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46016848 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LIS 33 Eb 15 9789027266255 06 10.1075/lis.33 13 2016057619 DG 002 02 01 LIS 02 0165-7569 Lingvisticæ Investigationes Supplementa 33 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Atypical predicate-argument relations</TitleText> 01 lis.33 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/lis.33 1 B01 Thierry Ruchot Ruchot, Thierry Thierry Ruchot University of Caen, Normandy 2 B01 Pascale Van Praet Van Praet, Pascale Pascale Van Praet University of Caen, Normandy 01 eng 299 x 289 LAN009060 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.MORPH Morphology 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book deals with atypical predicate-argument relations. Although the relations between predicates, especially verbal, and their arguments have been long studied, most studies are concerned with typical telic verbs in the past tense, indicative mood, active voice, with all arguments expressed. Recently, linguists have become interested in other types of predicate-argument relations displaying atypical properties, be they morphological or syntactic, in one language or cross-linguistically. The articles in this book investigate some of these: argument marking with some special groups of verbs, arguments not foreseen in the verb valency and contributed by the construction, verbs in idiomatic constructions, valency-changing operations, arguments in thetic sentences or in participle constructions etc. The authors work within different theoretical frameworks and on various languages, from more current languages like English, Spanish, French or German, to Hebrew or lamaholot, an Austronesian language. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/lis.33.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027231437.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027231437.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/lis.33.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/lis.33.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/lis.33.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/lis.33.hb.png 10 01 JB code lis.33.001int vii x 4 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 1 A01 Thierry Ruchot Ruchot, Thierry Thierry Ruchot Université de Caen, Basse Normandie 10 01 JB code lis.33.s1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 1. Atypical realization of the main arguments of the verb</TitleText> 10 01 JB code lis.33.01van 3 26 24 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Verbs of pain and accusative subjects in Romanian</TitleText> 1 A01 Marleen Van Peteghem Peteghem, Marleen Van Marleen Van Peteghem Ghent University x Contragram 01 Verbs of pain in Romanian such as durea &#8216;ache&#8217;, ustura &#8216;burn&#8217;, and furnica &#8216;itch&#8217; assign the accusative to their experiencer arguments, unlike other Romance languages, where the experiencer is dative-marked. The use of the accusative raises interesting problems in that it gives rise to a mismatch between the hypothesis on the syntax of inalienability in Romance in Generative Grammar (Gu&#233;ron 1985) on the one hand and Burzio&#8217;s (1986) Generalization on the other hand. This article shows that the inversed nominative NP denoting the body part does not show subject properties, and that the accusative experiencer in sentence initial position does not show object properties, but instead displays subject properties, just like the dative in similar constructions. However, the difference between accusative and dative subjects in this construction is that the accusative is assigned to verb arguments and is a lexical case, whereas the dative is assigned to external possessors and is an inherent case. Surprisingly, the argument status of the accusative experiencer makes it even more subject-like than the dative experiencer, which is an adjunct and is dependent on the presence of an internal argument triggering verb agreement, whereas the accusative subject can also occur without an internal argument or with a locative PP. 10 01 JB code lis.33.02hal 27 60 34 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Non-canonical &#8216;existential-like&#8216; constructions in colloquial Modern Hebrew</TitleText> 1 A01 Rivka Halevy Halevy, Rivka Rivka Halevy Hebrew University of Jerusalem 01 The paper deals with the non-typical structure and coding properties of &#8216;existential-like&#8217; constructions in Colloquial Modern Hebrew (CMH), with reference to parallels in some major Indo-European languages. The construction explored consists of an invariable (neuter) predicate incorporating an empty referential subject (S) morpheme, plus an explicit postverbal NP representing the logic-&#173;semantic subject (S&#8242;) that is deficient in topicality and behaves like an O (though it is not a Patient argument). This construction exhibits inconsistency and instability in several aspects of its encoding. Taking the structure-based approach as its starting point, the paper&#8217;s main argument is that the construction under investigation is a special impersonal construction displaying a split between the grammatical S and semantic S&#8242;. Typologically, it proposes a unified account of the construction in both synthetic inflectional languages like Hebrew, which do not require an expletive/dummy-&#173;subject, and in analytic inflectional languages like Germanic languages and French that do require it. The paper disputes the assumption that the postverbal NP in this construction is an O or an S that became an O. The underlying assumption of the paper is that a construction is a form-&#173;meaning-function unit; accordingly, the construction at hand is examined not only from the structural and semantic viewpoint but also from the viewpoint of functional sentence perspective and the speaker&#8217;s perspectival choice with respect to the construal of the event. 