244031266 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 294 Eb 15 9789027243553 06 10.1075/la.294 DG 002 02 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 294 01 la.294 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.294 1 B01 Ümit Atlamaz Atlamaz, Ümit Ümit Atlamaz Bogaziçi University 2 B01 Ömer Demirok Demirok, Ömer Ömer Demirok Bogaziçi University 3 B01 Balkız Öztürk Öztürk, Balkız Balkız Öztürk Bogaziçi University 01 eng 401 vi 395 + index LAN009060 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.MORPH Morphology 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This volume presents a collection of original articles on various morphosyntactic issues in the Languages of the Caucasus with a focus on their theoretical implications. The articles not only present detailed descriptions of various structural aspects of the Languages of the Caucasus but also provide in-depth analyses with respect to the recent theoretical debates. Given that the Languages of the Caucasus present not only novel but also typologically exceptional data, the articles in the volume either offer new analyses of known linguistic puzzles or raise totally new questions based on novel data. Featuring articles on verb classes, case, ergativity, negation, evidentiality, auxiliary selection, agreement, word order, clefts, prosodic domains, and focus across Armenian, Avar, Georgian, Karachay-Balkar, Laz, Ossetic, Tsez, Tsova-Tush, West Circassian, the book serves a large audience ranging from typologists to theoretical linguists and linguists working in the domain of language contact, multilingualism, heritage linguistics, and endangered languages. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.294.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027237651.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027237651.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.294.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.294.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.294.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.294.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.294.prelim i iv 4 Prelim pages -1 10 01 JB code la.294.toc v vi 2 Table of contents 0 10 01 JB code la.294.int 1 16 16 Chapter 1 1 A01 Ümit Atlamaz Atlamaz, Ümit Ümit Atlamaz 2 A01 Ömer Demirok Demirok, Ömer Ömer Demirok 3 A01 Balkız Öztürk Öztürk, Balkız Balkız Öztürk 10 01 JB code la.294.p1 Section header 2 10 01 JB code la.294.01nas 18 67 50 Chapter 3 1 A01 Lea Nash Nash, Lea Lea Nash 2 A01 Martha McGinnis McGinnis, Martha Martha McGinnis 20 experiencer arguments 20 inner aspect 20 psych-predicates 20 unaccusatives syntax 01 We propose an analysis of Georgian psych-verbs, identifying a surprising syntactic distinction between two classes of Subject-Experiencer (SubjExp) predicates. While prior work on psych-verbs identifies distinct argument structures associated with different sets of lexical verbs, we argue that Georgian SubjExp verbs reveal a principled correlation between argument structure and aspectual interpretation. In Georgian, psych-verbs have different morphological forms depending on whether they denote a state or a dynamic transition into a state. Stative SubjExp verbs are based on a nominal predicate, with two external arguments: the Stimulus, introduced by a copula verb, and the Experiencer, introduced by a higher applicative head. Dynamic SubjExp verbs have an unaccusative structure, encoding an abstract change of location in which the Experiencer functions as the mental Location, and the Stimulus as the Theme. This analysis accounts for contrasts between the two classes in their morphological form, binding possibilities, and agreement with third-person plural arguments. 10 01 JB code la.294.02pol 68 94 27 Chapter 4 1 A01 Masha Polinsky Polinsky, Masha Masha Polinsky 20 affective construction 20 ergativity 20 experiencer 20 psych-verbs 20 Tsez (Dido) 01 This chapter investigates verbs of perception and cognition — so-called psych-verbs — in Tsez (Dido), a morphologically ergative Nakh-Dagestanian language spoken in southwestern Dagestan. Building on Belletti and Rizzi’s (1988) influential typology of psychological predicates, which distinguishes Experiencer-Subject, Experiencer-Object, and Experiencer-oblique constructions, this study extends their analytical framework to a non-accusative language with a distinct case system and rich agglutinative morphology. The paper demonstrates that Tsez employs a specialized affective construction to encode perceptual and cognitive states, which on the surface appears homogeneous but in fact reflects two distinct underlying syntactic structures. Experiencer-Subject perception and cognition verbs in Tsez pattern similarly to regular transitive and intransitive verbs, paralleling Italian. The findings contribute to ongoing debates about the universality of psych-verb typologies, the syntax of experiencer constructions in ergative languages, and the fine structure of the verb phrase across typologically diverse languages. 