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370006233 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 36 Eb 15 9789027299192 06 10.1075/la.36 13 00056443 DG 002 02 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 36 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics in Phonology, Morphology and Syntax</TitleText> 01 la.36 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.36 1 B01 Birgit Gerlach Gerlach, Birgit Birgit Gerlach Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf 2 B01 Janet Grijzenhout Grijzenhout, Janet Janet Grijzenhout Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf 01 eng 455 xii 441 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book contains fourteen articles that reflect current ideas on the phonology, morphology, and syntax of clitics. It covers the forms and functions of clitics in various typologically diverse languages and presents data from, e.g. European Portuguese, Macedonian, and Yoruba. It extensively deals with the prosodic structure of clitics, their morphological status, clitic placement, and clitic doubling. The form and behavior of clitics with respect to tonal phenomena and in verse are discussed in two articles (Akinlabi &amp; Liberman, Reindl &amp; Franks). Other articles address the prosodic representation of clitics in Irish (Green), the differences in the acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan (Escobar &amp; Gavarro), the similarities between clitics and affixes or words in Romance and Bantu languages (Cocchi, Crysmann, Monachesi, Ortman &amp; Popescu), the semantics of clitics in the Greek DP and in Spanish doubling (Alexiadou &amp; Stavrou, Uriagereka), and complex problems concerning verbal clitics in Romanian and Balkan languages (Legendre, Spencer, Tomic). 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.36.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027227577.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027227577.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.36.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.36.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.36.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.36.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.36.01lis vii ix 3 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">List of contributors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.36.02ack xi 1 Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acknowledgements</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.36.03ger 1 29 29 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics from different perspectives</TitleText> 1 A01 Birgit Gerlach Gerlach, Birgit Birgit Gerlach Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf 2 A01 Janet Grijzenhout Grijzenhout, Janet Janet Grijzenhout Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf 10 01 JB code la.36.04aki 31 62 32 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Akinbiyi Akinlabi Akinlabi, Akinbiyi Akinbiyi Akinlabi Rutgers University 2 A01 Mark Liberman Liberman, Mark Mark Liberman University of Pennsylvania 01 This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows that in all six cases, a constraint applies preventing the last syllable of the host and the adjacent clitic syllable from having the same (High or Low) tone. There are no other host + clitic cases in Yoruba for which such a constraint would be relevant. Potential violations of the constraint are avoided by one of five different methods, depending on the case: failure to link a floating tone, deletion of a tone belonging to the clitic, deletion of a tone belonging to the host, insertion of a toneless vowel, or failure to delete an otherwise optional toneless vowel. This pattern is thus a morphophonemic &#x201C;conspiracy&#x201D; in the classical sense. However, Yoruba does not have a more general constraint against same-tone sequences in underlying or derived environments. 10 01 JB code la.36.05ale 63 84 22 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Adjective-clitic combinations in the Greek DP</TitleText> 1 A01 Artemis Alexiadou Alexiadou, Artemis Artemis Alexiadou University of Potsdam 2 A01 Melita Stavrou Stavrou, Melita Melita Stavrou AUTH Greece 01 Possessive clitics in the DP have not received as much attention as clitics in the verbal domain have. In fact, the few existing accounts of cliticization are either phonological (Nespor &#38; Vogel 1986) or primarily morphological (Kolliakou 1997) or morphosyntactic (Horrocks &#38; Stavrou 1988; Stavrou &#38; Horrocks 1989; Karanassios 1992). <br /> The facts we will discuss here have not been observed in none of the aforementioned studies, and it is our purpose to show that the distribution of nominal clitics in the Greek DP provide evidence for the existence of two possessor positions within the DP. If this hypothesis is correct then it is clear that morphological or even morphosyntactic accounts cannot capture the relevant generalizations. <br /> The paper is structured as follows. In Section 1 we present the distributional pattern of Greek DP-cliticization. In Section 2 we discuss the core data of the present study which show the semantic/interpretational differences between the two cliticization sites, namely on the noun and on the prenominal adjective. In Section 3 we set the ground for our analysis by outlining (a) the main directions in the research of clitics crosslinguistically and (b) our proposal about two possessor/clitic sites in the DP. In 4 we offer an implementation of this basic idea by providing structural analyses which refer to different clitic sites. Our analysis crucially relies on the presence of an elaborated structure DP-internally, as has been suggested in much recent work. In 5 we briefly comment on previous, basically morphological in orientation, analyses of cliticization within the DP by disputing their ability to capture the facts presented here in terms of (morphological) affixation of the clitic onto its host. In 6 we conclude our study by summarizing our main points. 10 01 JB code la.36.06coc 85 119 35 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Free clitics and bound affixes</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Towards a unitary analysis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Gloria Cocchi Cocchi, Gloria Gloria Cocchi Università di Firenze 01 This work argues in favour of a unitary theory for free clitics, such as those we find in Romance languages, and bound affixes, which are typical of Bantu languages. Using a Clitic shell framework, as in Manzini and Savoia&#8217;s recent works, I will claim that both Romance clitics and Bantu affixes are best analysed as arguments of the verb rather than agreement markers. Furthermore, I will develop a syntactic analysis of Bantu pre-root verbal affixes, which takes into due account the asymmetrical behaviour shown towards object affixation by languages like Tshiluba and Swahili (the former allowing two or more object affixes, and the latter only one). Last but not least, I will show how from an analysis of Bantu affixes in terms of clitic projection an important insight can emerge, to the effect that the asymmetry in object passivization exhibited by the two Bantu languages is simply a consequence of the asymmetry observed in object affixation. 10 01 JB code la.36.07cry 121 159 39 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics and coordination in linear structure</TitleText> 1 A01 Berthold Crysmann Crysmann, Berthold Berthold Crysmann Deutsches Forschungszentrum Künstliche Intelligenz (DFKI) & Computerlinguistik, Universität des Saarlands 01 In the context of lexicalist studies of Romance cliticisation, the development and rigorous application of diagnostic criteria (Zwicky and Pullum 1983; Miller 1992) for determining the lexical or syntactic status of linguistic items has always enjoyed a central role. As a result, there is a vast body of evidence in French and Italian (Miller 1992; Miller and Sag 1997; Monachesi 1996) that weak pronominals in these languages resemble ordinary bound affixes much more than true postlexical clitics. In particular, syntactic, semantic, morphological, and phonological criteria jointly militate against the view of Romance clitics as proper inhabitants of the syntactic world. As a side effect, the distinction between lexical affixes and postlexical clitics (Halpern 1995) is seen as a strict dichotomy, with little or no room for true morpho-syntactic hybrids. <br /> I will argue in this paper that transitional types do indeed occur, which are characterised by the fact that one group of criteria (e.g. morphological criteria) positively suggest syntactic opacity, while almost all syntactic criteria demand a degree of transparency. Based on data from clitic placement and coordination in European Portuguese (EP), I will suggest that the syntactic transparency is highly superficial in nature, and thus favours an account in terms of word order variation. This perspective, together with the fundamental distinction drawn within recent HPSG between constituent structure and linearisation will also prove capable of making appropriate predictions in the context of semantic idiosyncrasies. 