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		<Text textformat="02">The goal of this volume is to explore and make sense of the overall scope, implications and consequences of shifting discourses of war, peace and neutrality across time and space, in relation to conflict-ridden geopolitical environments characterized by power struggles, political polarizations, divergent goal settings and ideological confrontations (from the Russo-Japanese war, 1904–1905, to Russia’s war against Ukraine, 2022-present). Through a broad range of cutting-edge case studies (Finland, Germany, India, Japan, Poland, Romania, Russia/Soviet Union/Russian Federation, Slovakia, Sweden, The Netherlands, Ukraine, USA), the authors go beyond mainstream studies on war and peace by challenging existing paradigms and undergoing in-depth scrutiny of discourse argumentation strategies, historical metanarratives, reflective storytelling and visual mediatization. &lt;br /&gt;Readers are called upon to reflect on, evaluate and discuss issues raised by questions like the following: To what extent are dogmatic and power-based discourse practices consequential in the evolution of political language and the language of international diplomacy regarding processes of war, peace and neutrality? In what ways have the mainstream and alternative news media changed the war reporting style, the audience-oriented verbal and visual communication strategies, and the emotion-triggering narratives?&lt;br /&gt;Reaching beyond the boundaries of pragmatics and discourse analysis, this book should be a valuable resource for researchers and practitioners of rhetoric, argumentation, media studies, history, social and political sciences.</Text>
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		<Text textformat="02">Utilizing the tools of language and culture analysis, this carefully edited volume offers new insights on the often contested definitions of war and peace. Misleading, over-simplified binaries are challenged in this sophisticated attempt to chart new theoretical waters. The collection is particularly valuable because the treatments include both telling historical examples and the contemporary war in Ukraine.</Text>
		<TextAuthor>Paul Joseph, Tufts University</TextAuthor>
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		<Text textformat="02">This outstanding edited volume offers a timely and incisive exploration of how war, peace, and neutrality are constructed and contested in public discourse. Bringing together leading scholars, it challenges the traditional war–peace dichotomy and illuminates the grey zones of hybrid warfare and “unpeace,” providing a powerful and original framework for understanding today’s global disorder. Essential reading for scholars of discourse, international relations, political communication, and conflict studies, it compellingly demonstrates that struggles over words are inseparable from struggles over worlds.</Text>
		<TextAuthor>Ofer Feldman, Doshisha University &amp; Kyoto University</TextAuthor>
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		<Text textformat="02">A timely volume which brings essential analytical rigour to the question of how language shapes our understanding of conflict at a moment when the boundary between war and peace has never been more blurred.</Text>
		<TextAuthor>Mark Leonard, Director of the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)</TextAuthor>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">Still-not-yet</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Perpetual war and the futurity of peace</Subtitle>
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				<PersonName>Patricia L. Dunmire</PersonName>
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					<Affiliation>Kent State University</Affiliation>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>experiential meaning</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   As numerous scholars have documented, the United States has had an active military presence around the globe since the end of World War II which has enabled it to intervene in numerous countries and regions. It is within this context that I examine how &lt;i&gt;peace&lt;/i&gt; has been conceptualized in the State of the Union addresses delivered by postwar US presidents. Grounded in a Systemic Functional Linguistic framework, my analysis reveals that &lt;i&gt;peace&lt;/i&gt; is conceptualized primarily through aspirational, goal-oriented language which renders it as a potential condition that could/might/will be realized at some future moment. The futurity of peace is conveyed through a range of linguistic and discursive features which place peace at a remove from the present moment. The temporal deferral of peace, I argue, suggests that rather than pursuing a Kantian “perpetual peace” postwar US presidents have proposed actions and policies oriented to a perpetual &lt;i&gt;quest&lt;/i&gt; for peace.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">War-peace dialectic revisited</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">From neutrality to post-neutrality discourses in Sweden</Subtitle>
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				<PersonName>Cornelia Ilie</PersonName>
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					<Text textformat="02">   The increasingly blurred distinction between &lt;i&gt;war&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;peace&lt;/i&gt; described by Leonard (2021) as an alternation of two interrelated labels, i.e. ‘unpeace’ and ‘unwar’, is crucially relevant to the need to reevaluate the interdependence of the closely related concepts of &lt;i&gt;neutrality, non-alignment&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;security&lt;/i&gt; in political and legal discourses. Sweden is a case in point: having been a ‘nation of peace’ during its long-standing neutrality (Parker 2017), it turned into a ‘militarily non-aligned country’ in the post-neutrality period, and it eventually became a NATO member in 2024, having abandoned its neutrality after Russia’s brutal, illegal and unprovoked war on Ukraine in the quest for security. The aim of this chapter is to scrutinise the major paradigm shifts that have marked the political statements delivered by top Swedish politicians in the post-cold war period, by analysing keyword recontextualisation and reconceptualisation processes, as well as reframed argumentation strategies. Using a pragmatic approach to keywords (Ilie 2007, 2013; Wierzbicka 1997) and an argumentation framework of analysis (Ilie 2018, 2021; Rigotti and Rocci 2005; Walton, Reed, and Macagno 2008), the focus has been on context-based (re)definitions of political concepts used by Swedish politicians in order to persuade domestic and international audiences about the justification and legitimacy of Sweden’s paradoxical and apparently contradictory positions: on the one hand, persevering in upholding its neutrality and non-aligned status during the post-cold war period, and, on the other, abandoning its long-standing neutrality status to join NATO after Russia’s invasion and war on Ukraine.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">India’s war on its history of humiliation</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A Discourse of Illusion approach</Subtitle>