10 01 JB code lis.33.03nis 61 85 25 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">IO realizations in Spanish reverse psych verb sentences</TitleText> 1 A01 Chiyo Nishida Nishida, Chiyo Chiyo Nishida University of Texas, Austin 01 This paper examines the little-known morphosyntactic variation involving Spanish psych verbs that take an experiencer IO and a stimulus subject. With these verbs, a dative clitic duplicating the IO is widely assumed to be obligatory in the canonical [IO-V-S] order (A la gente joven LE/*&#216; gustan los deportes &#8216;Young people like sports&#8217;). However, naturally occurring data from corpora show that clitic doubling is not obligatory in the non canonical [S-V-IO] order, yielding two variant constructions (Los deportes LE/&#216; gustan a la gente joven &#8216;Sports appeal to young people&#8217;). Using written corpus data from Peninsular Spanish, the paper investigates two issues: (a) what is the overall distribution of clitic doubling in [S-V-IO] psych verb sentences?; (b) are there any systematic distributional differences between the two variants? With respect to (a), we found that for none of the 10 psych verbs surveyed was clitic doubling obligatory. With respect to (b), we found the presence of a clitic tends to restrict the referential properties of the lexical IO in terms of animacy, pronominality, individuality, and number. The findings of this study indicate that dative clitics, which are commonly analyzed as IO-V agreement markers, actually make a substantive contribution to the semantics of psych verb sentences. 10 01 JB code lis.33.04dom 87 112 26 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Non-human agents as subjects in English and Dutch</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A corpus-based translation study</Subtitle> 1 A01 Steven Doms Doms, Steven Steven Doms Ghent University 2 A01 Bernard De Clerck De Clerck, Bernard Bernard De Clerck Ghent University 3 A01 Sonia Vandepitte Vandepitte, Sonia Sonia Vandepitte Ghent University 01 In English sentences with a verb denoting an action like give, the subject usually plays the semantic role of agent. While in English non-human agents such as this manual in This manual gives instructions on the correct assembly occur quite frequently, Dutch seems to apply more restrictions, as illustrated in Dit handboek bevat voorschriften over de juiste montage in which the Dutch subject dit handboek is not an agent but rather a possessor (see e.g. Delsoir 2011; Vandepitte &#38; Hartsuiker 2011). This article investigates how a set of 154 English sentences from the Dutch Parallel Corpus with non-human agents as subjects of give are translated into Dutch. The lower number of Dutch non-human agents are discussed with regard to translation tactics and explained in terms of differences in verb meanings between English give and its Dutch cognate geven and the lexico-&#173;semantics of the non-human agents . The lexical choices translators made lead to valency loss in Dutch. 10 01 JB code lis.33.s2 Section header 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 2. Valency-changing devices and non-finite verb forms</TitleText> 10 01 JB code lis.33.05gar 115 130 16 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The argument-structure configuration of English middle and related structures</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">argument-structure configuration of English middle and related structures</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Casilda Garcia de la Maza Garcia de la Maza, Casilda Casilda Garcia de la Maza University of the Basque Country UPV/EHU 01 This paper assesses the place of middle structures in relation to transitivity and intransitivity in English. Unlike some accounts that have questioned the grammatical status of middles as a self-standing category, this research justifies the recognition of middles as a structural category that constitutes an independent class of intransitive sentences. It does so through an analysis of the underlying thematic structure of middles themselves, as compared to structures which deviate from the middle prototype and other non-canonical structures. A discussion of these issues highlights the great fluidity shown by English verbs entering diathesis alternations, as well as the intransitivisation process exhibited by the English verbal paradigm. The paper concludes with some theoretical considerations regarding the notion of argument structure. 10 01 JB code lis.33.06soa 131 160 30 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Non-categorical categories</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Aspect, Voice, Pred and the category of Participles</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elena Soare Soare, Elena Elena Soare Université de Paris 8 & CNRS UMR 7023 Structures Formelles du Langage 01 This paper aims at circumscribing the range of structures that underlie participial constructions, with a particular emphasis on Romanian data. Participial constructions exhibit high flexibility, e.g., the participial stem labeled &#8220;supine&#8221; in Romanian grammars, which can be used in both nominal and verbal environments: (i) a. c&#259;r&#355;i de citit b. cititul c&#259;r&#355;ilor c. am citit books of read.Sup read.Sup.the books.Gen have read books intended for reading the reading of books I have read The challenge these data raise to linguistic theory is to find the key property that would allow distinguishing a natural class of participles inside the larger class of non-&#173;finite verbal forms. It is assumed, in line with much recent work, that this common property should be their