219-7677
10
7500817
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
201608250339
ONIX title feed
eng
01
EUR
370006233
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 36 Eb
15
9789027299192
06
10.1075/la.36
13
00056443
DG
002
02
01
LA
02
0166-0829
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
36
01
Clitics in Phonology, Morphology and Syntax
01
la.36
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.36
1
B01
Birgit Gerlach
Gerlach, Birgit
Birgit
Gerlach
Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf
2
B01
Janet Grijzenhout
Grijzenhout, Janet
Janet
Grijzenhout
Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf
01
eng
455
xii
441
LAN009000
v.2006
CF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
This book contains fourteen articles that reflect current ideas on the phonology, morphology, and syntax of clitics. It covers the forms and functions of clitics in various typologically diverse languages and presents data from, e.g. European Portuguese, Macedonian, and Yoruba. It extensively deals with the prosodic structure of clitics, their morphological status, clitic placement, and clitic doubling. The form and behavior of clitics with respect to tonal phenomena and in verse are discussed in two articles (Akinlabi & Liberman, Reindl & Franks). Other articles address the prosodic representation of clitics in Irish (Green), the differences in the acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan (Escobar & Gavarro), the similarities between clitics and affixes or words in Romance and Bantu languages (Cocchi, Crysmann, Monachesi, Ortman & Popescu), the semantics of clitics in the Greek DP and in Spanish doubling (Alexiadou & Stavrou, Uriagereka), and complex problems concerning verbal clitics in Romanian and Balkan languages (Legendre, Spencer, Tomic).
04
09
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10
01
JB code
la.36.01lis
vii
ix
3
Miscellaneous
1
01
List of contributors
10
01
JB code
la.36.02ack
xi
1
Miscellaneous
2
01
Acknowledgements
10
01
JB code
la.36.03ger
1
29
29
Article
3
01
Clitics from different perspectives
1
A01
Birgit Gerlach
Gerlach, Birgit
Birgit
Gerlach
Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf
2
A01
Janet Grijzenhout
Grijzenhout, Janet
Janet
Grijzenhout
Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf
10
01
JB code
la.36.04aki
31
62
32
Article
4
01
The tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics
The
tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics
1
A01
Akinbiyi Akinlabi
Akinlabi, Akinbiyi
Akinbiyi
Akinlabi
Rutgers University
2
A01
Mark Liberman
Liberman, Mark
Mark
Liberman
University of Pennsylvania
01
This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows that in all six cases, a constraint applies preventing the last syllable of the host and the adjacent clitic syllable from having the same (High or Low) tone. There are no other host + clitic cases in Yoruba for which such a constraint would be relevant. Potential violations of the constraint are avoided by one of five different methods, depending on the case: failure to link a floating tone, deletion of a tone belonging to the clitic, deletion of a tone belonging to the host, insertion of a toneless vowel, or failure to delete an otherwise optional toneless vowel. This pattern is thus a morphophonemic “conspiracy” in the classical sense. However, Yoruba does not have a more general constraint against same-tone sequences in underlying or derived environments.
10
01
JB code
la.36.05ale
63
84
22
Article
5
01
Adjective-clitic combinations in the Greek DP
1
A01
Artemis Alexiadou
Alexiadou, Artemis
Artemis
Alexiadou
University of Potsdam
2
A01
Melita Stavrou
Stavrou, Melita
Melita
Stavrou
AUTH Greece
01
Possessive clitics in the DP have not received as much attention as clitics in the verbal domain have. In fact, the few existing accounts of cliticization are either phonological (Nespor & Vogel 1986) or primarily morphological (Kolliakou 1997) or morphosyntactic (Horrocks & Stavrou 1988; Stavrou & Horrocks 1989; Karanassios 1992).
<br /> The facts we will discuss here have not been observed in none of the aforementioned studies, and it is our purpose to show that the distribution of nominal clitics in the Greek DP provide evidence for the existence of two possessor positions within the DP. If this hypothesis is correct then it is clear that morphological or even morphosyntactic accounts cannot capture the relevant generalizations.
<br /> The paper is structured as follows. In Section 1 we present the distributional pattern of Greek DP-cliticization. In Section 2 we discuss the core data of the present study which show the semantic/interpretational differences between the two cliticization sites, namely on the noun and on the prenominal adjective. In Section 3 we set the ground for our analysis by outlining (a) the main directions in the research of clitics crosslinguistically and (b) our proposal about two possessor/clitic sites in the DP. In 4 we offer an implementation of this basic idea by providing structural analyses which refer to different clitic sites. Our analysis crucially relies on the presence of an elaborated structure DP-internally, as has been suggested in much recent work. In 5 we briefly comment on previous, basically morphological in orientation, analyses of cliticization within the DP by disputing their ability to capture the facts presented here in terms of (morphological) affixation of the clitic onto its host. In 6 we conclude our study by summarizing our main points.
10
01
JB code
la.36.06coc
85
119
35
Article
6
01
Free clitics and bound affixes
Towards a unitary analysis
1
A01
Gloria Cocchi
Cocchi, Gloria
Gloria
Cocchi
Università di Firenze
01
This work argues in favour of a unitary theory for free clitics, such as those we find in Romance languages, and bound affixes, which are typical of Bantu languages. Using a Clitic shell framework, as in Manzini and Savoia’s recent works, I will claim that both Romance clitics and Bantu affixes are best analysed as arguments of the verb rather than agreement markers. Furthermore, I will develop a syntactic analysis of Bantu pre-root verbal affixes, which takes into due account the asymmetrical behaviour shown towards object affixation by languages like Tshiluba and Swahili (the former allowing two or more object affixes, and the latter only one). Last but not least, I will show how from an analysis of Bantu affixes in terms of clitic projection an important insight can emerge, to the effect that the asymmetry in object passivization exhibited by the two Bantu languages is simply a consequence of the asymmetry observed in object affixation.
10
01
JB code
la.36.07cry
121
159
39
Article
7
01
Clitics and coordination in linear structure
1
A01
Berthold Crysmann
Crysmann, Berthold
Berthold
Crysmann
Deutsches Forschungszentrum Künstliche Intelligenz (DFKI) & Computerlinguistik, Universität des Saarlands
01
In the context of lexicalist studies of Romance cliticisation, the development and rigorous application of diagnostic criteria (Zwicky and Pullum 1983; Miller 1992) for determining the lexical or syntactic status of linguistic items has always enjoyed a central role. As a result, there is a vast body of evidence in French and Italian (Miller 1992; Miller and Sag 1997; Monachesi 1996) that weak pronominals in these languages resemble ordinary bound affixes much more than true postlexical clitics. In particular, syntactic, semantic, morphological, and phonological criteria jointly militate against the view of Romance clitics as proper inhabitants of the syntactic world. As a side effect, the distinction between lexical affixes and postlexical clitics (Halpern 1995) is seen as a strict dichotomy, with little or no room for true morpho-syntactic hybrids.