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				<PersonName>Aditi Bhatia</PersonName>
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					<Affiliation>The Hong Kong Polytechnic University</Affiliation>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>collective memories</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>habitus</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>Hindu nationalism</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   In India, since Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) rise to power, socio-political discourse has increasingly been reconfigured through the lens of &lt;i&gt;Hindutva&lt;/i&gt; (a conflation of religious and national identity). This includes the revision of history books to diminish India’s Mughal influence and rearticulate its national identity as more muscular against the enemy Other. This chapter explores how India has seen conceptualizations of war move beyond traditional border clashes towards the terrain of ideological thought, and where competing groups use language to redefine the nation’s identity. To do so, the analysis employs Bhatia’s (2015) Discourse of Illusion theoretical framework that demystifies how subjective notions of the imagined nation (Anderson 2010), within which India is reconceptualized as a pure Hindu nation, are legitimized. Data analysis occurs from three aspects: historicity (drawing on the past to make sense of the present or future); linguistic and semiotic action (subjective conceptualizations made apparent through metaphorical rhetoric); and degree of social impact (rise of delineating categorizations).</Text>
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				<TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix>
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			<Subtitle textformat="02">Discourses of Russian defeat following the Russo-Japanese war, 1905–present</Subtitle>
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				<PersonName>Rotem Kowner</PersonName>
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				<PersonName>Cornelia Ilie</PersonName>
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					<Text textformat="02">   Shortly before the Russo-Japanese War broke out in 1904, Russia’s Interior Minister, Viacheslav von Plehve, sought means to unify the country. He is often credited with advocating for a “short, victorious war” to achieve this end. Contrary to expectations, the war, lasting 19 months, ended in a resounding defeat for Russia. This chapter examines the discourses of Russian defeat following the war up to the present day, focusing on two crucial events: the surrender of the fort of Port Arthur and the defeat in the naval battle of Tsushima. By employing a combined discourse-analytical and pragma-rhetorical approach, it investigates the mechanisms and motives underlying the evolution of discourses over time, with a particular focus on domestic politics and international relations. The analysis addresses key questions, including: What were these mechanisms and motives? What do multi-voiced historical accounts reveal about (re)contextualized war-related discourse strategies? How important were key concepts like &lt;i&gt;Tsar, God&lt;/i&gt; and/or &lt;i&gt;Fatherland&lt;/i&gt; for varying discursive framings of engagement in war? Is it possible to categorize the discourse into distinct phases? The chapter posits that the discourse has evolved through three distinct phases, each shaped by the unique political needs of a regime and its attitude towards both war and peace.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Contesting vs. justifying Russia’s war on Ukraine in the discursive battlefield</TitleText>
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				<NumberOfPages>33</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentNumber>8</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">Vladimir Putin’s war rhetoric between cold reflection and furious hatred</TitleText>
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				<PersonName>Daniel Weiss</PersonName>
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				<NamesBeforeKey>Daniel</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Weiss</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Zurich</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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				<Subject>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>annexation</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>argumentation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>conflict of values</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Crimea</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>hate speech</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>historical analogy</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>incoherent discourse</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>keyword ranking</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>proximisation theory</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>reversion of victim and offender</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   The article aims at elucidating V. Putin’s war rhetoric by two of his nationwide broadcasted speeches delivered at the same location (the St. George’s Hall in the Kremlin Palace) to the same auditory (the two chambers of the Russian parliament) on two similar occasions: the annexation of the Crimea (18.3.2014) and the annexation of four partly occupied Ukrainian territories (30.9. 2022). Despite these commonalities, the contrast between the two speeches could not be more striking. The triumphant 2014 appearance took place during a rise of patriotic enthusiasm in Russian society. Putin’s verbal legitimation of the annexation was based on a host of pseudo-rational arguments (mostly historical analogies) related to the history of Crimea, Russia and NATO’s approaching Russia’s borders in space and time. By contrast, the 2022 speech was held after several defeats of the invaders’ army on the occupied Ukrainian territories and Putin’s announcement of partial mobilization. 77% of the whole speech is now dedicated to the West’s alleged crimes, including colonialism and US subjugation of its “vassals”, but also a moral degeneration culminating in Satanism. The Western threat is thus located on the ideological axis and described as an attack against traditional values, with “Russophobia” being a new manifestation of racism. The analysis is based on a mixed approach combining proximisation theory, argumentation theory and Neo-Gricean pragmatics.</Text>