10 01 JB code la.294.03atl 95 117 23 Chapter 5 1 A01 Ümit Atlamaz Atlamaz, Ümit Ümit Atlamaz Boğaziçi University 2 A01 Muhammet Bal Bal, Muhammet Muhammet Bal Boğaziçi University 3 A01 Ömer Demirok Demirok, Ömer Ömer Demirok Boğaziçi University 20 allomorphy 20 causative 20 dependent case 20 ergative 20 Laz 01 With its surface active-ergative alignment, Laz is one of the few languages where the external argument of unergatives surfaces in ergative case. To account for languages like Laz, the dependent case-theoretic analysis of ergative case resorts to the concealed-transitive theory of unergatives, i.e., posit a (possibly covert) internal argument for unergatives. In this paper, we use morphological causativization as a diagnostic tool to understand the structure of unergatives. Our findings reveal that roots which build unergative verbs in the language in fact exhibit variable behavior. They can pattern with transitive verbs as well as with unaccusative verbs. This variability is demonstrated by the case we find on the causee NP and the causative allomorph we find on the verb. 10 01 JB code la.294.04ere 118 143 26 Chapter 6 1 A01 Ömer Eren Eren, Ömer Ömer Eren 20 allomorphy 20 aspect 20 heritage grammar 20 locality 20 transparency 01 This study investigates the dialectal variation and linguistic change of the aspectual system in three different Laz varieties with a special focus on heritage speakers. The reanalysis of the aspectual system in the heritage varieties is shown to be regulated by locality effects in that sensitivity to more local (voice-dependent) triggers of allomorphy on the Aspect head is maintained while root-based sensitivity is neutralized. The simplified resultant aspectual system exhibits a one-to-one mapping between form and meaning, after one of the available imperfect markers has been reanalyzed to carry a specified aspectual meaning. Patterning with crosslinguistic heritage grammars (Polinsky 2018), heritage Laz grammar is thus shown to be regulated by Principle of Transparency (Aalberse <i>et al</i>. 2019). 10 01 JB code la.294.p2 145 1 Section header 7 10 01 JB code la.294.05ers 146 184 39 Chapter 8 1 A01 David Erschler Erschler, David David Erschler Department of Foreign Literatures and Linguistics 20 diachrony 20 language contact 20 negation 20 Negative Concord 20 Ossetic 20 South Caucasian languages 01 The Modern Ossetic languages exhibit a typologically uncommon pattern of negative concord — a combination of obligatory negative spread and obligatory movement of Neg-phrases into an immediately preverbal position. I argue that this system developed historically from a fairly common phenomenon, the preverbal placement of focus. Contacts with South Caucasian languages, Georgian and Svan, must have played a crucial role in the emergence of this system. I propose a specific development scenario, according to which the negative movement is diachronically related to focusing, whereas the negative spread is an outcome of the fact that the negation markers got reanalyzed into the negative prefixes on wh-items. 10 01 JB code la.294.06gur 185 211 27 Chapter 9 1 A01 Aslı Gürer Gürer, Aslı Aslı Gürer İstanbul Bilgi University 20 (not-)at-issueness 20 aspect 20 embedding 20 epistemic modality 20 evidentiality 20 phrase structure 01 Evidentiality is the grammaticalized expression of the source of information, but epistemic modality and perfective aspect can also convey evidential flavors. This study investigates how evidentiality is encoded in Karachay-Balkar in the syntactic and semantic/pragmatic domains. The data from spontaneous speech and elicited grammaticality judgments indicate four key points: (i) the evidential marker <i>-GAn</i> attaches to verbal predicates only in matrix clauses and does not appear in nominalized clauses, (ii) nominalized embedded clauses are not reduced in size to TP/VP level; instead, they include an impoverished T head to host <i>-GAn</i> as well as a projection to host the epistemic modality marker at the left periphery, (iii) evidentiality is introduced higher than epistemic modality, and (iv) both evidential and epistemic modal values express not-at-issue content, which is not part of the main proposition. 