10 01 JB code la.36.08esc 161 180 20 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Linda Escobar Escobar, Linda Linda Escobar Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 Anna Gavarró Gavarró, Anna Anna Gavarró Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 Within the experimental tradition of the study of acquisition of pronouns, one major aim has been to test whether binding principles are innate. Most findings support the claim that whether binding is innate, pragmatic notions like &#8216;point of view&#8217; or &#8216;discourse-context&#8217;, which are related to free pronouns in English, are somehow troublesome for children (cf. Chien &#38; Wexler 1990; Grodzinsky &#38; Reinhart 1993). In addition, there is a growing body of research on the acquisition of the pronominal system of Romance suggesting that clitics somehow escape such a generalisation (Padilla 1990; McKee 1992; Baauw et al 1997 for Spanish and Italian). The goal of this paper is to examine the contrast between strong pronouns and clitics in the light of their acquisition in Catalan. The fact that Catalan exhibits both a syntactic anaphor (in the form of reflexive clitic <i>se</i>) and a focus anaphor (in the form of non-reflexive clitic <i>ell mateix</i> &#8216;himself&#8217;) makes their study also relevant to the question as to whether one may speak of a delay in the acquisition of discourse anaphors. 10 01 JB code la.36.09dub 181 218 38 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The prosodic representation of clitics in Irish</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">prosodic representation of clitics in Irish</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Antony Dubach Green Dubach Green, Antony Antony Dubach Green University of Potsdam 01 In this paper, the behavior of proclitic function words in Irish is analyzed. It is argued that proclitics normally remain outside the prosodic word (pword, symbolized &#x3C9;) of the host lexical word, but under certain circumstances part or all of the clitic may be incorporated into the host pword. Thus both [Clitic <sub>&#x3C9;</sub>(Host)] and [<sub>&#x3C9;</sub>(Clitic + Host)] structures are found within a single language. Moreover, the final consonant of a proclitic can be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host: A string VC # V... is syllabified V <sub>&#x3C9;</sub>(C V...), thus permitting a pword to consist of a morphologically arbitrary string. Finally, it is shown that the final consonant of a proclitic cannot be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host when a syntactic trace intervenes between the proclitic and its host; this fact is attributed to a constraint forbidding pwords from mapping onto morphological strings containing a trace. 10 01 JB code la.36.10leg 219 254 36 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Positioning Romanian verbal clitics at PF</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">An Optimality-Theoretic analysis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Géraldine Legendre Legendre, Géraldine Géraldine Legendre Johns Hopkins University 01 This paper argues that Romanian auxiliary and pronominal clitics are phrasal affixes subject to a set of conflicting PF alignment constraints that are responsible for the clustering, rigid ordering, and overall positioning in a clause of both so-called verbal clitics (in Romanian) and second-position clitics (in South Slavic). Evidence that auxiliary and pronominal clitics are morphological entities comes from their syntactic inertness while evidence for their phrasal affix status comes from their moveability and the fact that they do not pattern like word-level affixes in Romanian. 10 01 JB code la.36.11mon 255 293 39 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitic placement in the Romanian verbal complex</TitleText> 1 A01 Paola Monachesi Monachesi, Paola Paola Monachesi Utrecht University 01 The clitic system of Romanian includes negation, auxiliaries, pronouns and intensifiers which cluster around the verb in a fixed order. I argue that these clitics do not constitute a uniform class: pronominal clitics and intensifiers have affixal status and they combine with the host as result of lexical processes. On the other hand, auxiliaries and negation have word status and combine with the verb by means of syntactic processes. Under this view, the order of the clitics in the verbal complex doesn&#8217;t need to be stipulated as in previous generative analyses, but it is the expected one given the different status of the clitics and the appropriate division of labor between the lexicon and syntax. 10 01 JB code la.36.12ort 295 324 30 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romanian definite articles are not clitics</TitleText> 1 A01 Albert Ortmann Ortmann, Albert Albert Ortmann Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf 2 A01 Alexandra Popescu Popescu, Alexandra Alexandra Popescu Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf 01 The central claim of this paper is that the postposed definite article in Romanian is a genuine inflectional suffix. To justify this claim, we show that the status of the article that is commonly assumed in the literature is inadequate in two respects. First, the article is not a second position clitic. Second, the numerous syntactic analyses that involve movement of the adjective phrase in order to account for the combination of article and adjective make wrong empirical predictions. Instead, we provide a lexical analysis within the theory of Minimalist Morphology that accounts for both the morphological behaviour and the syntactic distribution of the article. We finally show that the analysis carries over to Albanian and Bulgarian, although the definite articles of these neighbouring languages are also usually reported as being second position clitics. 10 01 JB code la.36.13rei 325 354 30 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i></TitleText> 1 A01 Donald Reindl Reindl, Donald Donald Reindl Indiana University 2 A01 Steven L. Franks Franks, Steven L. Steven L. Franks Indiana University 01 This paper examines the ways in which the realization of clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i> (&#x201C;Serbian Folk Songs&#x201D;) can depend on metrical considerations, and places these dependencies within a model of grammar that can provide appropriate mechanisms to express them. It is demonstrated that both the form and position of words in poetry can be sensitive to metrical requirements, in that these sometimes deviate from what is normally expected in order to respect the exigencies of meter. It is further argued that the observed phenomena are best understood as the imposition of metrical constraints in a specialized optimality theoretic model, in which a set of highly ranked metrical constraints is superimposed on the normal system. <br /> We imagine a metrical module which employ either generative rules (cf. e.g. Kiparsky 1975) or OT constraints (cf. e.g. Hanson and Kiparsky 1996; Hayes and MacEachern 1998; and Freidberg 1999) to produce a metrical template. Two types of mismatches between this template and what the &#x201C;normal&#x201D; grammar provides are encountered, quantitative ones and qualitative ones. In the former, (1) and (2), the grammar provides fewer or greater syllables than the template has beats and in the latter, (3) and 94), there is conflict between the prosodic properties of those syllables and the strong or weak status of the corresponding beat. These mismatches are stated as OT constraints as follows: <br /> 1. No extra syllables (*Ex-Syl) <br />2. No extra beats (*Ex-Beat) <br />3. Accented syllables are strong (Ac St) <br />4. Clitics are weak (Cl Wk) <br /> In all instances, violations of these constraints are avoided by selecting as optimal an otherwise ungrammatical alternative, by deleting or adding syllables, pronouncing lower copies, and so on. <br /> Rice (1997) has similarly demonstrated that metrical constraints outrank syntactic constraints in poetry, which is a reversal of the normal situation observed by Golston (1995) for prose. We extend his conclusions