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				<FirstPageNumber>189</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>216</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>28</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>9</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Divergent visions on the war in Ukraine</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A corpus-assisted discourse study of speeches by Putin and Zelenskyy</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Ruth Breeze</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Breeze, Ruth</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Ruth</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Breeze</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Universidad de Navarra</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>María Fernanda Novoa-Jaso</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Novoa-Jaso, María Fernanda</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>María Fernanda</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Novoa-Jaso</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Universidad de Navarra</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>corpus assisted discourse analysis</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>political speeches</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Russia</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>semantic domain analysis</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Ukraine</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter focuses on how Putin and Zelenskyy addressed world audiences in the first three months after the invasion of Ukraine by the Russian army in February 2022. Using quantitative semantic analysis, we obtain a broad picture of the topic areas covered by each leader’s speeches. Our data show that Putin devoted relatively little space to Ukraine in his speeches, and paid more attention to Russia’s economic and technological development. His language was highly future-oriented with a strong emphasis on his personal intentions and strategic goals, and a monologic style marked by an absence of negatives or attenuation. This approach may have been motivated by a desire to emphasize his personal authority, but also to insulate himself from negative consequences of the war. By contrast, Zelenskyy’s speeches centred almost entirely on the conflict, with graphic accounts of its effects. Zelenskyy’s speeches contain a much greater number of personal pronouns, particularly first person and allusions to “our people”, as well as more emotionally laden lexis. His discourse is often outward-directed, appealing to western countries and “the world” for solidarity with Ukraine. In conclusion, during the early months Putin tried to downplay the conflict and its possible consequences, employing euphemistic, non-emotional terms and merging his references to Ukraine into a wider, future-oriented discourse about Russia’s development. By contrast, Zelenskyy’s emotional discourse centred on conflict and the Russia-inflicted destruction, launching strong appeals to the rest of the world for support. These findings are discussed in relation to the two leaders’ goals, the pragma-rhetorical strategies used to communicate these to their target audiences.</Text>
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				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>pbns.355.08gru</IDValue>
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				<FirstPageNumber>217</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>249</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>33</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>10</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Debating the Ukraine war in the German public</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Three open letters, an op-ed, and their uptake in the German quality press</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Helmut Gruber</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Gruber, Helmut</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Helmut</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Gruber</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Vienna University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>argumentation schemes</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>German media discourse</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>legitimation strategies</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>recontextualization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Ukraine war</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   In this article, an elite-discourse fragment from the beginning of the war in Ukraine is analyzed. It comprises four reference texts (an op-ed by German philosopher Jürgen Habermas and three open letters) dealing with the controversial issue of German heavy arms supply for Ukraine, as well as the uptake of these texts in opinion articles of the German quality press. The analysis focuses on recontextualizations of actors and previous texts, argumentative structures, their pragmatic purposes, and the legitimation of standpoints that had been put forward. Results show that only the first two reference texts (opposing German heavy arms supply) were widely discussed in the quality press. In the uptaking opinion articles, mainly the protagonists of the reference texts, their standpoints and arguments were evaluated and criticized, but almost no counter-argumentations were presented. It is concluded that in this historical situation, the German quality press staged a public conflict but did not discuss any alternative solutions besides the two standpoints it construed as contradicting each other.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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				<FirstPageNumber>250</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>277</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>28</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>11</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">&lt;i&gt;Peace&lt;/i&gt;  into  &lt;i&gt;war&lt;/i&gt;  transformation in news discourse on Ukraine</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A cognitive-rhetorical perspective</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Serhiy Potapenko</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Potapenko, Serhiy</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Serhiy</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Potapenko</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Kyiv National Linguistic University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Oleksii Deikun</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Deikun, Oleksii</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Oleksii</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Deikun</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Kyiv National Linguistic University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>categorisation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>cognitive rhetoric</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>construction</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>media</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>news text</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>peace</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Ukraine</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>war</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   