10 01 JB code la.294.07rud 212 236 25 Chapter 10 1 A01 Pavel Rudnev Rudnev, Pavel Pavel Rudnev 20 Avar 20 morphosyntax 20 participles 20 periphrastic progressive 01 In many languages, forms traditionally characterised as nonfinite (participles, infinitives, converbs and gerunds/nominalisations) can either head a clausal constituent of their own or occur inside a periphrastic TAM-construction. Existing theoretical approaches to the morphosyntax of such elements postulate a range of mechanisms — both narrow-syntactic such as head movement and post-syntactic such as structure removal, impoverishment, underspecification or fusion — to enable the insertion of an identical form into two distinct syntactic structures. Using participles in Avar (East Caucasian) as a test case, I review two main groups of approaches to verbal periphrasis and propose a tentative analysis. 10 01 JB code la.294.08asa 237 279 43 Chapter 11 1 A01 Mariam Asatryan Asatryan, Mariam Mariam Asatryan 20 agreement 20 Armenian 20 feature-lowering 20 haplology 20 hyperagreement 20 imperfective 20 impoverishment 01 This paper examines agreement doubling (hyperagreement) in Alashkert Armenian and argues that it results from the interaction of three language-specific properties: auxiliary placement, verbal morphology, and the semantics of the imperfective aspect. Hyperagreement is restricted to imperfective constructions and displays a systematic transitive-intransitive asymmetry. In transitive clauses, where the auxiliary does not linearly follow the lexical verb, agreement morphology appears on both the auxiliary and the verb with identical exponence. In intransitives, by contrast, the auxiliary typically follows the verb and agreement is realized only once. I propose that hyperagreement arises through post-syntactic feature lowering from T head to the verb. When the auxiliary and the verb are not linearly adjacent, The agreement features are realized both on the auxiliary and the participle. When they are adjacent, however, haplology triggers Impoverishment, deleting one set of features. This analysis derives the asymmetry between transitive and intransitive imperfectives and situates hyperagreement at the intersection of morphosyntax, linearization, and aspectual semantics. 10 01 JB code la.294.p3 281 1 Section header 12 10 01 JB code la.294.09kak 282 311 30 Chapter 13 1 A01 Diana Kakashvili Kakashvili, Diana Diana Kakashvili 2 A01 Stavros Skopeteas Skopeteas, Stavros Stavros Skopeteas 20 binding 20 focus 20 free word order 20 OV 20 V-fronting 01 OV languages exhibit variation in the contextual conditions under which they permit postverbal constituents. In some OV languages, such as Turkish, postverbal constituents cannot be focused, while in other OV languages, such as Georgian, postverbal foci are possible. Moreover, variation exists not only between languages but also within languages: different arguments may appear postverbally in different contexts within one and the same language. The present article examines this type of variation in Tush — a Nakh language spoken in Georgia. Corpus facts reveal that direct objects are predominantly postverbal if they represent given information, while goal arguments of motion verbs can be postverbal independent of information structure. The syntactic properties of these constructions indicate that this difference is traced back to the directionality of merging different types of complements: while objects are first merged at the left side of the V, goals do so at the right side. Goals can raise to a position adjoined at the left side of the VP, which creates optionality in broad focus contexts. 10 01 JB code la.294.10har 312 338 27 Chapter 14 1 A01 Daniel Harbour Harbour, Daniel Daniel Harbour 2 A01 Tamar Kalkhitashvili Kalkhitashvili, Tamar Tamar Kalkhitashvili 20 copying 20 emphasis 20 focus 20 Georgian 20 Kartvelian 20 mismatches 20 predicate cleft 20 South Caucasian 20 suppletion 20 topic 01 This empirically focused chapter characterises the core properties of the predicate cleft in Georgian against a background of historical, dialectal, and wider South Caucasian data. Semantically, the cleft contributes a broad range of topic and focus readings (including emphasis, which we regard as degree focus). Syntactically, the copy involves category shift, and the relationship between copy and finite verb obeys restrictions on A-movement. Morphologically, a wide variety of mismatches are tolerated between copy and finite verb, though many others are robustly resisted. The combination of these crosslinguistically common and rare characteristics demonstrates that Georgian offers a fertile testing ground for current accounts of predicate clefts. 