truncated character: participles are deprived of some verbal layers; they are lower verbal domains. Taking this as a working definition, the term &#8216;participle&#8217; is given a wider use; for instance, it is argued that a part of Romance infinitivals are participial constructions; apparently the same morphology can be used to cover different structures from language to language &#8211; defining morphology as the locus of variation. The main idea is that participles are truncated clauses of different heights, and not categories of a special kind. In the view that I propose, having a theory of lexical categories is not an interesting goal in itself (contra Baker 2003&#8211;2005). Rather, I show how the structural make-up of the different kinds of participles accounts for their overall behavior, making them behave like nouns, verbs, or adjectives. I make a distinction between non-finite clauses which (i) include a subject layer and (ii) involve defective Tense, like infinitives and English Acc-Gerunds, and participial constructions that (i) do not include a subject layer (ii) do not involve Tense, even defective, but at most personal and agreement marking. I focus on reduced participial domains and refer to non-finite tensed domains and participial nominalizations for comparative matters. I base my study mainly on Romance data (with key data from Romanian), and punctually refer to English for comparison. 10 01 JB code lis.33.s3 Section header 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 3. Variations in transitivity</TitleText> 10 01 JB code lis.33.07lar 163 179 17 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The semantic motivation of non-canonical predicative relations</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">semantic motivation of non-canonical predicative relations</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">The French transitive construction</Subtitle> 1 A01 Meri Larjavaara Larjavaara, Meri Meri Larjavaara Åbo Akademi University 01 The paper discusses the semantic motivation behind the non-standard transitive usage of verbs in contemporary French. An example would be the following: On m&#8217;a d&#233;missionn&#233; hier (&#8216;they fired me yesterday&#8217;). In the normative language variety, d&#233;missionner is used only in the intransitive construction as in J&#8217;ai d&#233;missionn&#233; (&#8216;I gave in my notice&#8217;). The non-canonicity of the predicative relations discussed is of a lexical nature: the verbs in question do not normally appear in the transitive construction. Nevertheless the transitive construction itself belongs to the constructions in frequent use in French, and the novel usage of the verbs can be easily understood. Speakers use the verbs transitively despite the lack of canonicity of this usage, and the paper proposes a semantic explanation for this: the syntactic choice is semantically motivated. The transitive construction carries in itself &#8211; despite its frequency &#8211; a semantics that the speaker wants to make use of. The study takes advantage of the Construction Grammar approach. The paper starts by presenting definitions of semantic transitivity in a functional, typological perspective (G.&#160;Lazard 1994; S.&#160;Kittil&#228; 2002; &#197;.&#160;N&#230;ss 2007). Then it goes through different cases where a pair of a transitive construction and a non-transitive (oblique) construction can be attested (penser (&#224;), toucher (&#224;), effected objects and others). Many of the examples are from the web where non-normative usage flourishes. The two constructions are compared and it is claimed that more transitive semantic features can be found in the transitive constructions. Other factors possibly relevant here are also briefly discussed: iconic motivation, semantic generalization in a particular technolect. The paper shows that the French transitive construction indeed has a semantics and that these novel usages can thus be semantically motivated. 10 01 JB code lis.33.08gir 181 201 21 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Atypical argument structures in French</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">From metaphorical uses to atypical ones</Subtitle> 1 A01 Geneviève Girard-Gillet Girard-Gillet, Geneviève Geneviève Girard-Gillet Université Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris 3 / EA 4398 PRISMES 01 The article analyses some atypical constructions of French intransitive verbs, such as ils ont suicid&#233; le ministre (they suicided the minister), la cr&#232;me a explos&#233; les poux (the cream exploded the lice), and tries to account for their existence, as the construction is not always possible, and differs semantically from ils l&#8217;ont fait se suicider (they made him commit suicide), il a fait exploser la bombe (he triggered the bomb), where the FAIRE faire construction is compulsory. The hypothesis is that the atypical constructions can be explained within the domain of causative constructions, and more particularly with regard to the distinction between internal and external causation (Gu&#233;ron, Talmy, Levin, McKoon and Macfarland). The atypical constructions are only possible when no internal causation is available, namely when the causee does not possess the internal characteristics enabling the change of state to occur: the minister was not the suicidal type and the interpretation is then that he was murdered. A change of state did occur, but not the one denoted by the lexical verb. The motivation for the structure is the wish to highlight an unexpected event. 