The chapter explores the media construction of &lt;i&gt;peace&lt;/i&gt; into &lt;i&gt;war&lt;/i&gt; transformation in Ukraine since 2013 domestic unrest till the beginning of the 2022 full-fledged armed conflict by applying the cognitive-rhetorical method of analysis. It combines categorisation with rhetorical canons revealing four periods of &lt;i&gt;peace&lt;/i&gt; into &lt;i&gt;war&lt;/i&gt; transformation in Ukraine denoted by linguistic units in the prominent positions of news texts. The periods comprise breach of peace, subdivided into initiative, intense, confrontational, intervening, (potential) war stages; impasse, characterised by the rivalry between the &lt;i&gt;conflict&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;crisis&lt;/i&gt; keywords; pre-war, marked by the opposition between &lt;i&gt;crisis&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;tension&lt;/i&gt;; war beginning structured by the units &lt;i&gt;conflict — war in Ukraine — Ukraine war&lt;/i&gt;, offering different perspectives of a full-fledged confrontation.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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				<FirstPageNumber>278</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>316</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>39</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>12</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Modification of media’s visual identity as a response to the war in Ukraine</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">An exploratory study</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Anna Jupowicz-Ginalska</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Jupowicz-Ginalska, Anna</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Anna</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Jupowicz-Ginalska</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Warsaw</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Bianca Harms</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Harms, Bianca</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Bianca</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Harms</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>NHL Stenden University of Applied
                                    Sciences</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Anna Samelova</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Samelova, Anna</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Anna</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Samelova</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Comenius University in Bratislava</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>4</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Martyna Dudziak-Kisio</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Dudziak-Kisio, Martyna</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Martyna</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Dudziak-Kisio</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>SWPS University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>5</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Päivi Maijanen</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Maijanen, Päivi</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Päivi</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Maijanen</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>LUT University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>6</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Anca Anton</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Anton, Anca</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Anca</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Anton</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Bucharest</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>7</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Andreas Will</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Will, Andreas</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Andreas</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Will</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>TU Ilmenau</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>8</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Emilia Zakrzewska</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Zakrzewska, Emilia</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Emilia</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Zakrzewska</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Warsaw</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>9</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Antonia Matei</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Matei, Antonia</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Antonia</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Matei</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Bucharest</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>10</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Gheorghe Anghel</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Anghel, Gheorghe</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Gheorghe</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Anghel</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Bucharest</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>corporate branding</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>logo modification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>media CSR</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>media visual identity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>symbolic solidarity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>visual communication strategies</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>visual discourse</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>war in Ukraine</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   We examine how European media responded to the Russian invasion of Ukraine through visual identity changes. Using visual discourse and communication theories, we analysed 76 logo modifications in six countries: Finland, Germany, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and the Netherlands. A cross-national comparison revealed significant differences in the scale, type, and duration of changes. Media in former Eastern Bloc countries showed the strongest visual solidarity, while Northern and Western European media used more restrained strategies, reflecting different historical contexts. Modifications included Ukrainian colours, solidarity slogans, and design adjustments. Though mostly temporary, these symbolic actions turned branding into civic engagement and reinforced shared values. This study contributes to media research by framing logo changes as visual discourse and symbolic communication in times of conflict.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText>
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		<PublisherName>John Benjamins Publishing Company</PublisherName>
	</Publisher>
	<CityOfPublication>Amsterdam/Philadelphia</CityOfPublication>
