Miklós Törkenczy | Eötvös Loránd University, Budapest & Research Institute for Linguistics, Hungarian Academy of Sciences
The free combination of independent phonological events is (implicitly) assumed by and built into the mechanisms of phonological models. Phonological variation occurring in independent dimensions applies orthogonally. In the possessive paradigms of Hungarian nouns this fails to apply. Suffixes may vary according to front/back harmony and being yod-initial, so we expect four variants for stems that vary in both dimensions. All four are attested if the suffix vowel is high: hotɛl-jyk%juk%yk%uk ‘their hotel’, but one allomorph is systematically missing if the suffix vowel is low: hotɛl-jɛ%jɑ%ɛ, *hotɛl-ɑ ‘his/her hotel’. We explain the gap by constraints requiring the uniformity of harmonic suffix behaviour, the quality of suffix-initial vowels, and the syllabic affiliation of stem-final consonants within the paradigm.
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Cited by (4)
Cited by four other publications
Harry van der Hulst & Nancy A. Ritter
2024. The Oxford Handbook of Vowel Harmony,
Rebrus, Péter, Péter Szigetvári & Miklós Törkenczy
2023. Morphological Restrictions on Vowel Harmony. In The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Morphology, ► pp. 1 ff.
Rebrus, Péter & Miklós Törkenczy
2021. Harmonic Uniformity and Hungarian front/back harmony. Acta Linguistica Academica 68:1-2 ► pp. 175 ff.
Ozburn, Avery
2019. A target-oriented approach to neutrality in vowel harmony: Evidence from Hungarian. Glossa: a journal of general linguistics 4:1
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