10 01 JB code lis.33.09gra 203 239 37 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Split intransitivity in Lamaholot (East Flores, Indonesia)</TitleText> 1 A01 Philippe Grangé Grangé, Philippe Philippe Grangé Université de la Rochelle 01 Split intransitivity has been identified in many languages, including some Eastern Indonesia languages, but the East Adonara Lamaholot (Eastern Indonesia) may be considered as uncommon by the fact it displays all kinds of Split Intransitivity features that have been separately described for a series of languages. This language displays a complex split intransitivity, involving a Split-S (lexically fixed alignment) and a Fluid-S (fluid alignment) triggered by a series of contexts, which can accounted for by Proto-Roles properties as defined by Dowty (1991). The subject (S) is either seen as &#8220;agent-like&#8221; (SA), unmarked, or as &#8220;patient-&#173;like&#8221; (SP), thus marked by verbal agreement. The Split-S involves verbs expressing feeling, sentience, biological functions or motion verbs, which must agree with their subject. The properties &#8216;&#177; Control&#8217; and &#8216;&#177; Affected&#8217; seem more crucial than &#8216;&#177; Volition&#8217; for Fluid-S. Aspect features can overlap this Split-S; for instance, motion verbs (excluding displacement) become telic when complemented by a locative prepositional phrase (PP). Perfect aspect is marked by the same verbal agreement as SP, on stative verbs, nouns used as a predicate, or displacement verbs. It appears that in Lamaholot dialects westward from Adonara (Eastern tip of Flores) and eastward (on Lembata Island), the split intransitivity systems are highly eroded, and their remains became lexicalized. 10 01 JB code lis.33.s4 Section header 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 4. Norm variation in predicate-arguments relations</TitleText> 10 01 JB code lis.33.10van 243 264 22 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Geographic variation in a non-canonical infinitive structure with the modal verb <italic>brauchen</italic></TitleText> 1 A01 Pascale Van Praet Van Praet, Pascale Pascale Van Praet Université de Normandie UNICAEN, CRISCO, EA 4255 2 A01 Gilbert Magnus Magnus, Gilbert Gilbert Magnus Lille 3, CeLiSo Paris-Sorbonne, EA 4084 01 The objective of the present paper is to demonstrate that it is possible to measure and situate an atypical construction. The focus will be on a &#8220;satellite&#8221; modal verb in modern German: the verb brauchen followed by an infinitive construction, and therefore marked or not marked as an infinitive complementation. Referring to descriptive grammars, the first part will summarize the typical construction of modal verbs in German and of the verb brauchen + infinitive and diverging opinions on the structure (nicht) brauchen + infinitive verb without any marker. The second part presents a corpus-based analysis of European newspapers in German-speaking regions over the last ten years areas. Observations and quantifications will show that there are important differences between Northern and Southern Germany, Southern Germany and Austria, Austria and Switzerland. The third part is a contextual study of non-marked infinitive constructions following brauchen which leads to syntactic, semantic and pragmatic analyses of the occurrences. In the pragmatic study we will consider the context of the occurrences so that written and oral conception will be discussed. The pragmatic study will show some recurrent speech acts. The last part reflects upon the semantics of brauchen inside the modality as one of the means to express necessity, similarities and differences with m&#252;ssen, and at least the geographic factors that could explain the phenomenon of variation. 10 01 JB code lis.33.11sch 265 282 18 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Verbal constructions in spoken language deviating from the norm</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Reflections on the concept of <italic>atypicality</italic></Subtitle> 1 A01 Günter Schmale Schmale, Günter Günter Schmale Université Jean Moulin - Lyon 3 01 Starting out from the consideration that conclusions as to what is atypical regarding a linguistic feature have to be drawn on the basis of language norms, the paper discusses three types of norms: those defined in authoritative grammars or dictionaries, those apparent through judgements by native speakers, and those determined by corpus-based analyses of language use in large corpora. As grammars and dictionaries are generally based on &#8211; formal &#8211; written language productions (&#8220;folk belief&#8221; being strongly dependant on school grammar), the norms defined do not cover the phenomena of verbal constructions occurring in oral language production, especially in dialogical contexts. The study of naturally occurring conversations consequently reveals a great number of syntactic, semantic and conversational features a priori deviating from the &#8220;official&#8221; norm. The paper demonstrates that rather than being atypical these forms are specific for oral language production. What is more, atypicality cannot be defined on the basis of one specific type of speech exchange system, each different genre having its own typical properties. Atypicality is consequently what does not coincide with the forms of oral or written conceptuality applied by the majority of a community of language users in a given situation. 