	<CountryOfPublication>NL</CountryOfPublication>
	<PublishingStatus>04</PublishingStatus>
	<PublicationDate>20260414</PublicationDate>
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		<CopyrightYear>2026</CopyrightYear>
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			<CorporateName>John Benjamins B.V.</CorporateName>
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		<Text textformat="02">The goal of this volume is to explore and make sense of the overall scope, implications and consequences of shifting discourses of war, peace and neutrality across time and space, in relation to conflict-ridden geopolitical environments characterized by power struggles, political polarizations, divergent goal settings and ideological confrontations (from the Russo-Japanese war, 1904–1905, to Russia’s war against Ukraine, 2022-present). Through a broad range of cutting-edge case studies (Finland, Germany, India, Japan, Poland, Romania, Russia/Soviet Union/Russian Federation, Slovakia, Sweden, The Netherlands, Ukraine, USA), the authors go beyond mainstream studies on war and peace by challenging existing paradigms and undergoing in-depth scrutiny of discourse argumentation strategies, historical metanarratives, reflective storytelling and visual mediatization. &lt;br /&gt;Readers are called upon to reflect on, evaluate and discuss issues raised by questions like the following: To what extent are dogmatic and power-based discourse practices consequential in the evolution of political language and the language of international diplomacy regarding processes of war, peace and neutrality? In what ways have the mainstream and alternative news media changed the war reporting style, the audience-oriented verbal and visual communication strategies, and the emotion-triggering narratives?&lt;br /&gt;Reaching beyond the boundaries of pragmatics and discourse analysis, this book should be a valuable resource for researchers and practitioners of rhetoric, argumentation, media studies, history, social and political sciences.</Text>
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		<Text textformat="02">Utilizing the tools of language and culture analysis, this carefully edited volume offers new insights on the often contested definitions of war and peace. Misleading, over-simplified binaries are challenged in this sophisticated attempt to chart new theoretical waters. The collection is particularly valuable because the treatments include both telling historical examples and the contemporary war in Ukraine.</Text>
		<TextAuthor>Paul Joseph, Tufts University</TextAuthor>
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		<Text textformat="02">This outstanding edited volume offers a timely and incisive exploration of how war, peace, and neutrality are constructed and contested in public discourse. Bringing together leading scholars, it challenges the traditional war–peace dichotomy and illuminates the grey zones of hybrid warfare and “unpeace,” providing a powerful and original framework for understanding today’s global disorder. Essential reading for scholars of discourse, international relations, political communication, and conflict studies, it compellingly demonstrates that struggles over words are inseparable from struggles over worlds.</Text>
		<TextAuthor>Ofer Feldman, Doshisha University &amp; Kyoto University</TextAuthor>
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		<Text textformat="02">A timely volume which brings essential analytical rigour to the question of how language shapes our understanding of conflict at a moment when the boundary between war and peace has never been more blurred.</Text>
		<TextAuthor>Mark Leonard, Director of the European Council on Foreign Relations (ECFR)</TextAuthor>
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				<PersonName>Patricia L. Dunmire</PersonName>
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					<Text textformat="02">   As numerous scholars have documented, the United States has had an active military presence around the globe since the end of World War II which has enabled it to intervene in numerous countries and regions. It is within this context that I examine how &lt;i&gt;peace&lt;/i&gt; has been conceptualized in the State of the Union addresses delivered by postwar US presidents. Grounded in a Systemic Functional Linguistic framework, my analysis reveals that &lt;i&gt;peace&lt;/i&gt; is conceptualized primarily through aspirational, goal-oriented language which renders it as a potential condition that could/might/will be realized at some future moment. The futurity of peace is conveyed through a range of linguistic and discursive features which place peace at a remove from the present moment. The temporal deferral of peace, I argue, suggests that rather than pursuing a Kantian “perpetual peace” postwar US presidents have proposed actions and policies oriented to a perpetual &lt;i&gt;quest&lt;/i&gt; for peace.</Text>
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			<Subtitle textformat="02">From neutrality to post-neutrality discourses in Sweden</Subtitle>
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					<Text textformat="02">   The increasingly blurred distinction between &lt;i&gt;war&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;peace&lt;/i&gt; described by Leonard (2021) as an alternation of two interrelated labels, i.e. ‘unpeace’ and ‘unwar’, is crucially relevant to the need to reevaluate the interdependence of the closely related concepts of &lt;i&gt;neutrality, non-alignment&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;security&lt;/i&gt; in political and legal discourses. Sweden is a case in point: having been a ‘nation of peace’ during its long-standing neutrality (Parker 2017), it turned into a ‘militarily non-aligned country’ in the post-neutrality period, and it eventually became a NATO member in 2024, having abandoned its neutrality after Russia’s brutal, illegal and unprovoked war on Ukraine in the quest for security. The aim of this chapter is to scrutinise the major paradigm shifts that have marked the political statements delivered by top Swedish politicians in the post-cold war period, by analysing keyword recontextualisation and reconceptualisation processes, as well as reframed argumentation strategies. Using a pragmatic approach to keywords (Ilie 2007, 2013; Wierzbicka 1997) and an argumentation framework of analysis (Ilie 2018, 2021; Rigotti and Rocci 2005; Walton, Reed, and Macagno 2008), the focus has been on context-based (re)definitions of political concepts used by Swedish politicians in order to persuade domestic and international audiences about the justification and legitimacy of Sweden’s paradoxical and apparently contradictory positions: on the one hand, persevering in upholding its neutrality and non-aligned status during the post-cold war period, and, on the other, abandoning its long-standing neutrality status to join NATO after Russia’s invasion and war on Ukraine.</Text>
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			<Subtitle textformat="02">A Discourse of Illusion approach</Subtitle>