<br /> I will argue in this paper that transitional types do indeed occur, which are characterised by the fact that one group of criteria (e.g. morphological criteria) positively suggest syntactic opacity, while almost all syntactic criteria demand a degree of transparency. Based on data from clitic placement and coordination in European Portuguese (EP), I will suggest that the syntactic transparency is highly superficial in nature, and thus favours an account in terms of word order variation. This perspective, together with the fundamental distinction drawn within recent HPSG between constituent structure and linearisation will also prove capable of making appropriate predictions in the context of semantic idiosyncrasies.
10
01
JB code
la.36.08esc
161
180
20
Article
8
01
The acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan
The
acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan
1
A01
Linda Escobar
Escobar, Linda
Linda
Escobar
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
2
A01
Anna Gavarró
Gavarró, Anna
Anna
Gavarró
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
01
Within the experimental tradition of the study of acquisition of pronouns, one major aim has been to test whether binding principles are innate. Most findings support the claim that whether binding is innate, pragmatic notions like ‘point of view’ or ‘discourse-context’, which are related to free pronouns in English, are somehow troublesome for children (cf. Chien & Wexler 1990; Grodzinsky & Reinhart 1993). In addition, there is a growing body of research on the acquisition of the pronominal system of Romance suggesting that clitics somehow escape such a generalisation (Padilla 1990; McKee 1992; Baauw et al 1997 for Spanish and Italian). The goal of this paper is to examine the contrast between strong pronouns and clitics in the light of their acquisition in Catalan. The fact that Catalan exhibits both a syntactic anaphor (in the form of reflexive clitic <i>se</i>) and a focus anaphor (in the form of non-reflexive clitic <i>ell mateix</i> ‘himself’) makes their study also relevant to the question as to whether one may speak of a delay in the acquisition of discourse anaphors.
10
01
JB code
la.36.09dub
181
218
38
Article
9
01
The prosodic representation of clitics in Irish
The
prosodic representation of clitics in Irish
1
A01
Antony Dubach Green
Dubach Green, Antony
Antony
Dubach Green
University of Potsdam
01
In this paper, the behavior of proclitic function words in Irish is analyzed. It is argued that proclitics normally remain outside the prosodic word (pword, symbolized ω) of the host lexical word, but under certain circumstances part or all of the clitic may be incorporated into the host pword. Thus both [Clitic <sub>ω</sub>(Host)] and [<sub>ω</sub>(Clitic + Host)] structures are found within a single language. Moreover, the final consonant of a proclitic can be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host: A string VC # V... is syllabified V <sub>ω</sub>(C V...), thus permitting a pword to consist of a morphologically arbitrary string. Finally, it is shown that the final consonant of a proclitic cannot be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host when a syntactic trace intervenes between the proclitic and its host; this fact is attributed to a constraint forbidding pwords from mapping onto morphological strings containing a trace.
10
01
JB code
la.36.10leg
219
254
36
Article
10
01
Positioning Romanian verbal clitics at PF
An Optimality-Theoretic analysis
1
A01
Géraldine Legendre
Legendre, Géraldine
Géraldine
Legendre
Johns Hopkins University
01
This paper argues that Romanian auxiliary and pronominal clitics are phrasal affixes subject to a set of conflicting PF alignment constraints that are responsible for the clustering, rigid ordering, and overall positioning in a clause of both so-called verbal clitics (in Romanian) and second-position clitics (in South Slavic). Evidence that auxiliary and pronominal clitics are morphological entities comes from their syntactic inertness while evidence for their phrasal affix status comes from their moveability and the fact that they do not pattern like word-level affixes in Romanian.
10
01
JB code
la.36.11mon
255
293
39
Article
11
01
Clitic placement in the Romanian verbal complex
1
A01
Paola Monachesi
Monachesi, Paola
Paola
Monachesi
Utrecht University
01
The clitic system of Romanian includes negation, auxiliaries, pronouns and intensifiers which cluster around the verb in a fixed order. I argue that these clitics do not constitute a uniform class: pronominal clitics and intensifiers have affixal status and they combine with the host as result of lexical processes. On the other hand, auxiliaries and negation have word status and combine with the verb by means of syntactic processes. Under this view, the order of the clitics in the verbal complex doesn’t need to be stipulated as in previous generative analyses, but it is the expected one given the different status of the clitics and the appropriate division of labor between the lexicon and syntax.
10
01
JB code
la.36.12ort
295
324
30
Article
12
01
Romanian definite articles are not clitics
1
A01
Albert Ortmann
Ortmann, Albert
Albert
Ortmann
Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf
2
A01
Alexandra Popescu
Popescu, Alexandra
Alexandra
Popescu
Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf
01
The central claim of this paper is that the postposed definite article in Romanian is a genuine inflectional suffix. To justify this claim, we show that the status of the article that is commonly assumed in the literature is inadequate in two respects. First, the article is not a second position clitic. Second, the numerous syntactic analyses that involve movement of the adjective phrase in order to account for the combination of article and adjective make wrong empirical predictions. Instead, we provide a lexical analysis within the theory of Minimalist Morphology that accounts for both the morphological behaviour and the syntactic distribution of the article. We finally show that the analysis carries over to Albanian and Bulgarian, although the definite articles of these neighbouring languages are also usually reported as being second position clitics.
10
01
JB code
la.36.13rei
325
354
30
Article
13
01
Clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i>
1
A01
Donald Reindl
Reindl, Donald
Donald
Reindl
Indiana University
2
A01
Steven L. Franks
Franks, Steven L.
Steven L.
Franks
Indiana University
01
This paper examines the ways in which the realization of clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i> (“Serbian Folk Songs”) can depend on metrical considerations, and places these dependencies within a model of grammar that can provide appropriate mechanisms to express them. It is demonstrated that both the form and position of words in poetry can be sensitive to metrical requirements, in that these sometimes deviate from what is normally expected in order to respect the exigencies of meter. It is further argued that the observed phenomena are best understood as the imposition of metrical constraints in a specialized optimality theoretic model, in which a set of highly ranked metrical constraints is superimposed on the normal system.
<br /> We imagine a metrical module which employ either generative rules (cf. e.g. Kiparsky 1975) or OT constraints (cf. e.g. Hanson and Kiparsky 1996; Hayes and MacEachern 1998; and Freidberg 1999) to produce a metrical template. Two types of mismatches between this template and what the “normal” grammar provides are encountered, quantitative ones and qualitative ones. In the former, (1) and (2), the grammar provides fewer or greater syllables than the template has beats and in the latter, (3) and 94), there is conflict between the prosodic properties of those syllables and the strong or weak status of the corresponding beat. These mismatches are stated as OT constraints as follows:
<br />
1. No extra syllables (*Ex-Syl)
<br />2. No extra beats (*Ex-Beat)
<br />3. Accented syllables are strong (Ac St)
<br />4. Clitics are weak (Cl Wk)
<br />
In all instances, violations of these constraints are avoided by selecting as optimal an otherwise ungrammatical alternative, by deleting or adding syllables, pronouncing lower copies, and so on.