10 01 JB code lis.33.12ind 283 285 3 Miscellaneous 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index of authors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code lis.33.13ind 287 289 3 Miscellaneous 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index of subjects</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20161208 2016 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027231437 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 105.00 EUR R 01 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 158.00 USD S 113016847 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code LIS 33 Hb 15 9789027231437 13 2016034637 BB 01 LIS 02 0165-7569 Lingvisticæ Investigationes Supplementa 33 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Atypical predicate-argument relations</TitleText> 01 lis.33 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/lis.33 1 B01 Thierry Ruchot Ruchot, Thierry Thierry Ruchot University of Caen, Normandy 2 B01 Pascale Van Praet Van Praet, Pascale Pascale Van Praet University of Caen, Normandy 01 eng 299 x 289 LAN009060 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.MORPH Morphology 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 This book deals with atypical predicate-argument relations. Although the relations between predicates, especially verbal, and their arguments have been long studied, most studies are concerned with typical telic verbs in the past tense, indicative mood, active voice, with all arguments expressed. Recently, linguists have become interested in other types of predicate-argument relations displaying atypical properties, be they morphological or syntactic, in one language or cross-linguistically. The articles in this book investigate some of these: argument marking with some special groups of verbs, arguments not foreseen in the verb valency and contributed by the construction, verbs in idiomatic constructions, valency-changing operations, arguments in thetic sentences or in participle constructions etc. The authors work within different theoretical frameworks and on various languages, from more current languages like English, Spanish, French or German, to Hebrew or lamaholot, an Austronesian language. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/lis.33.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027231437.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027231437.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/lis.33.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/lis.33.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/lis.33.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/lis.33.hb.png 10 01 JB code lis.33.001int vii x 4 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 1 A01 Thierry Ruchot Ruchot, Thierry Thierry Ruchot Université de Caen, Basse Normandie 10 01 JB code lis.33.s1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 1. Atypical realization of the main arguments of the verb</TitleText> 10 01 JB code lis.33.01van 3 26 24 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Verbs of pain and accusative subjects in Romanian</TitleText> 1 A01 Marleen Van Peteghem Peteghem, Marleen Van Marleen Van Peteghem Ghent University x Contragram 01 Verbs of pain in Romanian such as durea &#8216;ache&#8217;, ustura &#8216;burn&#8217;, and furnica &#8216;itch&#8217; assign the accusative to their experiencer arguments, unlike other Romance languages, where the experiencer is dative-marked. The use of the accusative raises interesting problems in that it gives rise to a mismatch between the hypothesis on the syntax of inalienability in Romance in Generative Grammar (Gu&#233;ron 1985) on the one hand and Burzio&#8217;s (1986) Generalization on the other hand. This article shows that the inversed nominative NP denoting the body part does not show subject properties, and that the accusative experiencer in sentence initial position does not show object properties, but instead displays subject properties, just like the dative in similar constructions. However, the difference between accusative and dative subjects in this construction is that the accusative is assigned to verb arguments and is a lexical case, whereas the dative is assigned to external possessors and is an inherent case. Surprisingly, the argument status of the accusative experiencer makes it even more subject-like than the dative experiencer, which is an adjunct and is dependent on the presence of an internal argument triggering verb agreement, whereas the accusative subject can also occur without an internal argument or with a locative PP. 10 01 JB code lis.33.02hal 27 60 34 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Non-canonical &#8216;existential-like&#8216; constructions in colloquial Modern Hebrew</TitleText> 1 A01 Rivka Halevy Halevy, Rivka Rivka Halevy Hebrew University of Jerusalem 01 The paper deals with the non-typical structure and coding properties of &#8216;existential-like&#8217; constructions in Colloquial Modern Hebrew (CMH), with reference to parallels in some major Indo-European languages. The construction explored consists of an invariable (neuter) predicate incorporating an empty referential subject (S) morpheme, plus an explicit postverbal NP representing the logic-&#173;semantic subject (S&#8242;) that is deficient in topicality and behaves like an O (though it is not a Patient argument). This construction exhibits inconsistency and instability in several aspects of its encoding. Taking the structure-based approach as its starting point, the paper&#8217;s main argument is that the construction under investigation is a special impersonal construction displaying a split between the grammatical S and semantic S&#8242;. Typologically, it proposes a unified account of the construction in both synthetic inflectional languages like Hebrew, which do not require an expletive/dummy-&#173;subject, and in analytic inflectional languages like Germanic languages and French that do require it. The paper disputes the assumption that the postverbal NP in this construction is an O or an S that became an O. The underlying assumption of the paper is that a construction is a form-&#173;meaning-function unit; accordingly, the construction at hand is examined not only from the structural and semantic viewpoint but also from the viewpoint of functional sentence perspective and the speaker&#8217;s perspectival choice with respect to the construal of the event. 