10 01 JB code la.294.11ers 339 370 32 Chapter 15 1 A01 Ksenia Ershova Ershova, Ksenia Ksenia Ershova 20 {Please provide missing keywords for this chapter} 01 This paper explores the connection between the opacity of phases and their status as spellout domains. Based on evidence from West Circassian, I argue that while a subset of phases are salient prosodic domains, syntactic opacity is not a consequence of transfer to PF, but of standard conditions on locality. Furthermore, the relation between phasehood and prosodic constituency holds only partially: some phases are not salient prosodic domains. West Circassian provides a compelling illustration of this mismatch due its polysynthetic profile. On the one hand, a complex syntactic constituent is identifiable as a prosodic domain due to being pronounced as a single prosodic word. On the other, the connection between syntactic opacity and locality constraints is demonstrated by dynamic phasehood which is connected to the licensing of polysynthetic <i>ϕ</i>-agreement. 10 01 JB code la.294.12lan 371 395 25 Chapter 16 1 A01 Yury Lander Lander, Yury Yury Lander HSE University 2 A01 Irina Bagirokova Bagirokova, Irina Irina Bagirokova HSE University 3 A01 Anna Lander Lander, Anna Anna Lander Independent researcher 20 focus 20 information structure 20 scalar particle 20 West Circassian 01 The paper proposes a typology of focus marking based on whether focus is associated with the predicate position and, if not, whether the position of focus marking is determined with respect to the focused constituent (D-focus marking) or not (C-focus marking). This typology is applied to several constructions involving the scalar ‘only’ focalizer <i>nəʔep</i> in West Circassian, a polysynthetic language of the West Caucasian family. This focalizer has predicate morphology, which is presumably related to the principle that in West Circassian the focus tends to appear as the predicate. Yet we show that deviations from this principle in the language have led to the development of certain typologically unusual patterns of focus marking. 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 02 November 2026 20261115 2026 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027237651 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 10 20261115 01 00 145.00 EUR R 01 00 122.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 189.00 USD S 439031265 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 294 Hb 15 9789027237651 BB 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 294 01 la.294 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.294 1 B01 Ümit Atlamaz Atlamaz, Ümit Ümit Atlamaz Bogaziçi University 2 B01 Ömer Demirok Demirok, Ömer Ömer Demirok Bogaziçi University 3 B01 Balkız Öztürk Öztürk, Balkız Balkız Öztürk Bogaziçi University 01 eng 401 vi 395 + index LAN009060 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.MORPH Morphology 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This volume presents a collection of original articles on various morphosyntactic issues in the Languages of the Caucasus with a focus on their theoretical implications. The articles not only present detailed descriptions of various structural aspects of the Languages of the Caucasus but also provide in-depth analyses with respect to the recent theoretical debates. Given that the Languages of the Caucasus present not only novel but also typologically exceptional data, the articles in the volume either offer new analyses of known linguistic puzzles or raise totally new questions based on novel data. Featuring articles on verb classes, case, ergativity, negation, evidentiality, auxiliary selection, agreement, word order, clefts, prosodic domains, and focus across Armenian, Avar, Georgian, Karachay-Balkar, Laz, Ossetic, Tsez, Tsova-Tush, West Circassian, the book serves a large audience ranging from typologists to theoretical linguists and linguists working in the domain of language contact, multilingualism, heritage linguistics, and endangered languages. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.294.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027237651.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027237651.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.294.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.294.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.294.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.294.