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					<Text textformat="02">   In India, since Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) rise to power, socio-political discourse has increasingly been reconfigured through the lens of &lt;i&gt;Hindutva&lt;/i&gt; (a conflation of religious and national identity). This includes the revision of history books to diminish India’s Mughal influence and rearticulate its national identity as more muscular against the enemy Other. This chapter explores how India has seen conceptualizations of war move beyond traditional border clashes towards the terrain of ideological thought, and where competing groups use language to redefine the nation’s identity. To do so, the analysis employs Bhatia’s (2015) Discourse of Illusion theoretical framework that demystifies how subjective notions of the imagined nation (Anderson 2010), within which India is reconceptualized as a pure Hindu nation, are legitimized. Data analysis occurs from three aspects: historicity (drawing on the past to make sense of the present or future); linguistic and semiotic action (subjective conceptualizations made apparent through metaphorical rhetoric); and degree of social impact (rise of delineating categorizations).</Text>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>discourse of defeat</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Japan</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>public-private discourse</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Russia, Soviet Union</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Russo-Japanese War</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>thematic roles</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>war memory</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   Shortly before the Russo-Japanese War broke out in 1904, Russia’s Interior Minister, Viacheslav von Plehve, sought means to unify the country. He is often credited with advocating for a “short, victorious war” to achieve this end. Contrary to expectations, the war, lasting 19 months, ended in a resounding defeat for Russia. This chapter examines the discourses of Russian defeat following the war up to the present day, focusing on two crucial events: the surrender of the fort of Port Arthur and the defeat in the naval battle of Tsushima. By employing a combined discourse-analytical and pragma-rhetorical approach, it investigates the mechanisms and motives underlying the evolution of discourses over time, with a particular focus on domestic politics and international relations. The analysis addresses key questions, including: What were these mechanisms and motives? What do multi-voiced historical accounts reveal about (re)contextualized war-related discourse strategies? How important were key concepts like &lt;i&gt;Tsar, God&lt;/i&gt; and/or &lt;i&gt;Fatherland&lt;/i&gt; for varying discursive framings of engagement in war? Is it possible to categorize the discourse into distinct phases? The chapter posits that the discourse has evolved through three distinct phases, each shaped by the unique political needs of a regime and its attitude towards both war and peace.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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				<FirstPageNumber>155</FirstPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>1</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Section header</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>7</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Contesting vs. justifying Russia’s war on Ukraine in the discursive battlefield</TitleText>
		</Title>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>pbns.355.06wei</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>156</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>188</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>33</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>8</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Vladimir Putin’s war rhetoric between cold reflection and furious hatred</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Daniel Weiss</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Weiss, Daniel</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Daniel</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Weiss</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Zurich</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>annexation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>argumentation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>conflict of values</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Crimea</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>hate speech</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>historical analogy</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>incoherent discourse</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>keyword ranking</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>proximisation theory</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>reversion of victim and offender</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   The article aims at elucidating V. Putin’s war rhetoric by two of his nationwide broadcasted speeches delivered at the same location (the St. George’s Hall in the Kremlin Palace) to the same auditory (the two chambers of the Russian parliament) on two similar occasions: the annexation of the Crimea (18.3.2014) and the annexation of four partly occupied Ukrainian territories (30.9. 2022). Despite these commonalities, the contrast between the two speeches could not be more striking. The triumphant 2014 appearance took place during a rise of patriotic enthusiasm in Russian society. Putin’s verbal legitimation of the annexation was based on a host of pseudo-rational arguments (mostly historical analogies) related to the history of Crimea, Russia and NATO’s approaching Russia’s borders in space and time. By contrast, the 2022 speech was held after several defeats of the invaders’ army on the occupied Ukrainian territories and Putin’s announcement of partial mobilization. 77% of the whole speech is now dedicated to the West’s alleged crimes, including colonialism and US subjugation of its “vassals”, but also a moral degeneration culminating in Satanism. The Western threat is thus located on the ideological axis and described as an attack against traditional values, with “Russophobia” being a new manifestation of racism. The analysis is based on a mixed approach combining proximisation theory, argumentation theory and Neo-Gricean pragmatics.