10 01 JB code lis.33.03nis 61 85 25 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">IO realizations in Spanish reverse psych verb sentences</TitleText> 1 A01 Chiyo Nishida Nishida, Chiyo Chiyo Nishida University of Texas, Austin 01 This paper examines the little-known morphosyntactic variation involving Spanish psych verbs that take an experiencer IO and a stimulus subject. With these verbs, a dative clitic duplicating the IO is widely assumed to be obligatory in the canonical [IO-V-S] order (A la gente joven LE/*&#216; gustan los deportes &#8216;Young people like sports&#8217;). However, naturally occurring data from corpora show that clitic doubling is not obligatory in the non canonical [S-V-IO] order, yielding two variant constructions (Los deportes LE/&#216; gustan a la gente joven &#8216;Sports appeal to young people&#8217;). Using written corpus data from Peninsular Spanish, the paper investigates two issues: (a) what is the overall distribution of clitic doubling in [S-V-IO] psych verb sentences?; (b) are there any systematic distributional differences between the two variants? With respect to (a), we found that for none of the 10 psych verbs surveyed was clitic doubling obligatory. With respect to (b), we found the presence of a clitic tends to restrict the referential properties of the lexical IO in terms of animacy, pronominality, individuality, and number. The findings of this study indicate that dative clitics, which are commonly analyzed as IO-V agreement markers, actually make a substantive contribution to the semantics of psych verb sentences. 10 01 JB code lis.33.04dom 87 112 26 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Non-human agents as subjects in English and Dutch</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A corpus-based translation study</Subtitle> 1 A01 Steven Doms Doms, Steven Steven Doms Ghent University 2 A01 Bernard De Clerck De Clerck, Bernard Bernard De Clerck Ghent University 3 A01 Sonia Vandepitte Vandepitte, Sonia Sonia Vandepitte Ghent University 01 In English sentences with a verb denoting an action like give, the subject usually plays the semantic role of agent. While in English non-human agents such as this manual in This manual gives instructions on the correct assembly occur quite frequently, Dutch seems to apply more restrictions, as illustrated in Dit handboek bevat voorschriften over de juiste montage in which the Dutch subject dit handboek is not an agent but rather a possessor (see e.g. Delsoir 2011; Vandepitte &#38; Hartsuiker 2011). This article investigates how a set of 154 English sentences from the Dutch Parallel Corpus with non-human agents as subjects of give are translated into Dutch. The lower number of Dutch non-human agents are discussed with regard to translation tactics and explained in terms of differences in verb meanings between English give and its Dutch cognate geven and the lexico-&#173;semantics of the non-human agents . The lexical choices translators made lead to valency loss in Dutch. 10 01 JB code lis.33.s2 Section header 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 2. Valency-changing devices and non-finite verb forms</TitleText> 10 01 JB code lis.33.05gar 115 130 16 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The argument-structure configuration of English middle and related structures</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">argument-structure configuration of English middle and related structures</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Casilda Garcia de la Maza Garcia de la Maza, Casilda Casilda Garcia de la Maza University of the Basque Country UPV/EHU 01 This paper assesses the place of middle structures in relation to transitivity and intransitivity in English. Unlike some accounts that have questioned the grammatical status of middles as a self-standing category, this research justifies the recognition of middles as a structural category that constitutes an independent class of intransitive sentences. It does so through an analysis of the underlying thematic structure of middles themselves, as compared to structures which deviate from the middle prototype and other non-canonical structures. A discussion of these issues highlights the great fluidity shown by English verbs entering diathesis alternations, as well as the intransitivisation process exhibited by the English verbal paradigm. The paper concludes with some theoretical considerations regarding the notion of argument structure. 10 01 JB code lis.33.06soa 131 160 30 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Non-categorical categories</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Aspect, Voice, Pred and the category of Participles</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elena Soare Soare, Elena Elena Soare Université de Paris 8 & CNRS UMR 7023 Structures Formelles du Langage 01 This paper aims at circumscribing the range of structures that underlie participial constructions, with a particular emphasis on Romanian data. Participial constructions exhibit high flexibility, e.g., the participial stem labeled &#8220;supine&#8221; in Romanian grammars, which can be used in both nominal and verbal environments: (i) a. c&#259;r&#355;i de citit b. cititul c&#259;r&#355;ilor c. am citit books of read.Sup read.Sup.the books.Gen have read books intended for reading the reading of books I have read The challenge these data raise to linguistic theory is to find the key property that would allow distinguishing a natural class of participles inside the larger class of non-&#173;finite verbal forms. It is assumed, in line with much recent work, that this common property should be their truncated character: participles are deprived of some verbal layers; they are lower verbal