to show how metrical considerations can have priority also over requirements stemming <i>from any component of grammar</i>. We than argue against the idea that poetry involves noncanonical ranking, since constraints such as (1)&#x2013;(4) are simply irrelevant in Serbian prose. Instead, we put forward a system in which the mapping of linguistic structure onto a metrical template is regulated by OT-like constraints. Following Franks (1999b, 2000), the proper place of OT is to police interfaces between components, picking from a small set of options supplied by one component the best choice to serve as input to the next component. Given a system with the following basic components: (i) lexical choices are made, (ii) abstract lexical items are manipulated by the syntax, (iii) the resulting structure is further adjusted by the morphology, (iv) morphosyntactic feature sets are replaced by phonological representations, upon which the phonology then operates. At each juncture, we argue that what the normal grammar provides is evaluated against metrical requirements, with the typical consequence that some property of normal grammar is flouted in order to satisfy some metrical constraint. By regarding EVAL as a cyclic process, this model highly restricts the role of OT and equates GEN with traditional generative components. Metrical constraints are an overlay on the normal interfaces, which the poet must continuously keep in mind and at each interface point in the creative process use to assess the fit between what s/he wants to say and the target metrical template. In this way, the exigencies of literary form and convention are superimposed on the grammar. 10 01 JB code la.36.14spe 355 386 32 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Verbal clitics in Bulgarian</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A Paradigm Function approach</Subtitle> 1 A01 Andrew Spencer Spencer, Andrew Andrew Spencer University of Essex 01 I provide an analysis of the Bulgarian clitic cluster within the framework of Greg Stump&#8217;s theory of Paradigm Function Morphology. I treat the basic clitic cluster as essentially a string of affixes generated by paradigm functions. In this way I formalize the notion of &#8216;phrasal affix&#8217;. The placement of the cluster is determined by the interaction of syntactic and prosodic constraints, whose interaction is mediated by Optimality Theory. The notorious question clitic, <i>li</i>, is treated as an enclitic to the leftmost stressed element in its domain. The clitic itself is generated as a member of the basic cluster but without any linear precedence. Its final placement is thus decided by OT constraints. I briefly consider the closely related Macedonian system, in which the clitic cluster is affixed by the paradigm function not to the root of the lexeme, but to a word form which has already undergone a layer of inflection. 10 01 JB code la.36.15mis 387 404 18 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Operator clitics</TitleText> 1 A01 Olga Mišeska Tomić Mišeska Tomić, Olga Olga Mišeska Tomić University of Novi Sad/University of Leiden 01 In Standard Macedonian, we have two types of &#x201C;special&#x201D; clitics: (a) clitics that represent categories whose behavior in non-clitic syntax differs from their behavior in clitic syntax and (b) clitics that do not have counterparts in non-clitic syntax. The former type includes the pronominal and auxiliary clitics, whose forms depend on the person and number of the referent, and can conveniently be called inflection clitics. The latter type of clitics are operators. <br /> The operator clitics affect the cliticization behavior of the inflection clitics which cluster with them. A clausal clitic cluster consisting of pronominal and/or auxiliary clitics procliticizes to the head of the clause if it is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, encliticizes to any category to its left if the clause is headed by a [þV, +N] category, and has the option of procliticizing to the verb or encliticizing to a category to the left of itself, in clauses with [+V, +N] heads. When the clitic cluster contains an operator clitic, however, all the clitics form a single phonological word. In clauses in which V is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, this phonological word includes the verb; otherwise, that is not the case. 10 01 JB code la.36.16uri 405 431 27 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Doubling and possession</TitleText> 1 A01 Juan Uriagereka Uriagereka, Juan Juan Uriagereka UMD 01 This paper explores the conjecture that clitic doubling in languages like Spanish shares some fundamental aspects of the semantics of inalienable possession, especially if understood in terms of a syntax of the kind originally advocated by Szabolcsi (1983). A few paradigms are discussed where this correlation would explain otherwise peculiar properties, concerning subtle details in the referentiality of clitic arguments and the aspectual properties of the event where they are taken to participate. In the process, the semantic nature of clitic doubling is shifted from the domain of the obscure or pleonastic to that of integral relations. The paper closes with a syntactic puzzle that the hypothesized correlation poses. 10 01 JB code la.36.17nam 433 435 3 Miscellaneous 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Name index</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.36.18sub 437 441 5 Miscellaneous 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20010201 2000 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027227577 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 140.00 EUR R 01 00 118.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 210.00 USD S 1640 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 36 Hb 15 9789027227577 13 00056443 BB 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 36 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics in Phonology, Morphology and Syntax</TitleText> 01 la.36 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.36 1 B01 Birgit Gerlach Gerlach, Birgit Birgit Gerlach Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf 2 B01 Janet Grijzenhout Grijzenhout, Janet Janet Grijzenhout Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf 01 eng 455 xii 441 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book contains fourteen articles that reflect current ideas on the phonology, morphology, and syntax of clitics. It covers the forms and functions of clitics in various typologically diverse languages and presents data from, e.g. European Portuguese, Macedonian, and Yoruba. It extensively deals with the prosodic structure of clitics, their morphological status, clitic placement, and clitic doubling. The form and behavior of clitics with respect to tonal phenomena and in verse are discussed in two articles (Akinlabi &amp; Liberman, Reindl &amp; Franks). Other articles address the prosodic representation of clitics in Irish (Green), the differences in the acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan (Escobar &amp; Gavarro), the similarities between clitics and affixes or words in Romance and Bantu languages (Cocchi, Crysmann, Monachesi, Ortman &amp; Popescu), the semantics of clitics in the Greek DP and in Spanish doubling (Alexiadou &amp; Stavrou, Uriagereka), and complex problems concerning verbal clitics in Romanian and Balkan languages (Legendre, Spencer, Tomic). 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.36.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027227577.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027227577.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.36.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.36.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.36.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.36.