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>pbns.355.07bre</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>189</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>216</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>28</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>9</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Divergent visions on the war in Ukraine</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A corpus-assisted discourse study of speeches by Putin and Zelenskyy</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Ruth Breeze</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Breeze, Ruth</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Ruth</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Breeze</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Universidad de Navarra</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>María Fernanda Novoa-Jaso</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Novoa-Jaso, María Fernanda</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>María Fernanda</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Novoa-Jaso</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Universidad de Navarra</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>corpus assisted discourse analysis</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>political speeches</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Russia</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>semantic domain analysis</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Ukraine</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter focuses on how Putin and Zelenskyy addressed world audiences in the first three months after the invasion of Ukraine by the Russian army in February 2022. Using quantitative semantic analysis, we obtain a broad picture of the topic areas covered by each leader’s speeches. Our data show that Putin devoted relatively little space to Ukraine in his speeches, and paid more attention to Russia’s economic and technological development. His language was highly future-oriented with a strong emphasis on his personal intentions and strategic goals, and a monologic style marked by an absence of negatives or attenuation. This approach may have been motivated by a desire to emphasize his personal authority, but also to insulate himself from negative consequences of the war. By contrast, Zelenskyy’s speeches centred almost entirely on the conflict, with graphic accounts of its effects. Zelenskyy’s speeches contain a much greater number of personal pronouns, particularly first person and allusions to “our people”, as well as more emotionally laden lexis. His discourse is often outward-directed, appealing to western countries and “the world” for solidarity with Ukraine. In conclusion, during the early months Putin tried to downplay the conflict and its possible consequences, employing euphemistic, non-emotional terms and merging his references to Ukraine into a wider, future-oriented discourse about Russia’s development. By contrast, Zelenskyy’s emotional discourse centred on conflict and the Russia-inflicted destruction, launching strong appeals to the rest of the world for support. These findings are discussed in relation to the two leaders’ goals, the pragma-rhetorical strategies used to communicate these to their target audiences.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>pbns.355.08gru</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>217</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>249</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>33</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>10</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Debating the Ukraine war in the German public</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Three open letters, an op-ed, and their uptake in the German quality press</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Helmut Gruber</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Gruber, Helmut</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Helmut</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Gruber</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Vienna University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>argumentation schemes</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>German media discourse</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>legitimation strategies</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>recontextualization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Ukraine war</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   In this article, an elite-discourse fragment from the beginning of the war in Ukraine is analyzed. It comprises four reference texts (an op-ed by German philosopher Jürgen Habermas and three open letters) dealing with the controversial issue of German heavy arms supply for Ukraine, as well as the uptake of these texts in opinion articles of the German quality press. The analysis focuses on recontextualizations of actors and previous texts, argumentative structures, their pragmatic purposes, and the legitimation of standpoints that had been put forward. Results show that only the first two reference texts (opposing German heavy arms supply) were widely discussed in the quality press. In the uptaking opinion articles, mainly the protagonists of the reference texts, their standpoints and arguments were evaluated and criticized, but almost no counter-argumentations were presented. It is concluded that in this historical situation, the German quality press staged a public conflict but did not discuss any alternative solutions besides the two standpoints it construed as contradicting each other.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
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			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>pbns.355.09pot</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>250</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>277</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>28</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>11</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">&lt;i&gt;Peace&lt;/i&gt;  into  &lt;i&gt;war&lt;/i&gt;  transformation in news discourse on Ukraine</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A cognitive-rhetorical perspective</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Serhiy Potapenko</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Potapenko, Serhiy</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Serhiy</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Potapenko</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Kyiv National Linguistic University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Oleksii Deikun</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Deikun, Oleksii</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Oleksii</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Deikun</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Kyiv National Linguistic University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>categorisation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>cognitive rhetoric</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>construction</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>media</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>news text</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>peace</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Ukraine</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>war</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   The chapter explores the media construction of &lt;i&gt;peace&lt;/i&gt; into &lt;i&gt;war&lt;/i&gt; transformation in Ukraine since 2013 domestic unrest till the beginning of the 2022 full-fledged armed conflict by applying the cognitive-rhetorical method of analysis. It combines categorisation with rhetorical canons revealing four periods of &lt;i&gt;peace&lt;/i&gt; into &lt;i&gt;war&lt;/i&gt; transformation in Ukraine denoted by linguistic units in the prominent positions of news texts. The periods comprise breach of peace, subdivided into initiative, intense, confrontational, intervening, (potential) war stages; impasse, characterised by the rivalry between the &lt;i&gt;conflict&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;crisis&lt;/i&gt; keywords; pre-war, marked by the opposition between &lt;i&gt;crisis&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;tension&lt;/i&gt;; war beginning structured by the units &lt;i&gt;conflict — war in Ukraine — Ukraine war&lt;/i&gt;, offering different perspectives of a full-fledged confrontation.