domains. Taking this as a working definition, the term &#8216;participle&#8217; is given a wider use; for instance, it is argued that a part of Romance infinitivals are participial constructions; apparently the same morphology can be used to cover different structures from language to language &#8211; defining morphology as the locus of variation. The main idea is that participles are truncated clauses of different heights, and not categories of a special kind. In the view that I propose, having a theory of lexical categories is not an interesting goal in itself (contra Baker 2003&#8211;2005). Rather, I show how the structural make-up of the different kinds of participles accounts for their overall behavior, making them behave like nouns, verbs, or adjectives. I make a distinction between non-finite clauses which (i) include a subject layer and (ii) involve defective Tense, like infinitives and English Acc-Gerunds, and participial constructions that (i) do not include a subject layer (ii) do not involve Tense, even defective, but at most personal and agreement marking. I focus on reduced participial domains and refer to non-finite tensed domains and participial nominalizations for comparative matters. I base my study mainly on Romance data (with key data from Romanian), and punctually refer to English for comparison. 10 01 JB code lis.33.s3 Section header 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 3. Variations in transitivity</TitleText> 10 01 JB code lis.33.07lar 163 179 17 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The semantic motivation of non-canonical predicative relations</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">semantic motivation of non-canonical predicative relations</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">The French transitive construction</Subtitle> 1 A01 Meri Larjavaara Larjavaara, Meri Meri Larjavaara Åbo Akademi University 01 The paper discusses the semantic motivation behind the non-standard transitive usage of verbs in contemporary French. An example would be the following: On m&#8217;a d&#233;missionn&#233; hier (&#8216;they fired me yesterday&#8217;). In the normative language variety, d&#233;missionner is used only in the intransitive construction as in J&#8217;ai d&#233;missionn&#233; (&#8216;I gave in my notice&#8217;). The non-canonicity of the predicative relations discussed is of a lexical nature: the verbs in question do not normally appear in the transitive construction. Nevertheless the transitive construction itself belongs to the constructions in frequent use in French, and the novel usage of the verbs can be easily understood. Speakers use the verbs transitively despite the lack of canonicity of this usage, and the paper proposes a semantic explanation for this: the syntactic choice is semantically motivated. The transitive construction carries in itself &#8211; despite its frequency &#8211; a semantics that the speaker wants to make use of. The study takes advantage of the Construction Grammar approach. The paper starts by presenting definitions of semantic transitivity in a functional, typological perspective (G.&#160;Lazard 1994; S.&#160;Kittil&#228; 2002; &#197;.&#160;N&#230;ss 2007). Then it goes through different cases where a pair of a transitive construction and a non-transitive (oblique) construction can be attested (penser (&#224;), toucher (&#224;), effected objects and others). Many of the examples are from the web where non-normative usage flourishes. The two constructions are compared and it is claimed that more transitive semantic features can be found in the transitive constructions. Other factors possibly relevant here are also briefly discussed: iconic motivation, semantic generalization in a particular technolect. The paper shows that the French transitive construction indeed has a semantics and that these novel usages can thus be semantically motivated. 10 01 JB code lis.33.08gir 181 201 21 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Atypical argument structures in French</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">From metaphorical uses to atypical ones</Subtitle> 1 A01 Geneviève Girard-Gillet Girard-Gillet, Geneviève Geneviève Girard-Gillet Université Sorbonne Nouvelle Paris 3 / EA 4398 PRISMES 01 The article analyses some atypical constructions of French intransitive verbs, such as ils ont suicid&#233; le ministre (they suicided the minister), la cr&#232;me a explos&#233; les poux (the cream exploded the lice), and tries to account for their existence, as the construction is not always possible, and differs semantically from ils l&#8217;ont fait se suicider (they made him commit suicide), il a fait exploser la bombe (he triggered the bomb), where the FAIRE faire construction is compulsory. The hypothesis is that the atypical constructions can be explained within the domain of causative constructions, and more particularly with regard to the distinction between internal and external causation (Gu&#233;ron, Talmy, Levin, McKoon and Macfarland). The atypical constructions are only possible when no internal causation is available, namely when the causee does not possess the internal characteristics enabling the change of state to occur: the minister was not the suicidal type and the interpretation is then that he was murdered. A change of state did occur, but not the one denoted by the lexical verb. The motivation for the structure is the wish to highlight an unexpected event. 