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.294.prelim i iv 4 Prelim pages -1 10 01 JB code la.294.toc v vi 2 Table of contents 0 10 01 JB code la.294.int 1 16 16 Chapter 1 1 A01 Ümit Atlamaz Atlamaz, Ümit Ümit Atlamaz 2 A01 Ömer Demirok Demirok, Ömer Ömer Demirok 3 A01 Balkız Öztürk Öztürk, Balkız Balkız Öztürk 10 01 JB code la.294.p1 Section header 2 10 01 JB code la.294.01nas 18 67 50 Chapter 3 1 A01 Lea Nash Nash, Lea Lea Nash 2 A01 Martha McGinnis McGinnis, Martha Martha McGinnis 20 experiencer arguments 20 inner aspect 20 psych-predicates 20 unaccusatives syntax 01 We propose an analysis of Georgian psych-verbs, identifying a surprising syntactic distinction between two classes of Subject-Experiencer (SubjExp) predicates. While prior work on psych-verbs identifies distinct argument structures associated with different sets of lexical verbs, we argue that Georgian SubjExp verbs reveal a principled correlation between argument structure and aspectual interpretation. In Georgian, psych-verbs have different morphological forms depending on whether they denote a state or a dynamic transition into a state. Stative SubjExp verbs are based on a nominal predicate, with two external arguments: the Stimulus, introduced by a copula verb, and the Experiencer, introduced by a higher applicative head. Dynamic SubjExp verbs have an unaccusative structure, encoding an abstract change of location in which the Experiencer functions as the mental Location, and the Stimulus as the Theme. This analysis accounts for contrasts between the two classes in their morphological form, binding possibilities, and agreement with third-person plural arguments. 10 01 JB code la.294.02pol 68 94 27 Chapter 4 1 A01 Masha Polinsky Polinsky, Masha Masha Polinsky 20 affective construction 20 ergativity 20 experiencer 20 psych-verbs 20 Tsez (Dido) 01 This chapter investigates verbs of perception and cognition — so-called psych-verbs — in Tsez (Dido), a morphologically ergative Nakh-Dagestanian language spoken in southwestern Dagestan. Building on Belletti and Rizzi’s (1988) influential typology of psychological predicates, which distinguishes Experiencer-Subject, Experiencer-Object, and Experiencer-oblique constructions, this study extends their analytical framework to a non-accusative language with a distinct case system and rich agglutinative morphology. The paper demonstrates that Tsez employs a specialized affective construction to encode perceptual and cognitive states, which on the surface appears homogeneous but in fact reflects two distinct underlying syntactic structures. Experiencer-Subject perception and cognition verbs in Tsez pattern similarly to regular transitive and intransitive verbs, paralleling Italian. The findings contribute to ongoing debates about the universality of psych-verb typologies, the syntax of experiencer constructions in ergative languages, and the fine structure of the verb phrase across typologically diverse languages. 10 01 JB code la.294.03atl 95 117 23 Chapter 5 1 A01 Ümit Atlamaz Atlamaz, Ümit Ümit Atlamaz Boğaziçi University 2 A01 Muhammet Bal Bal, Muhammet Muhammet Bal Boğaziçi University 3 A01 Ömer Demirok Demirok, Ömer Ömer Demirok Boğaziçi University 20 allomorphy 20 causative 20 dependent case 20 ergative 20 Laz 01 With its surface active-ergative alignment, Laz is one of the few languages where the external argument of unergatives surfaces in ergative case. To account for languages like Laz, the dependent case-theoretic analysis of ergative case resorts to the concealed-transitive theory of unergatives, i.e., posit a (possibly covert) internal argument for unergatives. In this paper, we use morphological causativization as a diagnostic tool to understand the structure of unergatives. Our findings reveal that roots which build unergative verbs in the language in fact exhibit variable behavior. They can pattern with transitive verbs as well as with unaccusative verbs. This variability is demonstrated by the case we find on the causee NP and the causative allomorph we find on the verb. 10 01 JB code la.294.04ere 118 143 26 Chapter 6 1 A01 Ömer Eren Eren, Ömer Ömer Eren 20 allomorphy 20 aspect 20 heritage grammar 20 locality 20 transparency 01 This study investigates the dialectal variation and linguistic change of the aspectual system in three different Laz varieties with a special focus on heritage speakers. The reanalysis of the aspectual system in the heritage varieties is shown to be regulated by locality effects in that sensitivity to more local (voice-dependent) triggers of allomorphy on the Aspect head is maintained while root-based sensitivity is neutralized. The simplified resultant aspectual system exhibits a one-to-one mapping between form and meaning, after one of the available imperfect markers has been reanalyzed to carry a specified aspectual meaning. Patterning with crosslinguistic heritage grammars (Polinsky 2018), heritage Laz grammar is thus shown to be regulated by Principle of Transparency (Aalberse <i>et al</i>. 2019). 