<br /> Rice (1997) has similarly demonstrated that metrical constraints outrank syntactic constraints in poetry, which is a reversal of the normal situation observed by Golston (1995) for prose. We extend his conclusions to show how metrical considerations can have priority also over requirements stemming <i>from any component of grammar</i>. We than argue against the idea that poetry involves noncanonical ranking, since constraints such as (1)–(4) are simply irrelevant in Serbian prose. Instead, we put forward a system in which the mapping of linguistic structure onto a metrical template is regulated by OT-like constraints. Following Franks (1999b, 2000), the proper place of OT is to police interfaces between components, picking from a small set of options supplied by one component the best choice to serve as input to the next component. Given a system with the following basic components: (i) lexical choices are made, (ii) abstract lexical items are manipulated by the syntax, (iii) the resulting structure is further adjusted by the morphology, (iv) morphosyntactic feature sets are replaced by phonological representations, upon which the phonology then operates. At each juncture, we argue that what the normal grammar provides is evaluated against metrical requirements, with the typical consequence that some property of normal grammar is flouted in order to satisfy some metrical constraint. By regarding EVAL as a cyclic process, this model highly restricts the role of OT and equates GEN with traditional generative components. Metrical constraints are an overlay on the normal interfaces, which the poet must continuously keep in mind and at each interface point in the creative process use to assess the fit between what s/he wants to say and the target metrical template. In this way, the exigencies of literary form and convention are superimposed on the grammar.
10
01
JB code
la.36.14spe
355
386
32
Article
14
01
Verbal clitics in Bulgarian
A Paradigm Function approach
1
A01
Andrew Spencer
Spencer, Andrew
Andrew
Spencer
University of Essex
01
I provide an analysis of the Bulgarian clitic cluster within the framework of Greg Stump’s theory of Paradigm Function Morphology. I treat the basic clitic cluster as essentially a string of affixes generated by paradigm functions. In this way I formalize the notion of ‘phrasal affix’. The placement of the cluster is determined by the interaction of syntactic and prosodic constraints, whose interaction is mediated by Optimality Theory. The notorious question clitic, <i>li</i>, is treated as an enclitic to the leftmost stressed element in its domain. The clitic itself is generated as a member of the basic cluster but without any linear precedence. Its final placement is thus decided by OT constraints. I briefly consider the closely related Macedonian system, in which the clitic cluster is affixed by the paradigm function not to the root of the lexeme, but to a word form which has already undergone a layer of inflection.
10
01
JB code
la.36.15mis
387
404
18
Article
15
01
Operator clitics
1
A01
Olga Mišeska Tomić
Mišeska Tomić, Olga
Olga
Mišeska Tomić
University of Novi Sad/University of Leiden
01
In Standard Macedonian, we have two types of “special” clitics: (a) clitics that represent categories whose behavior in non-clitic syntax differs from their behavior in clitic syntax and (b) clitics that do not have counterparts in non-clitic syntax. The former type includes the pronominal and auxiliary clitics, whose forms depend on the person and number of the referent, and can conveniently be called inflection clitics. The latter type of clitics are operators.
<br /> The operator clitics affect the cliticization behavior of the inflection clitics which cluster with them. A clausal clitic cluster consisting of pronominal and/or auxiliary clitics procliticizes to the head of the clause if it is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, encliticizes to any category to its left if the clause is headed by a [þV, +N] category, and has the option of procliticizing to the verb or encliticizing to a category to the left of itself, in clauses with [+V, +N] heads. When the clitic cluster contains an operator clitic, however, all the clitics form a single phonological word. In clauses in which V is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, this phonological word includes the verb; otherwise, that is not the case.
10
01
JB code
la.36.16uri
405
431
27
Article
16
01
Doubling and possession
1
A01
Juan Uriagereka
Uriagereka, Juan
Juan
Uriagereka
UMD
01
This paper explores the conjecture that clitic doubling in languages like Spanish shares some fundamental aspects of the semantics of inalienable possession, especially if understood in terms of a syntax of the kind originally advocated by Szabolcsi (1983). A few paradigms are discussed where this correlation would explain otherwise peculiar properties, concerning subtle details in the referentiality of clitic arguments and the aspectual properties of the event where they are taken to participate. In the process, the semantic nature of clitic doubling is shifted from the domain of the obscure or pleonastic to that of integral relations. The paper closes with a syntactic puzzle that the hypothesized correlation poses.
10
01
JB code
la.36.17nam
433
435
3
Miscellaneous
17
01
Name index
10
01
JB code
la.36.18sub
437
441
5
Miscellaneous
18
01
Subject index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20010201
2000
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027227577
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
jbe-platform.com
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WORLD
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140.00
EUR
R
01
00
118.00
GBP
Z
01
gen
00
210.00
USD
S
1640
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 36 Hb
15
9789027227577
13
00056443
BB
01
LA
02
0166-0829
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
36
01
Clitics in Phonology, Morphology and Syntax
01
la.36
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.36
1
B01
Birgit Gerlach
Gerlach, Birgit
Birgit
Gerlach
Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf
2
B01
Janet Grijzenhout
Grijzenhout, Janet
Janet
Grijzenhout
Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf
01
eng
455
xii
441
LAN009000
v.2006
CF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
This book contains fourteen articles that reflect current ideas on the phonology, morphology, and syntax of clitics. It covers the forms and functions of clitics in various typologically diverse languages and presents data from, e.g. European Portuguese, Macedonian, and Yoruba. It extensively deals with the prosodic structure of clitics, their morphological status, clitic placement, and clitic doubling. The form and behavior of clitics with respect to tonal phenomena and in verse are discussed in two articles (Akinlabi & Liberman, Reindl & Franks). Other articles address the prosodic representation of clitics in Irish (Green), the differences in the acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan (Escobar & Gavarro), the similarities between clitics and affixes or words in Romance and Bantu languages (Cocchi, Crysmann, Monachesi, Ortman & Popescu), the semantics of clitics in the Greek DP and in Spanish doubling (Alexiadou & Stavrou, Uriagereka), and complex problems concerning verbal clitics in Romanian and Balkan languages (Legendre, Spencer, Tomic).
04
09
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04
03
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027227577.jpg
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03
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027227577.tif
06
09
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25
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https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.36.hb.png
10
01
JB code
la.36.01lis
vii
ix
3
Miscellaneous
1
01
List of contributors
10
01
JB code
la.36.02ack
xi
1
Miscellaneous
2
01
Acknowledgements
10
01
JB code
la.36.03ger
1
29
29
Article
3
01
Clitics from different perspectives
1
A01
Birgit Gerlach
Gerlach, Birgit
Birgit
Gerlach
Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf
2
A01
Janet Grijzenhout
Grijzenhout, Janet
Janet
Grijzenhout
Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf
10
01
JB code
la.36.04aki
31
62
32
Article
4
01
The tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics
The
tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics
1
A01
Akinbiyi Akinlabi
Akinlabi, Akinbiyi
Akinbiyi
Akinlabi
Rutgers University
2
A01
Mark Liberman
Liberman, Mark
Mark
Liberman
University of Pennsylvania
01
This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows that in all six cases, a constraint applies preventing the last syllable of the host and the adjacent clitic syllable from having the same (High or Low) tone. There are no other host + clitic cases in Yoruba for which such a constraint would be relevant. Potential violations of the constraint are avoided by one of five different methods, depending on the case: failure to link a floating tone, deletion of a tone belonging to the clitic, deletion of a tone belonging to the host, insertion of a toneless vowel, or failure to delete an otherwise optional toneless vowel. This pattern is thus a morphophonemic “conspiracy” in the classical sense. However, Yoruba does not have a more general constraint against same-tone sequences in underlying or derived environments.