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.36.01lis vii ix 3 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">List of contributors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.36.02ack xi 1 Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acknowledgements</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.36.03ger 1 29 29 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics from different perspectives</TitleText> 1 A01 Birgit Gerlach Gerlach, Birgit Birgit Gerlach Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf 2 A01 Janet Grijzenhout Grijzenhout, Janet Janet Grijzenhout Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf 10 01 JB code la.36.04aki 31 62 32 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Akinbiyi Akinlabi Akinlabi, Akinbiyi Akinbiyi Akinlabi Rutgers University 2 A01 Mark Liberman Liberman, Mark Mark Liberman University of Pennsylvania 01 This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows that in all six cases, a constraint applies preventing the last syllable of the host and the adjacent clitic syllable from having the same (High or Low) tone. There are no other host + clitic cases in Yoruba for which such a constraint would be relevant. Potential violations of the constraint are avoided by one of five different methods, depending on the case: failure to link a floating tone, deletion of a tone belonging to the clitic, deletion of a tone belonging to the host, insertion of a toneless vowel, or failure to delete an otherwise optional toneless vowel. This pattern is thus a morphophonemic &#x201C;conspiracy&#x201D; in the classical sense. However, Yoruba does not have a more general constraint against same-tone sequences in underlying or derived environments. 10 01 JB code la.36.05ale 63 84 22 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Adjective-clitic combinations in the Greek DP</TitleText> 1 A01 Artemis Alexiadou Alexiadou, Artemis Artemis Alexiadou University of Potsdam 2 A01 Melita Stavrou Stavrou, Melita Melita Stavrou AUTH Greece 01 Possessive clitics in the DP have not received as much attention as clitics in the verbal domain have. In fact, the few existing accounts of cliticization are either phonological (Nespor &#38; Vogel 1986) or primarily morphological (Kolliakou 1997) or morphosyntactic (Horrocks &#38; Stavrou 1988; Stavrou &#38; Horrocks 1989; Karanassios 1992). <br /> The facts we will discuss here have not been observed in none of the aforementioned studies, and it is our purpose to show that the distribution of nominal clitics in the Greek DP provide evidence for the existence of two possessor positions within the DP. If this hypothesis is correct then it is clear that morphological or even morphosyntactic accounts cannot capture the relevant generalizations. <br /> The paper is structured as follows. In Section 1 we present the distributional pattern of Greek DP-cliticization. In Section 2 we discuss the core data of the present study which show the semantic/interpretational differences between the two cliticization sites, namely on the noun and on the prenominal adjective. In Section 3 we set the ground for our analysis by outlining (a) the main directions in the research of clitics crosslinguistically and (b) our proposal about two possessor/clitic sites in the DP. In 4 we offer an implementation of this basic idea by providing structural analyses which refer to different clitic sites. Our analysis crucially relies on the presence of an elaborated structure DP-internally, as has been suggested in much recent work. In 5 we briefly comment on previous, basically morphological in orientation, analyses of cliticization within the DP by disputing their ability to capture the facts presented here in terms of (morphological) affixation of the clitic onto its host. In 6 we conclude our study by summarizing our main points. 10 01 JB code la.36.06coc 85 119 35 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Free clitics and bound affixes</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Towards a unitary analysis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Gloria Cocchi Cocchi, Gloria Gloria Cocchi Università di Firenze 01 This work argues in favour of a unitary theory for free clitics, such as those we find in Romance languages, and bound affixes, which are typical of Bantu languages. Using a Clitic shell framework, as in Manzini and Savoia&#8217;s recent works, I will claim that both Romance clitics and Bantu affixes are best analysed as arguments of the verb rather than agreement markers. Furthermore, I will develop a syntactic analysis of Bantu pre-root verbal affixes, which takes into due account the asymmetrical behaviour shown towards object affixation by languages like Tshiluba and Swahili (the former allowing two or more object affixes, and the latter only one). Last but not least, I will show how from an analysis of Bantu affixes in terms of clitic projection an important insight can emerge, to the effect that the asymmetry in object passivization exhibited by the two Bantu languages is simply a consequence of the asymmetry observed in object affixation. 10 01 JB code la.36.07cry 121 159 39 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics and coordination in linear structure</TitleText> 1 A01 Berthold Crysmann Crysmann, Berthold Berthold Crysmann Deutsches Forschungszentrum Künstliche Intelligenz (DFKI) & Computerlinguistik, Universität des Saarlands 01 In the context of lexicalist studies of Romance cliticisation, the development and rigorous application of diagnostic criteria (Zwicky and Pullum 1983; Miller 1992) for determining the lexical or syntactic status of linguistic items has always enjoyed a central role. As a result, there is a vast body of evidence in French and Italian (Miller 1992; Miller and Sag 1997; Monachesi 1996) that weak pronominals in these languages resemble ordinary bound affixes much more than true postlexical clitics. In particular, syntactic, semantic, morphological, and phonological criteria jointly militate against the view of Romance clitics as proper inhabitants of the syntactic world. As a side effect, the distinction between lexical affixes and postlexical clitics (Halpern 1995) is seen as a strict dichotomy, with little or no room for true morpho-syntactic hybrids. <br /> I will argue in this paper that transitional types do indeed occur, which are characterised by the fact that one group of criteria (e.g. morphological criteria) positively suggest syntactic opacity, while almost all syntactic criteria demand a degree of transparency. Based on data from clitic placement and coordination in European Portuguese (EP), I will suggest that the syntactic transparency is highly superficial in nature, and thus favours an account in terms of word order variation. This perspective, together with the fundamental distinction drawn within recent HPSG between constituent structure and linearisation will also prove capable of making appropriate predictions in the context of semantic idiosyncrasies. 10 01 JB code la.36.08esc 161 180 20 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Linda Escobar Escobar, Linda Linda Escobar Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 Anna Gavarró Gavarró, Anna Anna Gavarró Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 Within the experimental tradition of the study of acquisition of pronouns, one major aim has been to test whether binding principles are innate. Most findings support the claim that whether binding is innate, pragmatic notions like &#8216;point of view&#8217; or &#8216;discourse-context&#8217;, which are related to free pronouns in English, are somehow troublesome for children (cf. Chien &#38; Wexler 1990; Grodzinsky &#38; Reinhart 1993). In addition, there is a growing body of research on the acquisition of the pronominal system of Romance suggesting that clitics somehow escape such a generalisation (Padilla 1990; McKee 1992; Baauw et al 1997 for Spanish and Italian). The goal of this paper is to examine the contrast between strong pronouns and clitics in the light of their acquisition in Catalan. The fact that Catalan exhibits both a syntactic anaphor (in the form of reflexive clitic <i>se</i>) and a focus anaphor (in the form of non-reflexive clitic <i>ell mateix</i> &#8216;himself&#8217;) makes their study also relevant to the question as to whether one may speak of a delay in the acquisition of discourse anaphors. 10 01 JB code la.36.09dub 181 218 38 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The prosodic representation of clitics in Irish</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">prosodic representation of clitics in Irish</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Antony Dubach Green Dubach Green, Antony Antony Dubach Green University of Potsdam 01 In this paper, the behavior of proclitic function words in Irish is analyzed. It is argued that proclitics normally remain outside the prosodic word (pword, symbolized &#x3C9;) of the host lexical word, but under certain circumstances part or all of the clitic may be incorporated into the host pword. Thus both [Clitic <sub>&#x3C9;</sub>(Host)] and [<sub>&#x3C9;</sub>(Clitic + Host)] structures are found within a single language. Moreover, the final consonant of a proclitic can be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host: A string VC # V... is syllabified V <sub>&#x3C9;</sub>(C V...), thus permitting a pword to consist of a morphologically arbitrary string. Finally, it is shown that the final consonant of a proclitic cannot be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host when a syntactic trace intervenes between the proclitic and its host; this fact is attributed to a constraint forbidding pwords from mapping onto morphological strings containing a trace. 