10 01 JB code la.294.p2 145 1 Section header 7 10 01 JB code la.294.05ers 146 184 39 Chapter 8 1 A01 David Erschler Erschler, David David Erschler Department of Foreign Literatures and Linguistics 20 diachrony 20 language contact 20 negation 20 Negative Concord 20 Ossetic 20 South Caucasian languages 01 The Modern Ossetic languages exhibit a typologically uncommon pattern of negative concord — a combination of obligatory negative spread and obligatory movement of Neg-phrases into an immediately preverbal position. I argue that this system developed historically from a fairly common phenomenon, the preverbal placement of focus. Contacts with South Caucasian languages, Georgian and Svan, must have played a crucial role in the emergence of this system. I propose a specific development scenario, according to which the negative movement is diachronically related to focusing, whereas the negative spread is an outcome of the fact that the negation markers got reanalyzed into the negative prefixes on wh-items. 10 01 JB code la.294.06gur 185 211 27 Chapter 9 1 A01 Aslı Gürer Gürer, Aslı Aslı Gürer İstanbul Bilgi University 20 (not-)at-issueness 20 aspect 20 embedding 20 epistemic modality 20 evidentiality 20 phrase structure 01 Evidentiality is the grammaticalized expression of the source of information, but epistemic modality and perfective aspect can also convey evidential flavors. This study investigates how evidentiality is encoded in Karachay-Balkar in the syntactic and semantic/pragmatic domains. The data from spontaneous speech and elicited grammaticality judgments indicate four key points: (i) the evidential marker <i>-GAn</i> attaches to verbal predicates only in matrix clauses and does not appear in nominalized clauses, (ii) nominalized embedded clauses are not reduced in size to TP/VP level; instead, they include an impoverished T head to host <i>-GAn</i> as well as a projection to host the epistemic modality marker at the left periphery, (iii) evidentiality is introduced higher than epistemic modality, and (iv) both evidential and epistemic modal values express not-at-issue content, which is not part of the main proposition. 10 01 JB code la.294.07rud 212 236 25 Chapter 10 1 A01 Pavel Rudnev Rudnev, Pavel Pavel Rudnev 20 Avar 20 morphosyntax 20 participles 20 periphrastic progressive 01 In many languages, forms traditionally characterised as nonfinite (participles, infinitives, converbs and gerunds/nominalisations) can either head a clausal constituent of their own or occur inside a periphrastic TAM-construction. Existing theoretical approaches to the morphosyntax of such elements postulate a range of mechanisms — both narrow-syntactic such as head movement and post-syntactic such as structure removal, impoverishment, underspecification or fusion — to enable the insertion of an identical form into two distinct syntactic structures. Using participles in Avar (East Caucasian) as a test case, I review two main groups of approaches to verbal periphrasis and propose a tentative analysis. 10 01 JB code la.294.08asa 237 279 43 Chapter 11 1 A01 Mariam Asatryan Asatryan, Mariam Mariam Asatryan 20 agreement 20 Armenian 20 feature-lowering 20 haplology 20 hyperagreement 20 imperfective 20 impoverishment 01 This paper examines agreement doubling (hyperagreement) in Alashkert Armenian and argues that it results from the interaction of three language-specific properties: auxiliary placement, verbal morphology, and the semantics of the imperfective aspect. Hyperagreement is restricted to imperfective constructions and displays a systematic transitive-intransitive asymmetry. In transitive clauses, where the auxiliary does not linearly follow the lexical verb, agreement morphology appears on both the auxiliary and the verb with identical exponence. In intransitives, by contrast, the auxiliary typically follows the verb and agreement is realized only once. I propose that hyperagreement arises through post-syntactic feature lowering from T head to the verb. When the auxiliary and the verb are not linearly adjacent, The agreement features are realized both on the auxiliary and the participle. When they are adjacent, however, haplology triggers Impoverishment, deleting one set of features. This analysis derives the asymmetry between transitive and intransitive imperfectives and situates hyperagreement at the intersection of morphosyntax, linearization, and aspectual semantics. 