10
01
JB code
la.36.05ale
63
84
22
Article
5
01
Adjective-clitic combinations in the Greek DP
1
A01
Artemis Alexiadou
Alexiadou, Artemis
Artemis
Alexiadou
University of Potsdam
2
A01
Melita Stavrou
Stavrou, Melita
Melita
Stavrou
AUTH Greece
01
Possessive clitics in the DP have not received as much attention as clitics in the verbal domain have. In fact, the few existing accounts of cliticization are either phonological (Nespor & Vogel 1986) or primarily morphological (Kolliakou 1997) or morphosyntactic (Horrocks & Stavrou 1988; Stavrou & Horrocks 1989; Karanassios 1992).
<br /> The facts we will discuss here have not been observed in none of the aforementioned studies, and it is our purpose to show that the distribution of nominal clitics in the Greek DP provide evidence for the existence of two possessor positions within the DP. If this hypothesis is correct then it is clear that morphological or even morphosyntactic accounts cannot capture the relevant generalizations.
<br /> The paper is structured as follows. In Section 1 we present the distributional pattern of Greek DP-cliticization. In Section 2 we discuss the core data of the present study which show the semantic/interpretational differences between the two cliticization sites, namely on the noun and on the prenominal adjective. In Section 3 we set the ground for our analysis by outlining (a) the main directions in the research of clitics crosslinguistically and (b) our proposal about two possessor/clitic sites in the DP. In 4 we offer an implementation of this basic idea by providing structural analyses which refer to different clitic sites. Our analysis crucially relies on the presence of an elaborated structure DP-internally, as has been suggested in much recent work. In 5 we briefly comment on previous, basically morphological in orientation, analyses of cliticization within the DP by disputing their ability to capture the facts presented here in terms of (morphological) affixation of the clitic onto its host. In 6 we conclude our study by summarizing our main points.
10
01
JB code
la.36.06coc
85
119
35
Article
6
01
Free clitics and bound affixes
Towards a unitary analysis
1
A01
Gloria Cocchi
Cocchi, Gloria
Gloria
Cocchi
Università di Firenze
01
This work argues in favour of a unitary theory for free clitics, such as those we find in Romance languages, and bound affixes, which are typical of Bantu languages. Using a Clitic shell framework, as in Manzini and Savoia’s recent works, I will claim that both Romance clitics and Bantu affixes are best analysed as arguments of the verb rather than agreement markers. Furthermore, I will develop a syntactic analysis of Bantu pre-root verbal affixes, which takes into due account the asymmetrical behaviour shown towards object affixation by languages like Tshiluba and Swahili (the former allowing two or more object affixes, and the latter only one). Last but not least, I will show how from an analysis of Bantu affixes in terms of clitic projection an important insight can emerge, to the effect that the asymmetry in object passivization exhibited by the two Bantu languages is simply a consequence of the asymmetry observed in object affixation.
10
01
JB code
la.36.07cry
121
159
39
Article
7
01
Clitics and coordination in linear structure
1
A01
Berthold Crysmann
Crysmann, Berthold
Berthold
Crysmann
Deutsches Forschungszentrum Künstliche Intelligenz (DFKI) & Computerlinguistik, Universität des Saarlands
01
In the context of lexicalist studies of Romance cliticisation, the development and rigorous application of diagnostic criteria (Zwicky and Pullum 1983; Miller 1992) for determining the lexical or syntactic status of linguistic items has always enjoyed a central role. As a result, there is a vast body of evidence in French and Italian (Miller 1992; Miller and Sag 1997; Monachesi 1996) that weak pronominals in these languages resemble ordinary bound affixes much more than true postlexical clitics. In particular, syntactic, semantic, morphological, and phonological criteria jointly militate against the view of Romance clitics as proper inhabitants of the syntactic world. As a side effect, the distinction between lexical affixes and postlexical clitics (Halpern 1995) is seen as a strict dichotomy, with little or no room for true morpho-syntactic hybrids.
<br /> I will argue in this paper that transitional types do indeed occur, which are characterised by the fact that one group of criteria (e.g. morphological criteria) positively suggest syntactic opacity, while almost all syntactic criteria demand a degree of transparency. Based on data from clitic placement and coordination in European Portuguese (EP), I will suggest that the syntactic transparency is highly superficial in nature, and thus favours an account in terms of word order variation. This perspective, together with the fundamental distinction drawn within recent HPSG between constituent structure and linearisation will also prove capable of making appropriate predictions in the context of semantic idiosyncrasies.
10
01
JB code
la.36.08esc
161
180
20
Article
8
01
The acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan
The
acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan
1
A01
Linda Escobar
Escobar, Linda
Linda
Escobar
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
2
A01
Anna Gavarró
Gavarró, Anna
Anna
Gavarró
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
01
Within the experimental tradition of the study of acquisition of pronouns, one major aim has been to test whether binding principles are innate. Most findings support the claim that whether binding is innate, pragmatic notions like ‘point of view’ or ‘discourse-context’, which are related to free pronouns in English, are somehow troublesome for children (cf. Chien & Wexler 1990; Grodzinsky & Reinhart 1993). In addition, there is a growing body of research on the acquisition of the pronominal system of Romance suggesting that clitics somehow escape such a generalisation (Padilla 1990; McKee 1992; Baauw et al 1997 for Spanish and Italian). The goal of this paper is to examine the contrast between strong pronouns and clitics in the light of their acquisition in Catalan. The fact that Catalan exhibits both a syntactic anaphor (in the form of reflexive clitic <i>se</i>) and a focus anaphor (in the form of non-reflexive clitic <i>ell mateix</i> ‘himself’) makes their study also relevant to the question as to whether one may speak of a delay in the acquisition of discourse anaphors.
10
01
JB code
la.36.09dub
181
218
38
Article
9
01
The prosodic representation of clitics in Irish
The
prosodic representation of clitics in Irish
1
A01
Antony Dubach Green
Dubach Green, Antony
Antony
Dubach Green
University of Potsdam
01
In this paper, the behavior of proclitic function words in Irish is analyzed. It is argued that proclitics normally remain outside the prosodic word (pword, symbolized ω) of the host lexical word, but under certain circumstances part or all of the clitic may be incorporated into the host pword. Thus both [Clitic <sub>ω</sub>(Host)] and [<sub>ω</sub>(Clitic + Host)] structures are found within a single language. Moreover, the final consonant of a proclitic can be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host: A string VC # V... is syllabified V <sub>ω</sub>(C V...), thus permitting a pword to consist of a morphologically arbitrary string. Finally, it is shown that the final consonant of a proclitic cannot be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host when a syntactic trace intervenes between the proclitic and its host; this fact is attributed to a constraint forbidding pwords from mapping onto morphological strings containing a trace.