10 01 JB code la.36.10leg 219 254 36 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Positioning Romanian verbal clitics at PF</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">An Optimality-Theoretic analysis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Géraldine Legendre Legendre, Géraldine Géraldine Legendre Johns Hopkins University 01 This paper argues that Romanian auxiliary and pronominal clitics are phrasal affixes subject to a set of conflicting PF alignment constraints that are responsible for the clustering, rigid ordering, and overall positioning in a clause of both so-called verbal clitics (in Romanian) and second-position clitics (in South Slavic). Evidence that auxiliary and pronominal clitics are morphological entities comes from their syntactic inertness while evidence for their phrasal affix status comes from their moveability and the fact that they do not pattern like word-level affixes in Romanian. 10 01 JB code la.36.11mon 255 293 39 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitic placement in the Romanian verbal complex</TitleText> 1 A01 Paola Monachesi Monachesi, Paola Paola Monachesi Utrecht University 01 The clitic system of Romanian includes negation, auxiliaries, pronouns and intensifiers which cluster around the verb in a fixed order. I argue that these clitics do not constitute a uniform class: pronominal clitics and intensifiers have affixal status and they combine with the host as result of lexical processes. On the other hand, auxiliaries and negation have word status and combine with the verb by means of syntactic processes. Under this view, the order of the clitics in the verbal complex doesn&#8217;t need to be stipulated as in previous generative analyses, but it is the expected one given the different status of the clitics and the appropriate division of labor between the lexicon and syntax. 10 01 JB code la.36.12ort 295 324 30 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romanian definite articles are not clitics</TitleText> 1 A01 Albert Ortmann Ortmann, Albert Albert Ortmann Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf 2 A01 Alexandra Popescu Popescu, Alexandra Alexandra Popescu Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf 01 The central claim of this paper is that the postposed definite article in Romanian is a genuine inflectional suffix. To justify this claim, we show that the status of the article that is commonly assumed in the literature is inadequate in two respects. First, the article is not a second position clitic. Second, the numerous syntactic analyses that involve movement of the adjective phrase in order to account for the combination of article and adjective make wrong empirical predictions. Instead, we provide a lexical analysis within the theory of Minimalist Morphology that accounts for both the morphological behaviour and the syntactic distribution of the article. We finally show that the analysis carries over to Albanian and Bulgarian, although the definite articles of these neighbouring languages are also usually reported as being second position clitics. 10 01 JB code la.36.13rei 325 354 30 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i></TitleText> 1 A01 Donald Reindl Reindl, Donald Donald Reindl Indiana University 2 A01 Steven L. Franks Franks, Steven L. Steven L. Franks Indiana University 01 This paper examines the ways in which the realization of clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i> (&#x201C;Serbian Folk Songs&#x201D;) can depend on metrical considerations, and places these dependencies within a model of grammar that can provide appropriate mechanisms to express them. It is demonstrated that both the form and position of words in poetry can be sensitive to metrical requirements, in that these sometimes deviate from what is normally expected in order to respect the exigencies of meter. It is further argued that the observed phenomena are best understood as the imposition of metrical constraints in a specialized optimality theoretic model, in which a set of highly ranked metrical constraints is superimposed on the normal system. <br /> We imagine a metrical module which employ either generative rules (cf. e.g. Kiparsky 1975) or OT constraints (cf. e.g. Hanson and Kiparsky 1996; Hayes and MacEachern 1998; and Freidberg 1999) to produce a metrical template. Two types of mismatches between this template and what the &#x201C;normal&#x201D; grammar provides are encountered, quantitative ones and qualitative ones. In the former, (1) and (2), the grammar provides fewer or greater syllables than the template has beats and in the latter, (3) and 94), there is conflict between the prosodic properties of those syllables and the strong or weak status of the corresponding beat. These mismatches are stated as OT constraints as follows: <br /> 1. No extra syllables (*Ex-Syl) <br />2. No extra beats (*Ex-Beat) <br />3. Accented syllables are strong (Ac St) <br />4. Clitics are weak (Cl Wk) <br /> In all instances, violations of these constraints are avoided by selecting as optimal an otherwise ungrammatical alternative, by deleting or adding syllables, pronouncing lower copies, and so on. <br /> Rice (1997) has similarly demonstrated that metrical constraints outrank syntactic constraints in poetry, which is a reversal of the normal situation observed by Golston (1995) for prose. We extend his conclusions to show how metrical considerations can have priority also over requirements stemming <i>from any component of grammar</i>. We than argue against the idea that poetry involves noncanonical ranking, since constraints such as (1)&#x2013;(4) are simply irrelevant in Serbian prose. Instead, we put forward a system in which the mapping of linguistic structure onto a metrical template is regulated by OT-like constraints. Following Franks (1999b, 2000), the proper place of OT is to police interfaces between components, picking from a small set of options supplied by one component the best choice to serve as input to the next component. Given a system with the following basic components: (i) lexical choices are made, (ii) abstract lexical items are manipulated by the syntax, (iii) the resulting structure is further adjusted by the morphology, (iv) morphosyntactic feature sets are replaced by phonological representations, upon which the phonology then operates. At each juncture, we argue that what the normal grammar provides is evaluated against metrical requirements, with the typical consequence that some property of normal grammar is flouted in order to satisfy some metrical constraint. By regarding EVAL as a cyclic process, this model highly restricts the role of OT and equates GEN with traditional generative components. Metrical constraints are an overlay on the normal interfaces, which the poet must continuously keep in mind and at each interface point in the creative process use to assess the fit between what s/he wants to say and the target metrical template. In this way, the exigencies of literary form and convention are superimposed on the grammar. 10 01 JB code la.36.14spe 355 386 32 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Verbal clitics in Bulgarian</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A Paradigm Function approach</Subtitle> 1 A01 Andrew Spencer Spencer, Andrew Andrew Spencer University of Essex 01 I provide an analysis of the Bulgarian clitic cluster within the framework of Greg Stump&#8217;s theory of Paradigm Function Morphology. I treat the basic clitic cluster as essentially a string of affixes generated by paradigm functions. In this way I formalize the notion of &#8216;phrasal affix&#8217;. The placement of the cluster is determined by the interaction of syntactic and prosodic constraints, whose interaction is mediated by Optimality Theory. The notorious question clitic, <i>li</i>, is treated as an enclitic to the leftmost stressed element in its domain. The clitic itself is generated as a member of the basic cluster but without any linear precedence. Its final placement is thus decided by OT constraints. I briefly consider the closely related Macedonian system, in which the clitic cluster is affixed by the paradigm function not to the root of the lexeme, but to a word form which has already undergone a layer of inflection. 