10 01 JB code la.294.p3 281 1 Section header 12 10 01 JB code la.294.09kak 282 311 30 Chapter 13 1 A01 Diana Kakashvili Kakashvili, Diana Diana Kakashvili 2 A01 Stavros Skopeteas Skopeteas, Stavros Stavros Skopeteas 20 binding 20 focus 20 free word order 20 OV 20 V-fronting 01 OV languages exhibit variation in the contextual conditions under which they permit postverbal constituents. In some OV languages, such as Turkish, postverbal constituents cannot be focused, while in other OV languages, such as Georgian, postverbal foci are possible. Moreover, variation exists not only between languages but also within languages: different arguments may appear postverbally in different contexts within one and the same language. The present article examines this type of variation in Tush — a Nakh language spoken in Georgia. Corpus facts reveal that direct objects are predominantly postverbal if they represent given information, while goal arguments of motion verbs can be postverbal independent of information structure. The syntactic properties of these constructions indicate that this difference is traced back to the directionality of merging different types of complements: while objects are first merged at the left side of the V, goals do so at the right side. Goals can raise to a position adjoined at the left side of the VP, which creates optionality in broad focus contexts. 10 01 JB code la.294.10har 312 338 27 Chapter 14 1 A01 Daniel Harbour Harbour, Daniel Daniel Harbour 2 A01 Tamar Kalkhitashvili Kalkhitashvili, Tamar Tamar Kalkhitashvili 20 copying 20 emphasis 20 focus 20 Georgian 20 Kartvelian 20 mismatches 20 predicate cleft 20 South Caucasian 20 suppletion 20 topic 01 This empirically focused chapter characterises the core properties of the predicate cleft in Georgian against a background of historical, dialectal, and wider South Caucasian data. Semantically, the cleft contributes a broad range of topic and focus readings (including emphasis, which we regard as degree focus). Syntactically, the copy involves category shift, and the relationship between copy and finite verb obeys restrictions on A-movement. Morphologically, a wide variety of mismatches are tolerated between copy and finite verb, though many others are robustly resisted. The combination of these crosslinguistically common and rare characteristics demonstrates that Georgian offers a fertile testing ground for current accounts of predicate clefts. 10 01 JB code la.294.11ers 339 370 32 Chapter 15 1 A01 Ksenia Ershova Ershova, Ksenia Ksenia Ershova 20 {Please provide missing keywords for this chapter} 01 This paper explores the connection between the opacity of phases and their status as spellout domains. Based on evidence from West Circassian, I argue that while a subset of phases are salient prosodic domains, syntactic opacity is not a consequence of transfer to PF, but of standard conditions on locality. Furthermore, the relation between phasehood and prosodic constituency holds only partially: some phases are not salient prosodic domains. West Circassian provides a compelling illustration of this mismatch due its polysynthetic profile. On the one hand, a complex syntactic constituent is identifiable as a prosodic domain due to being pronounced as a single prosodic word. On the other, the connection between syntactic opacity and locality constraints is demonstrated by dynamic phasehood which is connected to the licensing of polysynthetic <i>ϕ</i>-agreement. 10 01 JB code la.294.12lan 371 395 25 Chapter 16 1 A01 Yury Lander Lander, Yury Yury Lander HSE University 2 A01 Irina Bagirokova Bagirokova, Irina Irina Bagirokova HSE University 3 A01 Anna Lander Lander, Anna Anna Lander Independent researcher 20 focus 20 information structure 20 scalar particle 20 West Circassian 01 The paper proposes a typology of focus marking based on whether focus is associated with the predicate position and, if not, whether the position of focus marking is determined with respect to the focused constituent (D-focus marking) or not (C-focus marking). This typology is applied to several constructions involving the scalar ‘only’ focalizer <i>nəʔep</i> in West Circassian, a polysynthetic language of the West Caucasian family. This focalizer has predicate morphology, which is presumably related to the principle that in West Circassian the focus tends to appear as the predicate. Yet we show that deviations from this principle in the language have led to the development of certain typologically unusual patterns of focus marking. 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 02 November 2026 20261115 2026 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 10 20261115 01 02 JB 1 00 145.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 153.70 EUR R 01 JB 10 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 GB 10 20261115 02 02 JB 1 00 122.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 Casemate Academic 610-853-9131 610-853-9143 Girard.Kratz@casematepublishers.com 01 https://benjamins.com 02 US CA MX 10 20261115 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 189.00 USD