10
01
JB code
la.36.10leg
219
254
36
Article
10
01
Positioning Romanian verbal clitics at PF
An Optimality-Theoretic analysis
1
A01
Géraldine Legendre
Legendre, Géraldine
Géraldine
Legendre
Johns Hopkins University
01
This paper argues that Romanian auxiliary and pronominal clitics are phrasal affixes subject to a set of conflicting PF alignment constraints that are responsible for the clustering, rigid ordering, and overall positioning in a clause of both so-called verbal clitics (in Romanian) and second-position clitics (in South Slavic). Evidence that auxiliary and pronominal clitics are morphological entities comes from their syntactic inertness while evidence for their phrasal affix status comes from their moveability and the fact that they do not pattern like word-level affixes in Romanian.
10
01
JB code
la.36.11mon
255
293
39
Article
11
01
Clitic placement in the Romanian verbal complex
1
A01
Paola Monachesi
Monachesi, Paola
Paola
Monachesi
Utrecht University
01
The clitic system of Romanian includes negation, auxiliaries, pronouns and intensifiers which cluster around the verb in a fixed order. I argue that these clitics do not constitute a uniform class: pronominal clitics and intensifiers have affixal status and they combine with the host as result of lexical processes. On the other hand, auxiliaries and negation have word status and combine with the verb by means of syntactic processes. Under this view, the order of the clitics in the verbal complex doesn’t need to be stipulated as in previous generative analyses, but it is the expected one given the different status of the clitics and the appropriate division of labor between the lexicon and syntax.
10
01
JB code
la.36.12ort
295
324
30
Article
12
01
Romanian definite articles are not clitics
1
A01
Albert Ortmann
Ortmann, Albert
Albert
Ortmann
Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf
2
A01
Alexandra Popescu
Popescu, Alexandra
Alexandra
Popescu
Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf
01
The central claim of this paper is that the postposed definite article in Romanian is a genuine inflectional suffix. To justify this claim, we show that the status of the article that is commonly assumed in the literature is inadequate in two respects. First, the article is not a second position clitic. Second, the numerous syntactic analyses that involve movement of the adjective phrase in order to account for the combination of article and adjective make wrong empirical predictions. Instead, we provide a lexical analysis within the theory of Minimalist Morphology that accounts for both the morphological behaviour and the syntactic distribution of the article. We finally show that the analysis carries over to Albanian and Bulgarian, although the definite articles of these neighbouring languages are also usually reported as being second position clitics.
10
01
JB code
la.36.13rei
325
354
30
Article
13
01
Clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i>
1
A01
Donald Reindl
Reindl, Donald
Donald
Reindl
Indiana University
2
A01
Steven L. Franks
Franks, Steven L.
Steven L.
Franks
Indiana University
01
This paper examines the ways in which the realization of clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i> (“Serbian Folk Songs”) can depend on metrical considerations, and places these dependencies within a model of grammar that can provide appropriate mechanisms to express them. It is demonstrated that both the form and position of words in poetry can be sensitive to metrical requirements, in that these sometimes deviate from what is normally expected in order to respect the exigencies of meter. It is further argued that the observed phenomena are best understood as the imposition of metrical constraints in a specialized optimality theoretic model, in which a set of highly ranked metrical constraints is superimposed on the normal system.
<br /> We imagine a metrical module which employ either generative rules (cf. e.g. Kiparsky 1975) or OT constraints (cf. e.g. Hanson and Kiparsky 1996; Hayes and MacEachern 1998; and Freidberg 1999) to produce a metrical template. Two types of mismatches between this template and what the “normal” grammar provides are encountered, quantitative ones and qualitative ones. In the former, (1) and (2), the grammar provides fewer or greater syllables than the template has beats and in the latter, (3) and 94), there is conflict between the prosodic properties of those syllables and the strong or weak status of the corresponding beat. These mismatches are stated as OT constraints as follows:
<br />
1. No extra syllables (*Ex-Syl)
<br />2. No extra beats (*Ex-Beat)
<br />3. Accented syllables are strong (Ac St)
<br />4. Clitics are weak (Cl Wk)
<br />
In all instances, violations of these constraints are avoided by selecting as optimal an otherwise ungrammatical alternative, by deleting or adding syllables, pronouncing lower copies, and so on.
<br /> Rice (1997) has similarly demonstrated that metrical constraints outrank syntactic constraints in poetry, which is a reversal of the normal situation observed by Golston (1995) for prose. We extend his conclusions to show how metrical considerations can have priority also over requirements stemming <i>from any component of grammar</i>. We than argue against the idea that poetry involves noncanonical ranking, since constraints such as (1)–(4) are simply irrelevant in Serbian prose. Instead, we put forward a system in which the mapping of linguistic structure onto a metrical template is regulated by OT-like constraints. Following Franks (1999b, 2000), the proper place of OT is to police interfaces between components, picking from a small set of options supplied by one component the best choice to serve as input to the next component. Given a system with the following basic components: (i) lexical choices are made, (ii) abstract lexical items are manipulated by the syntax, (iii) the resulting structure is further adjusted by the morphology, (iv) morphosyntactic feature sets are replaced by phonological representations, upon which the phonology then operates. At each juncture, we argue that what the normal grammar provides is evaluated against metrical requirements, with the typical consequence that some property of normal grammar is flouted in order to satisfy some metrical constraint. By regarding EVAL as a cyclic process, this model highly restricts the role of OT and equates GEN with traditional generative components. Metrical constraints are an overlay on the normal interfaces, which the poet must continuously keep in mind and at each interface point in the creative process use to assess the fit between what s/he wants to say and the target metrical template. In this way, the exigencies of literary form and convention are superimposed on the grammar.
10
01
JB code
la.36.14spe
355
386
32
Article
14
01
Verbal clitics in Bulgarian
A Paradigm Function approach
1
A01
Andrew Spencer
Spencer, Andrew
Andrew
Spencer
University of Essex
01
I provide an analysis of the Bulgarian clitic cluster within the framework of Greg Stump’s theory of Paradigm Function Morphology. I treat the basic clitic cluster as essentially a string of affixes generated by paradigm functions. In this way I formalize the notion of ‘phrasal affix’. The placement of the cluster is determined by the interaction of syntactic and prosodic constraints, whose interaction is mediated by Optimality Theory. The notorious question clitic, <i>li</i>, is treated as an enclitic to the leftmost stressed element in its domain. The clitic itself is generated as a member of the basic cluster but without any linear precedence. Its final placement is thus decided by OT constraints. I briefly consider the closely related Macedonian system, in which the clitic cluster is affixed by the paradigm function not to the root of the lexeme, but to a word form which has already undergone a layer of inflection.