10 01 JB code lis.33.09gra 203 239 37 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Split intransitivity in Lamaholot (East Flores, Indonesia)</TitleText> 1 A01 Philippe Grangé Grangé, Philippe Philippe Grangé Université de la Rochelle 01 Split intransitivity has been identified in many languages, including some Eastern Indonesia languages, but the East Adonara Lamaholot (Eastern Indonesia) may be considered as uncommon by the fact it displays all kinds of Split Intransitivity features that have been separately described for a series of languages. This language displays a complex split intransitivity, involving a Split-S (lexically fixed alignment) and a Fluid-S (fluid alignment) triggered by a series of contexts, which can accounted for by Proto-Roles properties as defined by Dowty (1991). The subject (S) is either seen as &#8220;agent-like&#8221; (SA), unmarked, or as &#8220;patient-&#173;like&#8221; (SP), thus marked by verbal agreement. The Split-S involves verbs expressing feeling, sentience, biological functions or motion verbs, which must agree with their subject. The properties &#8216;&#177; Control&#8217; and &#8216;&#177; Affected&#8217; seem more crucial than &#8216;&#177; Volition&#8217; for Fluid-S. Aspect features can overlap this Split-S; for instance, motion verbs (excluding displacement) become telic when complemented by a locative prepositional phrase (PP). Perfect aspect is marked by the same verbal agreement as SP, on stative verbs, nouns used as a predicate, or displacement verbs. It appears that in Lamaholot dialects westward from Adonara (Eastern tip of Flores) and eastward (on Lembata Island), the split intransitivity systems are highly eroded, and their remains became lexicalized. 10 01 JB code lis.33.s4 Section header 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 4. Norm variation in predicate-arguments relations</TitleText> 10 01 JB code lis.33.10van 243 264 22 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Geographic variation in a non-canonical infinitive structure with the modal verb <italic>brauchen</italic></TitleText> 1 A01 Pascale Van Praet Van Praet, Pascale Pascale Van Praet Université de Normandie UNICAEN, CRISCO, EA 4255 2 A01 Gilbert Magnus Magnus, Gilbert Gilbert Magnus Lille 3, CeLiSo Paris-Sorbonne, EA 4084 01 The objective of the present paper is to demonstrate that it is possible to measure and situate an atypical construction. The focus will be on a &#8220;satellite&#8221; modal verb in modern German: the verb brauchen followed by an infinitive construction, and therefore marked or not marked as an infinitive complementation. Referring to descriptive grammars, the first part will summarize the typical construction of modal verbs in German and of the verb brauchen + infinitive and diverging opinions on the structure (nicht) brauchen + infinitive verb without any marker. The second part presents a corpus-based analysis of European newspapers in German-speaking regions over the last ten years areas. Observations and quantifications will show that there are important differences between Northern and Southern Germany, Southern Germany and Austria, Austria and Switzerland. The third part is a contextual study of non-marked infinitive constructions following brauchen which leads to syntactic, semantic and pragmatic analyses of the occurrences. In the pragmatic study we will consider the context of the occurrences so that written and oral conception will be discussed. The pragmatic study will show some recurrent speech acts. The last part reflects upon the semantics of brauchen inside the modality as one of the means to express necessity, similarities and differences with m&#252;ssen, and at least the geographic factors that could explain the phenomenon of variation. 10 01 JB code lis.33.11sch 265 282 18 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Verbal constructions in spoken language deviating from the norm</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Reflections on the concept of <italic>atypicality</italic></Subtitle> 1 A01 Günter Schmale Schmale, Günter Günter Schmale Université Jean Moulin - Lyon 3 01 Starting out from the consideration that conclusions as to what is atypical regarding a linguistic feature have to be drawn on the basis of language norms, the paper discusses three types of norms: those defined in authoritative grammars or dictionaries, those apparent through judgements by native speakers, and those determined by corpus-based analyses of language use in large corpora. As grammars and dictionaries are generally based on &#8211; formal &#8211; written language productions (&#8220;folk belief&#8221; being strongly dependant on school grammar), the norms defined do not cover the phenomena of verbal constructions occurring in oral language production, especially in dialogical contexts. The study of naturally occurring conversations consequently reveals a great number of syntactic, semantic and conversational features a priori deviating from the &#8220;official&#8221; norm. The paper demonstrates that rather than being atypical these forms are specific for oral language production. What is more, atypicality cannot be defined on the basis of one specific type of speech exchange system, each different genre having its own typical properties. Atypicality is consequently what does not coincide with the forms of oral or written conceptuality applied by the majority of a community of language users in a given situation. 10 01 JB code lis.33.12ind 283 285 3 Miscellaneous 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index of authors</TitleText> 10 01 JB code lis.33.13ind 287 289 3 Miscellaneous 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index of subjects</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20161208 2016 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 08 670 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 11 22 01 02 JB 1 00 105.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 111.30 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 22 02 02 JB 1 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 1 22 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 158.00 USD