10 01 JB code la.36.15mis 387 404 18 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Operator clitics</TitleText> 1 A01 Olga Mišeska Tomić Mišeska Tomić, Olga Olga Mišeska Tomić University of Novi Sad/University of Leiden 01 In Standard Macedonian, we have two types of &#x201C;special&#x201D; clitics: (a) clitics that represent categories whose behavior in non-clitic syntax differs from their behavior in clitic syntax and (b) clitics that do not have counterparts in non-clitic syntax. The former type includes the pronominal and auxiliary clitics, whose forms depend on the person and number of the referent, and can conveniently be called inflection clitics. The latter type of clitics are operators. <br /> The operator clitics affect the cliticization behavior of the inflection clitics which cluster with them. A clausal clitic cluster consisting of pronominal and/or auxiliary clitics procliticizes to the head of the clause if it is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, encliticizes to any category to its left if the clause is headed by a [þV, +N] category, and has the option of procliticizing to the verb or encliticizing to a category to the left of itself, in clauses with [+V, +N] heads. When the clitic cluster contains an operator clitic, however, all the clitics form a single phonological word. In clauses in which V is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, this phonological word includes the verb; otherwise, that is not the case. 10 01 JB code la.36.16uri 405 431 27 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Doubling and possession</TitleText> 1 A01 Juan Uriagereka Uriagereka, Juan Juan Uriagereka UMD 01 This paper explores the conjecture that clitic doubling in languages like Spanish shares some fundamental aspects of the semantics of inalienable possession, especially if understood in terms of a syntax of the kind originally advocated by Szabolcsi (1983). A few paradigms are discussed where this correlation would explain otherwise peculiar properties, concerning subtle details in the referentiality of clitic arguments and the aspectual properties of the event where they are taken to participate. In the process, the semantic nature of clitic doubling is shifted from the domain of the obscure or pleonastic to that of integral relations. The paper closes with a syntactic puzzle that the hypothesized correlation poses. 10 01 JB code la.36.17nam 433 435 3 Miscellaneous 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Name index</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.36.18sub 437 441 5 Miscellaneous 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20010201 2000 John Benjamins 04 US CA MX 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 710 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 7 24 01 02 JB 1 00 140.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 148.40 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 24 02 02 JB 1 00 118.00 GBP Z 1640 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LA 36 Hb 15 9781556197994 13 00056443 BB 01 LA 02 0166-0829 Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today 36 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics in Phonology, Morphology and Syntax</TitleText> 01 la.36 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/la.36 1 B01 Birgit Gerlach Gerlach, Birgit Birgit Gerlach Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf 2 B01 Janet Grijzenhout Grijzenhout, Janet Janet Grijzenhout Heinrich Heine Universität, Düsseldorf 01 eng 455 xii 441 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book contains fourteen articles that reflect current ideas on the phonology, morphology, and syntax of clitics. It covers the forms and functions of clitics in various typologically diverse languages and presents data from, e.g. European Portuguese, Macedonian, and Yoruba. It extensively deals with the prosodic structure of clitics, their morphological status, clitic placement, and clitic doubling. The form and behavior of clitics with respect to tonal phenomena and in verse are discussed in two articles (Akinlabi &amp; Liberman, Reindl &amp; Franks). Other articles address the prosodic representation of clitics in Irish (Green), the differences in the acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan (Escobar &amp; Gavarro), the similarities between clitics and affixes or words in Romance and Bantu languages (Cocchi, Crysmann, Monachesi, Ortman &amp; Popescu), the semantics of clitics in the Greek DP and in Spanish doubling (Alexiadou &amp; Stavrou, Uriagereka), and complex problems concerning verbal clitics in Romanian and Balkan languages (Legendre, Spencer, Tomic). 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/la.36.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027227577.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027227577.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/la.36.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/la.36.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/la.36.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/la.36.hb.png 10 01 JB code la.36.01lis vii ix 3 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">List of contributors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.36.02ack xi 1 Miscellaneous 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Acknowledgements</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.36.03ger 1 29 29 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics from different perspectives</TitleText> 1 A01 Birgit Gerlach Gerlach, Birgit Birgit Gerlach Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf 2 A01 Janet Grijzenhout Grijzenhout, Janet Janet Grijzenhout Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf 10 01 JB code la.36.04aki 31 62 32 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">tonal phonology of Yoruba clitics</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Akinbiyi Akinlabi Akinlabi, Akinbiyi Akinbiyi Akinlabi Rutgers University 2 A01 Mark Liberman Liberman, Mark Mark Liberman University of Pennsylvania 01 This paper examines the tonal behavior of six types of enclitics in Standard Yoruba, and shows that in all six cases, a constraint applies preventing the last syllable of the host and the adjacent clitic syllable from having the same (High or Low) tone. There are no other host + clitic cases in Yoruba for which such a constraint would be relevant. Potential violations of the constraint are avoided by one of five different methods, depending on the case: failure to link a floating tone, deletion of a tone belonging to the clitic, deletion of a tone belonging to the host, insertion of a toneless vowel, or failure to delete an otherwise optional toneless vowel. This pattern is thus a morphophonemic &#x201C;conspiracy&#x201D; in the classical sense. However, Yoruba does not have a more general constraint against same-tone sequences in underlying or derived environments. 10 01 JB code la.36.05ale 63 84 22 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Adjective-clitic combinations in the Greek DP</TitleText> 1 A01 Artemis Alexiadou Alexiadou, Artemis Artemis Alexiadou University of Potsdam 2 A01 Melita Stavrou Stavrou, Melita Melita Stavrou AUTH Greece 01 Possessive clitics in the DP have not received as much attention as clitics in the verbal domain have. In fact, the few existing accounts of cliticization are either phonological (Nespor &#38; Vogel 1986) or primarily morphological (Kolliakou 1997) or morphosyntactic (Horrocks &#38; Stavrou 1988; Stavrou &#38; Horrocks 1989; Karanassios 1992). <br /> The facts we will discuss here have not been observed in none of the aforementioned studies, and it is our purpose to show that the distribution of nominal clitics in the Greek DP provide evidence for the existence of two possessor positions within the DP. If this hypothesis is correct then it is clear that morphological or even morphosyntactic accounts cannot capture the relevant generalizations. <br /> The paper is structured as follows. In Section 1 we present the distributional pattern of Greek DP-cliticization. In Section 2 we discuss the core data of the present study which show the semantic/interpretational differences between the two cliticization sites, namely on the noun and on the prenominal adjective. In Section 3 we set the ground for our analysis by outlining (a) the main directions in the research of clitics crosslinguistically and (b) our proposal about two possessor/clitic sites in the DP. In 4 we offer an implementation of this basic idea by providing structural analyses which refer to different clitic sites. Our analysis crucially relies on the presence of an elaborated structure DP-internally, as has been suggested in much recent work. In 5 we briefly comment on previous, basically morphological in orientation, analyses of cliticization within the DP by disputing their ability to capture the facts presented here in terms of (morphological) affixation of the clitic onto its host. In 6 we conclude our study by summarizing our main points. 