10
01
JB code
la.36.15mis
387
404
18
Article
15
01
Operator clitics
1
A01
Olga Mišeska Tomić
Mišeska Tomić, Olga
Olga
Mišeska Tomić
University of Novi Sad/University of Leiden
01
In Standard Macedonian, we have two types of “special” clitics: (a) clitics that represent categories whose behavior in non-clitic syntax differs from their behavior in clitic syntax and (b) clitics that do not have counterparts in non-clitic syntax. The former type includes the pronominal and auxiliary clitics, whose forms depend on the person and number of the referent, and can conveniently be called inflection clitics. The latter type of clitics are operators.
<br /> The operator clitics affect the cliticization behavior of the inflection clitics which cluster with them. A clausal clitic cluster consisting of pronominal and/or auxiliary clitics procliticizes to the head of the clause if it is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, encliticizes to any category to its left if the clause is headed by a [þV, +N] category, and has the option of procliticizing to the verb or encliticizing to a category to the left of itself, in clauses with [+V, +N] heads. When the clitic cluster contains an operator clitic, however, all the clitics form a single phonological word. In clauses in which V is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, this phonological word includes the verb; otherwise, that is not the case.
10
01
JB code
la.36.16uri
405
431
27
Article
16
01
Doubling and possession
1
A01
Juan Uriagereka
Uriagereka, Juan
Juan
Uriagereka
UMD
01
This paper explores the conjecture that clitic doubling in languages like Spanish shares some fundamental aspects of the semantics of inalienable possession, especially if understood in terms of a syntax of the kind originally advocated by Szabolcsi (1983). A few paradigms are discussed where this correlation would explain otherwise peculiar properties, concerning subtle details in the referentiality of clitic arguments and the aspectual properties of the event where they are taken to participate. In the process, the semantic nature of clitic doubling is shifted from the domain of the obscure or pleonastic to that of integral relations. The paper closes with a syntactic puzzle that the hypothesized correlation poses.
10
01
JB code
la.36.17nam
433
435
3
Miscellaneous
17
01
Name index
10
01
JB code
la.36.18sub
437
441
5
Miscellaneous
18
01
Subject index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20010201
2000
John Benjamins
04
US CA MX
01
245
mm
02
164
mm
08
710
gr
01
JB
1
John Benjamins Publishing Company
+31 20 6304747
+31 20 6739773
bookorder@benjamins.nl
01
https://benjamins.com
01
WORLD
US CA MX
21
7
24
01
02
JB
1
00
140.00
EUR
R
02
02
JB
1
00
148.40
EUR
R
01
JB
10
bebc
+44 1202 712 934
+44 1202 712 913
sales@bebc.co.uk
03
GB
21
24
02
02
JB
1
00
118.00
GBP
Z
1640
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
LA 36 Hb
15
9781556197994
13
00056443
BB
01
LA
02
0166-0829
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today
36
01
Clitics in Phonology, Morphology and Syntax
01
la.36
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.36
1
B01
Birgit Gerlach
Gerlach, Birgit
Birgit
Gerlach
Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf
2
B01
Janet Grijzenhout
Grijzenhout, Janet
Janet
Grijzenhout
Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf
01
eng
455
xii
441
LAN009000
v.2006
CF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
This book contains fourteen articles that reflect current ideas on the phonology, morphology, and syntax of clitics. It covers the forms and functions of clitics in various typologically diverse languages and presents data from, e.g. European Portuguese, Macedonian, and Yoruba. It extensively deals with the prosodic structure of clitics, their morphological status, clitic placement, and clitic doubling. The form and behavior of clitics with respect to tonal phenomena and in verse are discussed in two articles (Akinlabi & Liberman, Reindl & Franks). Other articles address the prosodic representation of clitics in Irish (Green), the differences in the acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan (Escobar & Gavarro), the similarities between clitics and affixes or words in Romance and Bantu languages (Cocchi, Crysmann, Monachesi, Ortman & Popescu), the semantics of clitics in the Greek DP and in Spanish doubling (Alexiadou & Stavrou, Uriagereka), and complex problems concerning verbal clitics in Romanian and Balkan languages (Legendre, Spencer, Tomic).
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.36.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027227577.jpg
04
03
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027227577.tif
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09
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07
09
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27
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.36.hb.png
10
01
JB code
la.36.01lis
vii
ix
3
Miscellaneous
1
01
List of contributors
10
01
JB code
la.36.02ack
xi
1
Miscellaneous
2
01
Acknowledgements
10
01
JB code
la.36.03ger
1
29
29
Article
3
01
Clitics from different perspectives
1
A01
Birgit Gerlach
Gerlach, Birgit
Birgit
Gerlach
Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf
2
A01
Janet Grijzenhout
Grijzenhout, Janet
Janet
Grijzenhout
Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf
10
01
JB code
la.36.04aki
31
62
32
Article
4
01
The tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics
The
tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics
1
A01
Akinbiyi Akinlabi
Akinlabi, Akinbiyi
Akinbiyi
Akinlabi
Rutgers University
2
A01
Mark Liberman
Liberman, Mark
Mark
Liberman
University of Pennsylvania
01
This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows that in all six cases, a constraint applies preventing the last syllable of the host and the adjacent clitic syllable from having the same (High or Low) tone. There are no other host + clitic cases in Yoruba for which such a constraint would be relevant. Potential violations of the constraint are avoided by one of five different methods, depending on the case: failure to link a floating tone, deletion of a tone belonging to the clitic, deletion of a tone belonging to the host, insertion of a toneless vowel, or failure to delete an otherwise optional toneless vowel. This pattern is thus a morphophonemic “conspiracy” in the classical sense. However, Yoruba does not have a more general constraint against same-tone sequences in underlying or derived environments.
10
01
JB code
la.36.05ale
63
84
22
Article
5
01
Adjective-clitic combinations in the Greek DP
1
A01
Artemis Alexiadou
Alexiadou, Artemis
Artemis
Alexiadou
University of Potsdam
2
A01
Melita Stavrou
Stavrou, Melita
Melita
Stavrou
AUTH Greece
01
Possessive clitics in the DP have not received as much attention as clitics in the verbal domain have. In fact, the few existing accounts of cliticization are either phonological (Nespor & Vogel 1986) or primarily morphological (Kolliakou 1997) or morphosyntactic (Horrocks & Stavrou 1988; Stavrou & Horrocks 1989; Karanassios 1992).
<br /> The facts we will discuss here have not been observed in none of the aforementioned studies, and it is our purpose to show that the distribution of nominal clitics in the Greek DP provide evidence for the existence of two possessor positions within the DP. If this hypothesis is correct then it is clear that morphological or even morphosyntactic accounts cannot capture the relevant generalizations.
<br /> The paper is structured as follows. In Section 1 we present the distributional pattern of Greek DP-cliticization. In Section 2 we discuss the core data of the present study which show the semantic/interpretational differences between the two cliticization sites, namely on the noun and on the prenominal adjective. In Section 3 we set the ground for our analysis by outlining (a) the main directions in the research of clitics crosslinguistically and (b) our proposal about two possessor/clitic sites in the DP. In 4 we offer an implementation of this basic idea by providing structural analyses which refer to different clitic sites. Our analysis crucially relies on the presence of an elaborated structure DP-internally, as has been suggested in much recent work. In 5 we briefly comment on previous, basically morphological in orientation, analyses of cliticization within the DP by disputing their ability to capture the facts presented here in terms of (morphological) affixation of the clitic onto its host. In 6 we conclude our study by summarizing our main points.