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>pbns.355.10jup</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>278</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>316</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>39</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>12</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Modification of media’s visual identity as a response to the war in Ukraine</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">An exploratory study</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Anna Jupowicz-Ginalska</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Jupowicz-Ginalska, Anna</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Anna</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Jupowicz-Ginalska</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Warsaw</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Bianca Harms</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Harms, Bianca</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Bianca</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Harms</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>NHL Stenden University of Applied
                                    Sciences</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Anna Samelova</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Samelova, Anna</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Anna</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Samelova</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Comenius University in Bratislava</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>4</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Martyna Dudziak-Kisio</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Dudziak-Kisio, Martyna</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Martyna</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Dudziak-Kisio</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>SWPS University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>5</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Päivi Maijanen</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Maijanen, Päivi</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Päivi</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Maijanen</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>LUT University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>6</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Anca Anton</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Anton, Anca</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Anca</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Anton</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Bucharest</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>7</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Andreas Will</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Will, Andreas</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Andreas</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Will</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>TU Ilmenau</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>8</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Emilia Zakrzewska</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Zakrzewska, Emilia</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Emilia</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Zakrzewska</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Warsaw</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>9</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Antonia Matei</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Matei, Antonia</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Antonia</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Matei</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Bucharest</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>10</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Gheorghe Anghel</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Anghel, Gheorghe</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Gheorghe</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Anghel</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Bucharest</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>corporate branding</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>logo modification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>media CSR</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>media visual identity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>symbolic solidarity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>visual communication strategies</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>visual discourse</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>war in Ukraine</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   We examine how European media responded to the Russian invasion of Ukraine through visual identity changes. Using visual discourse and communication theories, we analysed 76 logo modifications in six countries: Finland, Germany, Poland, Romania, Slovakia, and the Netherlands. A cross-national comparison revealed significant differences in the scale, type, and duration of changes. Media in former Eastern Bloc countries showed the strongest visual solidarity, while Northern and Western European media used more restrained strategies, reflecting different historical contexts. Modifications included Ukrainian colours, solidarity slogans, and design adjustments. Though mostly temporary, these symbolic actions turned branding into civic engagement and reinforced shared values. This study contributes to media research by framing logo changes as visual discourse and symbolic communication in times of conflict.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>pbns.355.index</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>317</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>323</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>7</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Index</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>13</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText>
		</Title>
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