10 01 JB code la.36.06coc 85 119 35 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Free clitics and bound affixes</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Towards a unitary analysis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Gloria Cocchi Cocchi, Gloria Gloria Cocchi Università di Firenze 01 This work argues in favour of a unitary theory for free clitics, such as those we find in Romance languages, and bound affixes, which are typical of Bantu languages. Using a Clitic shell framework, as in Manzini and Savoia&#8217;s recent works, I will claim that both Romance clitics and Bantu affixes are best analysed as arguments of the verb rather than agreement markers. Furthermore, I will develop a syntactic analysis of Bantu pre-root verbal affixes, which takes into due account the asymmetrical behaviour shown towards object affixation by languages like Tshiluba and Swahili (the former allowing two or more object affixes, and the latter only one). Last but not least, I will show how from an analysis of Bantu affixes in terms of clitic projection an important insight can emerge, to the effect that the asymmetry in object passivization exhibited by the two Bantu languages is simply a consequence of the asymmetry observed in object affixation. 10 01 JB code la.36.07cry 121 159 39 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics and coordination in linear structure</TitleText> 1 A01 Berthold Crysmann Crysmann, Berthold Berthold Crysmann Deutsches Forschungszentrum Künstliche Intelligenz (DFKI) & Computerlinguistik, Universität des Saarlands 01 In the context of lexicalist studies of Romance cliticisation, the development and rigorous application of diagnostic criteria (Zwicky and Pullum 1983; Miller 1992) for determining the lexical or syntactic status of linguistic items has always enjoyed a central role. As a result, there is a vast body of evidence in French and Italian (Miller 1992; Miller and Sag 1997; Monachesi 1996) that weak pronominals in these languages resemble ordinary bound affixes much more than true postlexical clitics. In particular, syntactic, semantic, morphological, and phonological criteria jointly militate against the view of Romance clitics as proper inhabitants of the syntactic world. As a side effect, the distinction between lexical affixes and postlexical clitics (Halpern 1995) is seen as a strict dichotomy, with little or no room for true morpho-syntactic hybrids. <br /> I will argue in this paper that transitional types do indeed occur, which are characterised by the fact that one group of criteria (e.g. morphological criteria) positively suggest syntactic opacity, while almost all syntactic criteria demand a degree of transparency. Based on data from clitic placement and coordination in European Portuguese (EP), I will suggest that the syntactic transparency is highly superficial in nature, and thus favours an account in terms of word order variation. This perspective, together with the fundamental distinction drawn within recent HPSG between constituent structure and linearisation will also prove capable of making appropriate predictions in the context of semantic idiosyncrasies. 10 01 JB code la.36.08esc 161 180 20 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">acquisition of clitics and strong pronouns in Catalan</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Linda Escobar Escobar, Linda Linda Escobar Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 Anna Gavarró Gavarró, Anna Anna Gavarró Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 Within the experimental tradition of the study of acquisition of pronouns, one major aim has been to test whether binding principles are innate. Most findings support the claim that whether binding is innate, pragmatic notions like &#8216;point of view&#8217; or &#8216;discourse-context&#8217;, which are related to free pronouns in English, are somehow troublesome for children (cf. Chien &#38; Wexler 1990; Grodzinsky &#38; Reinhart 1993). In addition, there is a growing body of research on the acquisition of the pronominal system of Romance suggesting that clitics somehow escape such a generalisation (Padilla 1990; McKee 1992; Baauw et al 1997 for Spanish and Italian). The goal of this paper is to examine the contrast between strong pronouns and clitics in the light of their acquisition in Catalan. The fact that Catalan exhibits both a syntactic anaphor (in the form of reflexive clitic <i>se</i>) and a focus anaphor (in the form of non-reflexive clitic <i>ell mateix</i> &#8216;himself&#8217;) makes their study also relevant to the question as to whether one may speak of a delay in the acquisition of discourse anaphors. 10 01 JB code la.36.09dub 181 218 38 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The prosodic representation of clitics in Irish</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">prosodic representation of clitics in Irish</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Antony Dubach Green Dubach Green, Antony Antony Dubach Green University of Potsdam 01 In this paper, the behavior of proclitic function words in Irish is analyzed. It is argued that proclitics normally remain outside the prosodic word (pword, symbolized &#x3C9;) of the host lexical word, but under certain circumstances part or all of the clitic may be incorporated into the host pword. Thus both [Clitic <sub>&#x3C9;</sub>(Host)] and [<sub>&#x3C9;</sub>(Clitic + Host)] structures are found within a single language. Moreover, the final consonant of a proclitic can be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host: A string VC # V... is syllabified V <sub>&#x3C9;</sub>(C V...), thus permitting a pword to consist of a morphologically arbitrary string. Finally, it is shown that the final consonant of a proclitic cannot be syllabified as the onset of a vowel-initial host when a syntactic trace intervenes between the proclitic and its host; this fact is attributed to a constraint forbidding pwords from mapping onto morphological strings containing a trace. 10 01 JB code la.36.10leg 219 254 36 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Positioning Romanian verbal clitics at PF</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">An Optimality-Theoretic analysis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Géraldine Legendre Legendre, Géraldine Géraldine Legendre Johns Hopkins University 01 This paper argues that Romanian auxiliary and pronominal clitics are phrasal affixes subject to a set of conflicting PF alignment constraints that are responsible for the clustering, rigid ordering, and overall positioning in a clause of both so-called verbal clitics (in Romanian) and second-position clitics (in South Slavic). Evidence that auxiliary and pronominal clitics are morphological entities comes from their syntactic inertness while evidence for their phrasal affix status comes from their moveability and the fact that they do not pattern like word-level affixes in Romanian. 10 01 JB code la.36.11mon 255 293 39 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitic placement in the Romanian verbal complex</TitleText> 1 A01 Paola Monachesi Monachesi, Paola Paola Monachesi Utrecht University 01 The clitic system of Romanian includes negation, auxiliaries, pronouns and intensifiers which cluster around the verb in a fixed order. I argue that these clitics do not constitute a uniform class: pronominal clitics and intensifiers have affixal status and they combine with the host as result of lexical processes. On the other hand, auxiliaries and negation have word status and combine with the verb by means of syntactic processes. Under this view, the order of the clitics in the verbal complex doesn&#8217;t need to be stipulated as in previous generative analyses, but it is the expected one given the different status of the clitics and the appropriate division of labor between the lexicon and syntax. 