10
01
JB code
la.36.06coc
85
119
35
Article
6
01
Free clitics and bound affixes
Towards a unitary analysis
1
A01
Gloria Cocchi
Cocchi, Gloria
Gloria
Cocchi
Università di Firenze
01
This work argues in favour of a unitary theory for free clitics, such as those we find in Romance languages, and bound affixes, which are typical of Bantu languages. Using a Clitic shell framework, as in Manzini and Savoia’s recent works, I will claim that both Romance clitics and Bantu affixes are best analysed as arguments of the verb rather than agreement markers. Furthermore, I will develop a syntactic analysis of Bantu pre-root verbal affixes, which takes into due account the asymmetrical behaviour shown towards object affixation by languages like Tshiluba and Swahili (the former allowing two or more object affixes, and the latter only one). Last but not least, I will show how from an analysis of Bantu affixes in terms of clitic projection an important insight can emerge, to the effect that the asymmetry in object passivization exhibited by the two Bantu languages is simply a consequence of the asymmetry observed in object affixation.
10
01
JB code
la.36.07cry
121
159
39
Article
7
01
Clitics and coordination in linear structure
1
A01
Berthold Crysmann
Crysmann, Berthold
Berthold
Crysmann
Deutsches Forschungszentrum Künstliche Intelligenz (DFKI) & Computerlinguistik, Universität des Saarlands
01
In the context of lexicalist studies of Romance cliticisation, the development and rigorous application of diagnostic criteria (Zwicky and Pullum 1983; Miller 1992) for determining the lexical or syntactic status of linguistic items has always enjoyed a central role. As a result, there is a vast body of evidence in French and Italian (Miller 1992; Miller and Sag 1997; Monachesi 1996) that weak pronominals in these languages resemble ordinary bound affixes much more than true postlexical clitics. In particular, syntactic, semantic, morphological, and phonological criteria jointly militate against the view of Romance clitics as proper inhabitants of the syntactic world. As a side effect, the distinction between lexical affixes and postlexical clitics (Halpern 1995) is seen as a strict dichotomy, with little or no room for true morpho-syntactic hybrids.
<br /> I will argue in this paper that transitional types do indeed occur, which are characterised by the fact that one group of criteria (e.g. morphological criteria) positively suggest syntactic opacity, while almost all syntactic criteria demand a degree of transparency. Based on data from clitic placement and coordination in European Portuguese (EP), I will suggest that the syntactic transparency is highly superficial in nature, and thus favours an account in terms of word order variation. This perspective, together with the fundamental distinction drawn within recent HPSG between constituent structure and linearisation will also prove capable of making appropriate predictions in the context of semantic idiosyncrasies.
10
01
JB code
la.36.08esc
161
180
20
Article
8
01
The acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan
The
acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan
1
A01
Linda Escobar
Escobar, Linda
Linda
Escobar
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
2
A01
Anna Gavarró
Gavarró, Anna
Anna
Gavarró
Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona
01
Within the experimental tradition of the study of acquisition of pronouns, one major aim has been to test whether binding principles are innate. Most findings support the claim that whether binding is innate, pragmatic notions like ‘point of view’ or ‘discourse-context’, which are related to free pronouns in English, are somehow troublesome for children (cf. Chien & Wexler 1990; Grodzinsky & Reinhart 1993). In addition, there is a growing body of research on the acquisition of the pronominal system of Romance suggesting that clitics somehow escape such a generalisation (Padilla 1990; McKee 1992; Baauw et al 1997 for Spanish and Italian). The goal of this paper is to examine the contrast between strong pronouns and clitics in the light of their acquisition in Catalan. The fact that Catalan exhibits both a syntactic anaphor (in the form of reflexive clitic <i>se</i>) and a focus anaphor (in the form of non-reflexive clitic <i>ell mateix</i> ‘himself’) makes their study also relevant to the question as to whether one may speak of a delay in the acquisition of discourse anaphors.
10
01
JB code
la.36.09dub
181
218
38
Article
9
01
The prosodic representation of clitics in Irish
The
prosodic representation of clitics in Irish
1
A01
Antony Dubach Green
Dubach Green, Antony
Antony
Dubach Green
University of Potsdam
01
In this paper, the behavior of proclitic function words in Irish is analyzed. It is argued that proclitics normally remain outside the prosodic word (pword, symbolized ω) of the host lexical word, but under certain circumstances part or all of the clitic may be incorporated into the host pword. Thus both [Clitic <sub>ω</sub>(Host)] and [<sub>ω</sub>(Clitic + Host)] structures are found within a single language. Moreover, the final consonant of a proclitic can be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host: A string VC # V... is syllabified V <sub>ω</sub>(C V...), thus permitting a pword to consist of a morphologically arbitrary string. Finally, it is shown that the final consonant of a proclitic cannot be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host when a syntactic trace intervenes between the proclitic and its host; this fact is attributed to a constraint forbidding pwords from mapping onto morphological strings containing a trace.
10
01
JB code
la.36.10leg
219
254
36
Article
10
01
Positioning Romanian verbal clitics at PF
An Optimality-Theoretic analysis
1
A01
Géraldine Legendre
Legendre, Géraldine
Géraldine
Legendre
Johns Hopkins University
01
This paper argues that Romanian auxiliary and pronominal clitics are phrasal affixes subject to a set of conflicting PF alignment constraints that are responsible for the clustering, rigid ordering, and overall positioning in a clause of both so-called verbal clitics (in Romanian) and second-position clitics (in South Slavic). Evidence that auxiliary and pronominal clitics are morphological entities comes from their syntactic inertness while evidence for their phrasal affix status comes from their moveability and the fact that they do not pattern like word-level affixes in Romanian.
10
01
JB code
la.36.11mon
255
293
39
Article
11
01
Clitic placement in the Romanian verbal complex
1
A01
Paola Monachesi
Monachesi, Paola
Paola
Monachesi
Utrecht University
01
The clitic system of Romanian includes negation, auxiliaries, pronouns and intensifiers which cluster around the verb in a fixed order. I argue that these clitics do not constitute a uniform class: pronominal clitics and intensifiers have affixal status and they combine with the host as result of lexical processes. On the other hand, auxiliaries and negation have word status and combine with the verb by means of syntactic processes. Under this view, the order of the clitics in the verbal complex doesn’t need to be stipulated as in previous generative analyses, but it is the expected one given the different status of the clitics and the appropriate division of labor between the lexicon and syntax.
