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Article published In:
Linguistic Variation
Vol. 22:1 (2022) ► pp.123–207

Revisiting extraction and subextraction patterns from arguments

ORCID logo | University of Southern California

Extraction and subextraction tend to receive separate attention in syntax, which leads to the assumption that they should be analyzed independently, even though they both illustrate an asymmetry between subjects and objects. By looking at various phenomena in English, German, Spanish and Norwegian I propose that this parallel behavior is not accidental, but that there is a previously unnoticed generalization: subextraction is allowed iff extraction is possible and the target of subextraction is not an indirect object. I propose that a revised version of Spec-to-Spec antilocality (Erlewine 2016) is necessary: movement of and out of an XP must cross a Projection Line (PL) (Brody 1998), i.e. the set of all projections of a head. This version of antilocality can derive Freezing effects, Huang’s (1982) CED, and their exceptions; and Comp-trace effects and their neutralization, extending them to subextraction. However, antilocality on its own cannot derive the extraction-subextraction asymmetry in indirect objects. I propose that the Principle of Minimal Compliance (PMC) (Richards 1998) can suspend antilocality if agree between a probe and a goal has happened. The version adopted here will allow extraction of the whole XP, but disallow extraction of its specifier due to the lack of an agree relation. Antilocality and the PMC combined also make the right predictions in other domains such as the lack of do-support in matrix subject questions and A-movement of the subject in declarative clauses, providing evidence that antilocality is a constraint that should apply to (at least) both A and A′-movement.

Keywords: extraction, subextraction, freezing, CED, antilocality, Principle of Minimal Compliance
Article outline
  • 1.Introduction
  • 2.Extraction and subextraction data
    • 2.1In-situ direct objects and in-situ subjects
    • 2.2Movement out of moved elements: ECM in English, object shift and scrambling
    • 2.3The TP domain: That-trace effects, lack of do-support and their neutralization
    • 2.4Indirect objects
  • 3.Taking stock: Extraction-subextraction generalization
  • 4.Antilocality + the PMC
    • 4.1Antilocality
      • 4.1.1In-situ subjects and objects
      • 4.1.2Movement of and out of moved XPs: Object shift and scrambling
      • 4.1.3XPs in TP: That-trace effects, their neutralization and do-support
    • 4.2The Principle of Minimal Compliance
      • 4.2.1The PMC and Spec,vP to Spec,TP movement
      • 4.2.2A desirable consequence of this system
      • 4.2.3What about non-that-trace grammars?
    • 4.3Indirect objects: Why the asymmetry?
      • 4.3.1Against the low applicative hypothesis
      • 4.3.2Indirect objects: The hows and whys of extraction but not subextraction
  • 5.The generalizations explained
  • 6.Some previous alternatives
    • 6.1 Wexler and Culicover’s (1980) Freezing and subsequent formulations
    • 6.2 Huang’s (1982) CED and its descendants
    • 6.3Erlewine’s (2016, 2020) antilocality
    • 6.4Bošković’s (2016, 2018) labelling approaches
  • 7.Conclusion
  • Acknowledgements
  • Notes
  • References
Published online: 19 April 2021
DOI logo
https://doi.org/10.1075/lv.20002.toq
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