<WebsiteRole>01</WebsiteRole>
					<WebsiteLink>https://benjamins.com</WebsiteLink>
				</Website>
				<SupplierRole>02</SupplierRole>
				<SupplyToCountry>US CA MX</SupplyToCountry>
				<ProductAvailability>20</ProductAvailability>
				<PackQuantity>16</PackQuantity>
						<Price>
							<PriceTypeCode>01</PriceTypeCode>
							<ClassOfTrade>gen</ClassOfTrade>
							<DiscountCoded>
								<DiscountCodeType>02</DiscountCodeType>
								<DiscountCodeTypeName>JB</DiscountCodeTypeName>
								<DiscountCode>1</DiscountCode>
							</DiscountCoded>
							<PriceStatus>00</PriceStatus>
							<PriceAmount>189.00</PriceAmount>
							<CurrencyCode>USD</CurrencyCode>
						</Price>
			</SupplyDetail>
</Product>
</ONIXMessage>