10
01
JB code
la.36.12ort
295
324
30
Article
12
01
Romanian definite articles are not clitics
1
A01
Albert Ortmann
Ortmann, Albert
Albert
Ortmann
Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf
2
A01
Alexandra Popescu
Popescu, Alexandra
Alexandra
Popescu
Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf
01
The central claim of this paper is that the postposed definite article in Romanian is a genuine inflectional suffix. To justify this claim, we show that the status of the article that is commonly assumed in the literature is inadequate in two respects. First, the article is not a second position clitic. Second, the numerous syntactic analyses that involve movement of the adjective phrase in order to account for the combination of article and adjective make wrong empirical predictions. Instead, we provide a lexical analysis within the theory of Minimalist Morphology that accounts for both the morphological behaviour and the syntactic distribution of the article. We finally show that the analysis carries over to Albanian and Bulgarian, although the definite articles of these neighbouring languages are also usually reported as being second position clitics.
10
01
JB code
la.36.13rei
325
354
30
Article
13
01
Clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i>
1
A01
Donald Reindl
Reindl, Donald
Donald
Reindl
Indiana University
2
A01
Steven L. Franks
Franks, Steven L.
Steven L.
Franks
Indiana University
01
This paper examines the ways in which the realization of clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i> (“Serbian Folk Songs”) can depend on metrical considerations, and places these dependencies within a model of grammar that can provide appropriate mechanisms to express them. It is demonstrated that both the form and position of words in poetry can be sensitive to metrical requirements, in that these sometimes deviate from what is normally expected in order to respect the exigencies of meter. It is further argued that the observed phenomena are best understood as the imposition of metrical constraints in a specialized optimality theoretic model, in which a set of highly ranked metrical constraints is superimposed on the normal system.
<br /> We imagine a metrical module which employ either generative rules (cf. e.g. Kiparsky 1975) or OT constraints (cf. e.g. Hanson and Kiparsky 1996; Hayes and MacEachern 1998; and Freidberg 1999) to produce a metrical template. Two types of mismatches between this template and what the “normal” grammar provides are encountered, quantitative ones and qualitative ones. In the former, (1) and (2), the grammar provides fewer or greater syllables than the template has beats and in the latter, (3) and 94), there is conflict between the prosodic properties of those syllables and the strong or weak status of the corresponding beat. These mismatches are stated as OT constraints as follows:
<br />
1. No extra syllables (*Ex-Syl)
<br />2. No extra beats (*Ex-Beat)
<br />3. Accented syllables are strong (Ac St)
<br />4. Clitics are weak (Cl Wk)
<br />
In all instances, violations of these constraints are avoided by selecting as optimal an otherwise ungrammatical alternative, by deleting or adding syllables, pronouncing lower copies, and so on.
<br /> Rice (1997) has similarly demonstrated that metrical constraints outrank syntactic constraints in poetry, which is a reversal of the normal situation observed by Golston (1995) for prose. We extend his conclusions to show how metrical considerations can have priority also over requirements stemming <i>from any component of grammar</i>. We than argue against the idea that poetry involves noncanonical ranking, since constraints such as (1)–(4) are simply irrelevant in Serbian prose. Instead, we put forward a system in which the mapping of linguistic structure onto a metrical template is regulated by OT-like constraints. Following Franks (1999b, 2000), the proper place of OT is to police interfaces between components, picking from a small set of options supplied by one component the best choice to serve as input to the next component. Given a system with the following basic components: (i) lexical choices are made, (ii) abstract lexical items are manipulated by the syntax, (iii) the resulting structure is further adjusted by the morphology, (iv) morphosyntactic feature sets are replaced by phonological representations, upon which the phonology then operates. At each juncture, we argue that what the normal grammar provides is evaluated against metrical requirements, with the typical consequence that some property of normal grammar is flouted in order to satisfy some metrical constraint. By regarding EVAL as a cyclic process, this model highly restricts the role of OT and equates GEN with traditional generative components. Metrical constraints are an overlay on the normal interfaces, which the poet must continuously keep in mind and at each interface point in the creative process use to assess the fit between what s/he wants to say and the target metrical template. In this way, the exigencies of literary form and convention are superimposed on the grammar.
10
01
JB code
la.36.14spe
355
386
32
Article
14
01
Verbal clitics in Bulgarian
A Paradigm Function approach
1
A01
Andrew Spencer
Spencer, Andrew
Andrew
Spencer
University of Essex
01
I provide an analysis of the Bulgarian clitic cluster within the framework of Greg Stump’s theory of Paradigm Function Morphology. I treat the basic clitic cluster as essentially a string of affixes generated by paradigm functions. In this way I formalize the notion of ‘phrasal affix’. The placement of the cluster is determined by the interaction of syntactic and prosodic constraints, whose interaction is mediated by Optimality Theory. The notorious question clitic, <i>li</i>, is treated as an enclitic to the leftmost stressed element in its domain. The clitic itself is generated as a member of the basic cluster but without any linear precedence. Its final placement is thus decided by OT constraints. I briefly consider the closely related Macedonian system, in which the clitic cluster is affixed by the paradigm function not to the root of the lexeme, but to a word form which has already undergone a layer of inflection.
10
01
JB code
la.36.15mis
387
404
18
Article
15
01
Operator clitics
1
A01
Olga Mišeska Tomić
Mišeska Tomić, Olga
Olga
Mišeska Tomić
University of Novi Sad/University of Leiden
01
In Standard Macedonian, we have two types of “special” clitics: (a) clitics that represent categories whose behavior in non-clitic syntax differs from their behavior in clitic syntax and (b) clitics that do not have counterparts in non-clitic syntax. The former type includes the pronominal and auxiliary clitics, whose forms depend on the person and number of the referent, and can conveniently be called inflection clitics. The latter type of clitics are operators.
<br /> The operator clitics affect the cliticization behavior of the inflection clitics which cluster with them. A clausal clitic cluster consisting of pronominal and/or auxiliary clitics procliticizes to the head of the clause if it is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, encliticizes to any category to its left if the clause is headed by a [þV, +N] category, and has the option of procliticizing to the verb or encliticizing to a category to the left of itself, in clauses with [+V, +N] heads. When the clitic cluster contains an operator clitic, however, all the clitics form a single phonological word. In clauses in which V is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, this phonological word includes the verb; otherwise, that is not the case.
10
01
JB code
la.36.16uri
405
431
27
Article
16
01
Doubling and possession
1
A01
Juan Uriagereka
Uriagereka, Juan
Juan
Uriagereka
UMD
01
This paper explores the conjecture that clitic doubling in languages like Spanish shares some fundamental aspects of the semantics of inalienable possession, especially if understood in terms of a syntax of the kind originally advocated by Szabolcsi (1983). A few paradigms are discussed where this correlation would explain otherwise peculiar properties, concerning subtle details in the referentiality of clitic arguments and the aspectual properties of the event where they are taken to participate. In the process, the semantic nature of clitic doubling is shifted from the domain of the obscure or pleonastic to that of integral relations. The paper closes with a syntactic puzzle that the hypothesized correlation poses.
10
01
JB code
la.36.17nam
433
435
3
Miscellaneous
17
01
Name index
10
01
JB code
la.36.18sub
437
441
5
Miscellaneous
18
01
Subject index
02
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