10 01 JB code la.36.12ort 295 324 30 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romanian definite articles are not clitics</TitleText> 1 A01 Albert Ortmann Ortmann, Albert Albert Ortmann Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf 2 A01 Alexandra Popescu Popescu, Alexandra Alexandra Popescu Heinrich-Heine-Universität Düsseldorf 01 The central claim of this paper is that the postposed definite article in Romanian is a genuine inflectional suffix. To justify this claim, we show that the status of the article that is commonly assumed in the literature is inadequate in two respects. First, the article is not a second position clitic. Second, the numerous syntactic analyses that involve movement of the adjective phrase in order to account for the combination of article and adjective make wrong empirical predictions. Instead, we provide a lexical analysis within the theory of Minimalist Morphology that accounts for both the morphological behaviour and the syntactic distribution of the article. We finally show that the analysis carries over to Albanian and Bulgarian, although the definite articles of these neighbouring languages are also usually reported as being second position clitics. 10 01 JB code la.36.13rei 325 354 30 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i></TitleText> 1 A01 Donald Reindl Reindl, Donald Donald Reindl Indiana University 2 A01 Steven L. Franks Franks, Steven L. Steven L. Franks Indiana University 01 This paper examines the ways in which the realization of clitics in the <i>Srpske narodne pjesme</i> (&#x201C;Serbian Folk Songs&#x201D;) can depend on metrical considerations, and places these dependencies within a model of grammar that can provide appropriate mechanisms to express them. It is demonstrated that both the form and position of words in poetry can be sensitive to metrical requirements, in that these sometimes deviate from what is normally expected in order to respect the exigencies of meter. It is further argued that the observed phenomena are best understood as the imposition of metrical constraints in a specialized optimality theoretic model, in which a set of highly ranked metrical constraints is superimposed on the normal system. <br /> We imagine a metrical module which employ either generative rules (cf. e.g. Kiparsky 1975) or OT constraints (cf. e.g. Hanson and Kiparsky 1996; Hayes and MacEachern 1998; and Freidberg 1999) to produce a metrical template. Two types of mismatches between this template and what the &#x201C;normal&#x201D; grammar provides are encountered, quantitative ones and qualitative ones. In the former, (1) and (2), the grammar provides fewer or greater syllables than the template has beats and in the latter, (3) and 94), there is conflict between the prosodic properties of those syllables and the strong or weak status of the corresponding beat. These mismatches are stated as OT constraints as follows: <br /> 1. No extra syllables (*Ex-Syl) <br />2. No extra beats (*Ex-Beat) <br />3. Accented syllables are strong (Ac St) <br />4. Clitics are weak (Cl Wk) <br /> In all instances, violations of these constraints are avoided by selecting as optimal an otherwise ungrammatical alternative, by deleting or adding syllables, pronouncing lower copies, and so on. <br /> Rice (1997) has similarly demonstrated that metrical constraints outrank syntactic constraints in poetry, which is a reversal of the normal situation observed by Golston (1995) for prose. We extend his conclusions to show how metrical considerations can have priority also over requirements stemming <i>from any component of grammar</i>. We than argue against the idea that poetry involves noncanonical ranking, since constraints such as (1)&#x2013;(4) are simply irrelevant in Serbian prose. Instead, we put forward a system in which the mapping of linguistic structure onto a metrical template is regulated by OT-like constraints. Following Franks (1999b, 2000), the proper place of OT is to police interfaces between components, picking from a small set of options supplied by one component the best choice to serve as input to the next component. Given a system with the following basic components: (i) lexical choices are made, (ii) abstract lexical items are manipulated by the syntax, (iii) the resulting structure is further adjusted by the morphology, (iv) morphosyntactic feature sets are replaced by phonological representations, upon which the phonology then operates. At each juncture, we argue that what the normal grammar provides is evaluated against metrical requirements, with the typical consequence that some property of normal grammar is flouted in order to satisfy some metrical constraint. By regarding EVAL as a cyclic process, this model highly restricts the role of OT and equates GEN with traditional generative components. Metrical constraints are an overlay on the normal interfaces, which the poet must continuously keep in mind and at each interface point in the creative process use to assess the fit between what s/he wants to say and the target metrical template. In this way, the exigencies of literary form and convention are superimposed on the grammar. 10 01 JB code la.36.14spe 355 386 32 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Verbal clitics in Bulgarian</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A Paradigm Function approach</Subtitle> 1 A01 Andrew Spencer Spencer, Andrew Andrew Spencer University of Essex 01 I provide an analysis of the Bulgarian clitic cluster within the framework of Greg Stump&#8217;s theory of Paradigm Function Morphology. I treat the basic clitic cluster as essentially a string of affixes generated by paradigm functions. In this way I formalize the notion of &#8216;phrasal affix&#8217;. The placement of the cluster is determined by the interaction of syntactic and prosodic constraints, whose interaction is mediated by Optimality Theory. The notorious question clitic, <i>li</i>, is treated as an enclitic to the leftmost stressed element in its domain. The clitic itself is generated as a member of the basic cluster but without any linear precedence. Its final placement is thus decided by OT constraints. I briefly consider the closely related Macedonian system, in which the clitic cluster is affixed by the paradigm function not to the root of the lexeme, but to a word form which has already undergone a layer of inflection. 10 01 JB code la.36.15mis 387 404 18 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Operator clitics</TitleText> 1 A01 Olga Mišeska Tomić Mišeska Tomić, Olga Olga Mišeska Tomić University of Novi Sad/University of Leiden 01 In Standard Macedonian, we have two types of &#x201C;special&#x201D; clitics: (a) clitics that represent categories whose behavior in non-clitic syntax differs from their behavior in clitic syntax and (b) clitics that do not have counterparts in non-clitic syntax. The former type includes the pronominal and auxiliary clitics, whose forms depend on the person and number of the referent, and can conveniently be called inflection clitics. The latter type of clitics are operators. <br /> The operator clitics affect the cliticization behavior of the inflection clitics which cluster with them. A clausal clitic cluster consisting of pronominal and/or auxiliary clitics procliticizes to the head of the clause if it is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, encliticizes to any category to its left if the clause is headed by a [þV, +N] category, and has the option of procliticizing to the verb or encliticizing to a category to the left of itself, in clauses with [+V, +N] heads. When the clitic cluster contains an operator clitic, however, all the clitics form a single phonological word. In clauses in which V is instantiated by a [+V, þN] category, this phonological word includes the verb; otherwise, that is not the case. 10 01 JB code la.36.16uri 405 431 27 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Doubling and possession</TitleText> 1 A01 Juan Uriagereka Uriagereka, Juan Juan Uriagereka UMD 01 This paper explores the conjecture that clitic doubling in languages like Spanish shares some fundamental aspects of the semantics of inalienable possession, especially if understood in terms of a syntax of the kind originally advocated by Szabolcsi (1983). A few paradigms are discussed where this correlation would explain otherwise peculiar properties, concerning subtle details in the referentiality of clitic arguments and the aspectual properties of the event where they are taken to participate. In the process, the semantic nature of clitic doubling is shifted from the domain of the obscure or pleonastic to that of integral relations. The paper closes with a syntactic puzzle that the hypothesized correlation poses. 10 01 JB code la.36.17nam 433 435 3 Miscellaneous 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Name index</TitleText> 10 01 JB code la.36.18sub 437 441 5 Miscellaneous 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20010201 2000 John Benjamins 02 US CA MX 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 710 gr 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 24 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 210.00 USD