421026667 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 16 Eb 15 9789027261182 06 10.1075/rllt.16 13 2020007371 DG 002 02 01 RLLT 02 1574-552X Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 16</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Selected papers from the 47th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Newark, Delaware</Subtitle> 01 rllt.16 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.16 1 B01 Irene Vogel Vogel, Irene Irene Vogel University of Delaware 01 eng 284 vi 278 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The chapters in this book represent the theme of “bridges” – bridging research approaches and directions across languages, methodologies and disciplines. Alongside descriptive and theoretical studies, the contributions present experimental studies addressing issues in syntax, phonetics-phonology and sociolinguistics. And alongside investigations of linguistic phenomena in standard Romance language varieties, other investigations address less well-known and studied, minority and endangered varieties (e.g., Quebec French, Brazilian Portuguese, Romanian, Galician, Catalan and Palenquero) from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives. Romance languages in contact with other languages and bilingualism, now also integral aspects of the field, are reflected in this volume as well, including less well-known cases of contemporary contact of Serbian with Romanian, and earlier contact of African languages with Spanish and Portuguese. This volume thus continues the decades long tradition of the Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages of embracing cutting-edge developments in the field. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.16.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027205551.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027205551.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/rllt.16.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/rllt.16.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/rllt.16.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.16.hb.png 10 01 JB code rllt.16.int 1 6 6 Chapter 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 1 A01 Irene Vogel Vogel, Irene Irene Vogel 10 01 JB code rllt.16.01ath 7 18 12 Chapter 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Variability in French word-final schwa</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Effects of focus and speaker</Subtitle> 1 A01 Angeliki Athanasopoulou Athanasopoulou, Angeliki Angeliki Athanasopoulou University of Calgary 2 A01 Irene Vogel Vogel, Irene Irene Vogel University of Delaware 20 focus 20 Parisian French 20 prosodic boundary 20 variability 20 word-final schwa 01 The production of schwa in French is highly variable. Some of this variability is predictable based on sociolinguistic (e.g., dialects), phonological (e.g., segments, word position), and stylistic (e.g., reading) factors. We investigate the effect of prosodic structure on the production of word-final schwa in Parisian French, while controlling for the other factors. We also investigate variability in schwa production within and between speakers of the same variety. Our findings show that prosody does affect the production of schwa: the stronger the prosodic boundary, the more probable schwa production is. While this is true for all the speakers, we also found considerable variation in the rates of schwa production, despite our controlling for dialect and style. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.02aut 19 36 18 Chapter 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Agreement and pronouns</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Implications for partial control</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jean-Marc Authier Authier, Jean-Marc Jean-Marc Authier The Pennsylvania State University 2 A01 Lisa A. Reed Reed, Lisa A. Lisa A. Reed The Pennsylvania State University 20 agree 20 partial control 20 plurality 20 secondary predicates 20 semantic agreement 01 This chapter compares the workings of agreement mismatches involving the French pronoun <i>on</i> with those involving PRO in partial control (PC) environments in order to advance our understanding of the type of plurality that has been assumed to be associated with the latter. The theoretical framework used to effect this comparison is the two-step theory of Agree argued for by Arregi and Nevins (2012) and Smith (2017). The evidence uncovered suggests that whatever is assumed to induce the plurality of PC PRO (e.g. Landau’s (2016b) associative morpheme) leaves neither morphological nor semantic agreement footprints. We also show that, on the LF side, the type of plural set denoted by PC PRO appears to be immune to any sort of quantificational manipulation. We are thus left with an inference of plurality with no tangible grammatical correlates, which points in the direction of a process of pragmatic associative reference along the lines of Haug (2014). 10 01 JB code rllt.16.03cab 37 48 12 Chapter 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Person/Number exponents in imperative-enclitic contexts</TitleText> 1 A01 Teresa Cabré Cabré, Teresa Teresa Cabré Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 Maria Ohannesian Ohannesian, Maria Maria Ohannesian Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 20 deixis 20 enclisis 20 markedness 20 P/N exponent 20 reflexive 01 The goal of this paper is to analyse the partial or total deletion of the Person/Number exponents in imperative-enclitic contexts in Catalan and Spanish. Both languages lose phonological material in a specific context, but Spanish deletes the right-edge segment from the verb whereas Barcelona Catalan loses the left-edge segment of the clitic. Our aim is to account for the contrasting solutions shown by these two neighbouring languages using the same constraints but ranked differently in the Optimality Theory framework. OT allows us to put together different types of grammatical requirements, including distinctness requirements, particularly a positional OCP constraint on Person/Number features, and faithfulness conditions, specifically the condition related with morpheme realization, all of which interact with alignment and markedness constraints. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.04cha 49 64 16 Chapter 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">French causal <i>puisque</i>-clauses in the light of (not)-at-issueness</TitleText> 1 A01 Isabelle Charnavel Charnavel, Isabelle Isabelle Charnavel Harvard University 20 (not)-at-issueness 20 causal clauses 20 evidentiality 20 French 20 presupposition 20 projection 20 speech act 20 syntax/semantics 01 This paper examines the discourse status of French causal clauses introduced by <i>puisque</i> ‘since’. <i>Puisque</i>-clauses are associated with two implications: the relation expressed by <i>puisque</i> and the content of their clause. Several diagnostics show that neither implication is at-issue and that the two implications belong to two different types of projective content (cf. Tonhauser et al. 2013). This is due to syntactic and lexical reasons: the relation expressed by <i>puisque</i> is not at-issue because <i>puisque</i>-clauses modify high (evidential and speech act) phrases that are not at-issue; the content of the <i>puisque</i>-clause is not at-issue because <i>puisque</i> is lexically factive, i.e. selects true facts. <i>Puisque</i> thus exemplifies an unrecognized type of double presuppositional trigger. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.05cue 65 76 12 Chapter 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Geminates and vowel laxing in Quebec French</TitleText> 1 A01 Anaële Cuerrier Cuerrier, Anaële Anaële Cuerrier Concordia University 2 A01 Charles Reiss Reiss, Charles Charles Reiss Concordia University 20 French 20 geminate 20 laxing 20 phonology 20 Quebec French 20 syllable 20 vowel harmony 01 Laxing and harmony in Quebec French (QF) high vowels shows dialectal, register and perhaps even lexical variation. A recent proposal to handle some of the data (Poliquin 2006) contains a radical innovation to phonological theory concerning long-distance segment interactions. We question the necessity of such an account by pointing out that recognition of geminate sonorants in QF can explain some puzzling forms without recourse to new devices. Our account is supported by phonetic considerations, as well as by recognizing that the alternative both under and overgenerates lax vowels in surface forms. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.06cyr 77 92 16 Chapter 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Number as an adjunct in Romance</TitleText> 1 A01 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino University of Campinas 2 A01 M. Teresa Espinal Espinal, M. Teresa M. Teresa Espinal Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 20 adjunct 20 determiner 20 nominalizer 20 pluralizer 20 Romance 01 In this paper, we argue that Spanish (and other Romance languages such as Catalan), contrary to what has been believed up to now, patterns with languages such as Brazilian Portuguese and French. We present several different arguments to support our proposal that in the Romance languages we investigate plural marking is specified and interpreted on functional categories, namely on Determiners. We propose that in these languages plural marking is a syntactic adjunct to D (i.e., a categorized <i>d</i> root) by default, and to a categorized <i>n</i> root in marked cases. Manifestations of (plural) Number on other constituents within the nominal domain are to be considered solely as the output of morphophonological agreement or concord. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.07dab 93 108 16 Chapter 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A sociophonetic investigation of Mexico City Spanish vowel reduction</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">sociophonetic investigation of Mexico City Spanish vowel reduction</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Meghan Frances Dabkowski Dabkowski, Meghan Frances Meghan Frances Dabkowski University of Delaware, Department of Languages, Literatures & Cultures 20 Mexican Spanish 20 phonetics 20 phonology 20 sociolinguistic variation 20 Spanish dialectology 01 This study is the first to use acoustic data to investigate linguistic and social factors conditioning phonetic vowel reduction in Mexico City Spanish. The acoustic analysis reveals that two complementary strategies are used for reduction: voice weakening and shortening. Voice weakening affects all vowels at relatively similar rates, and is favored by preceding voiceless consonants, following voiceless consonants, and following pauses, and is most frequent in post-tonic position. Shortening affects high vowels and /o/, and is favored by preceding and following voiceless consonants, and is most frequent in pre-tonic position and unstressed monosyllabic words. These results support an articulatory gestural overlap analysis, in which characteristics of articulatory timing and movement account for the variation. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.08gul 109 132 24 Chapter 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Computational quantitative syntax</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The case of Universal 18</Subtitle> 1 A01 Kristina Gulordava Gulordava, Kristina Kristina Gulordava University of Geneva 2 A01 Paola Merlo Merlo, Paola Paola Merlo University of Geneva 20 adjective-noun order 20 Ancient Greek 20 corpus counts 20 Latin 20 modelling 20 noun-numeral order 20 quantitative syntax 20 treebanks 20 Universal 18 01 Accounting for the constraints on the possible word orders of a sentence in a language and across the world languages is a core challenge for syntactic theory. In the spirit of computational quantitative syntax, in this paper we present quantitative evidence about Universal 18. We show that corpus data confirms a dispreference for the word order combination where adjectives precede but numerals follow the nouns (Adj-N and N-Num). We then investigate if this dispreference is better explained as a constraint expressed at the level of the dominant orders or at the level of individual structures. Corpus counts support the latter interpretation. Finally, we propose a formal model of how this bias against Adj-N-Num orders can be integrated in the grammar. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.09guy 133 154 22 Chapter 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Trajectories of change in Spanish and Portuguese in the Americas</TitleText> 1 A01 Gregory R. Guy Guy, Gregory R. Gregory R. Guy New York University 20 African influences 20 dialects 20 innovation 20 language change 20 language contact 01 This paper examines ways in which varieties of Spanish and Portuguese spoken in the Americas have diverged significantly from their peninsular sources, and from each other, in the half-millennium since colonization. Some of this divergence is a consequence of spontaneous innovations in the New World varieties (e.g., ‘zheismo’ and ‘sheismo’ in Platense Spanish; emergence of the new 1<sc>pl</sc> pronoun <i>a gente</i> in Brazilian Portuguese). Historically, a significant driver of change was language contact, with indigenous languages, and especially with African languages. A suite of linguistic characteristics shared by Caribbean Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese indicate that both varieties were affected by the irregular transmission of these languages to the African population transported to these locations in the time of slavery. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.10isa 155 170 16 Chapter 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clause typing and Quebec French -<i>tu</i></TitleText> 1 A01 Daniela Isac Isac, Daniela Daniela Isac Concordia University 2 A01 Justin Royer Royer, Justin Justin Royer McGill University 20 Addressee 20 epistemic commitment 20 Modality 20 Polarity 20 Quebec French 20 Speaker 20 tu 01 This paper focuses on the Quebec French particle -<i>tu</i>, which occurs in interrogatives, exclamatives and declaratives indicating surprise. We propose that -<i>tu</i> is the overt instantiation of a polarity (Pol) head that is neither negative nor positive and that -<i>tu</i> also carries an epistemic modality (Mod) feature that is keyed to an ignorant Speaker (S) and a knowledgeable Addressee (A). 10 01 JB code rllt.16.11loc 171 186 16 Chapter 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The syntax of superlative phrases in Romance</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">syntax of superlative phrases in Romance</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Nicoletta Loccioni Loccioni, Nicoletta Nicoletta Loccioni UCLA 20 adnominal modification 20 definiteness 20 degree phrases 20 DP structure 20 French 20 Italian 20 superlatives 01 In this paper, prenominal and postnominal superlatives in Romance are argued not to differ as a result of NP-movement (or lack thereof) to cross the adjective, but to result from two different derivations. In prenominal superlatives, the adjective is attracted to a high scope position in the DP-area of numerals where it can’t be bypassed by the NP. In postnominal superlatives, the superlative starts out as a predicate (a maximalizing relative clause over degrees) and it ends up postnominal (as any other relative clause in Romance). 10 01 JB code rllt.16.12mar 187 202 16 Chapter 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On recomplementation, high adverbs and V-movement in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Gabriel Martínez Vera Martínez Vera, Gabriel Gabriel Martínez Vera University of Connecticut 20 adverbs 20 complementizer 20 left periphery 20 phases 20 Spanish 01 I address the structure of the Spanish left periphery regarding recomplementation, i.e., double-complementizer constructions. I establish a contrast between Latin American Spanish (LAS) and European Spanish (ES): while there is an overt low complementizer <i>que</i> in ES, there is a null low complementizer in LAS – this is a novel empirical observation. The latter is different from the construction where low <i>que</i> is absent in ES: the null low complementizer in LAS patterns with the overt low complementizer in ES with respect to the phenomena discussed in this paper. I further tie this difference to the height of V-movement and adverb placement in LAS and ES. I then propose a phase-based account of the contrast. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.13pet 203 218 16 Chapter 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Articles in an article-less language</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Romanian-Serbian code-switching</Subtitle> 1 A01 Vanessa Petroj Petroj, Vanessa Vanessa Petroj University of Connecticut 20 code-switching 20 DP/NP parameter setting 20 Free Morpheme Constraint 20 Functional Head Constraint 20 PF Disjunction Theorem 20 Romanian 20 Serbian 20 syntax 01 I will explore the interaction between Romanian and Serbian elements within the Traditional Noun Phrase (TNP) that participate in code-switching, including Romanian definite articles (D), Romanian and Serbian adjectives (A), and Serbian nouns (N), focusing on the definite article affixation. Following Bošković (2008, 2012), I assume Serbian to be an NP language (lacking definite articles) and Romanian a DP language (having definite articles), leading to semantic and syntactic consequences for the rest of the structure. Finally, I argue against CS-specific constraints such as Free Morpheme Constraint (Poplack 1980), Functional Head Constraint (Belazi, Rubin, &#38; Toribio 1994), and PF Disjunction Theorem (MacSwan 1999), and in support of Bandi-Rao and den Dikken (2014) reformulated PF Disjunction Theorem. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.14sal 219 240 22 Chapter 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Split auxiliary selection with affected subjects in Old Majorcan Catalan</TitleText> 1 A01 Sebastià Salvà i Puig Salvà i Puig, Sebastià Sebastià Salvà i Puig Centre de Lingüística Teòrica, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 20 affected subject 20 Majorcan Catalan 20 nanosyntactic lexicalization 20 Northern Catalan 20 person-driven auxiliary selection 20 possessive/interest relationship 20 split auxiliary selection 20 subject of result construction 20 unaccusativity 20 undergoer 01 We aim to shed light on the split auxiliary selection found in Old Majorcan Catalan, in constructions where, instead of <i>haver</i> (‘have’), <i>esser</i> (‘be’) is used as the auxiliary verb for compound tenses, although just with persons 1 &#38; 2; not only with unaccusative verbs, but also with transitive and unergative verbs. We claim that, in fact, these constructions have affected or undergoer subjects, derived from a lower position: at least, [Spec, ProcessP]. Hence, this system for auxiliary selection is mixed: both person-driven and event-driven. The Majorcan data provide evidence in favour of Ramchand’s (2008; 2018) decomposition of the <i>v</i>P, and for a nanosyntactic lexicalization of the auxiliaries: <i>haver</i> lexicalizes a chunk such as [Aux, <i>i</i>*], while <i>esser</i> lexicalizes only [Aux], in case a Person<sub>[+participant]</sub> head intervenes. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.15sch 241 258 18 Chapter 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Palenque (Colombia)</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">African language survivals and their identification</Subtitle> 1 A01 Armin Schwegler Schwegler, Armin Armin Schwegler University of California, Irvine 20 Africanisms 20 language and identity 20 Palenque 20 Palenquero 01 This article examines the revitalization of African language survivals in the former maroon community of Palenque, Colombia. During much of the 20th century, lexical Africanisms in everyday Palenquero creole were scant. Ritual language (<i>Lumbalú</i>) and the speech of a few elderly Palenqueros still contained isolated Africanisms, but these had become archaic, nearing extinction. <br />Profound sociolinguistic changes in Palenque in the 1980-90s introduced sentiments of <i>negritud</i> (‘black awareness’) and appreciation for “all things African”, <i>lexicalia</i> included. Thus, younger Palenqueros – with the help of some <i>Lengua</i> teachers – developed lists of Afro-Palenquero archaisms, rescuing them from oblivion. Various mechanisms spread these <i>lexicalia “africana”</i> to the wider speech community, where they are embraced as an index of their maroon and Afro-Colombian identity. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.16she 259 274 16 Chapter 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Inflected infinitives in Galician</TitleText> 1 A01 Michelle Sheehan Sheehan, Michelle Michelle Sheehan Anglia Ruskin University 2 A01 Jeffrey Blokzijl Blokzijl, Jeffrey Jeffrey Blokzijl Leiden University 3 A01 M. Carmen Parafita Couto Parafita Couto, M. Carmen M. Carmen Parafita Couto Leiden University 20 control 20 finiteness 20 Galician 20 gender 20 inflected infinitives 01 This study uses an audio-questionnaire, supplemented by spoken corpus data, to probe the acceptability of Galician inflected infinitives in different syntactic contexts. Our results reveal that inflected infinitives in Galician are acceptable in a different range of contexts than in closely related Portuguese, and also in a broader range of contexts than previously reported for this language. Intra-speaker variation appears to correlate most strongly with L1 (Spanish/Galician) and gender, with a trend for men and L1 Spanish speakers to be more accepting of the inflected infinitive. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.ind 275 278 4 Miscellaneous 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20200821 2020 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027205551 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 110.00 EUR R 01 00 92.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 165.00 USD S 893026666 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 16 Hb 15 9789027205551 13 2020007370 BB 01 RLLT 02 1574-552X Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 16</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Selected papers from the 47th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Newark, Delaware</Subtitle> 01 rllt.16 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.16 1 B01 Irene Vogel Vogel, Irene Irene Vogel University of Delaware 01 eng 284 vi 278 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The chapters in this book represent the theme of “bridges” – bridging research approaches and directions across languages, methodologies and disciplines. Alongside descriptive and theoretical studies, the contributions present experimental studies addressing issues in syntax, phonetics-phonology and sociolinguistics. And alongside investigations of linguistic phenomena in standard Romance language varieties, other investigations address less well-known and studied, minority and endangered varieties (e.g., Quebec French, Brazilian Portuguese, Romanian, Galician, Catalan and Palenquero) from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives. Romance languages in contact with other languages and bilingualism, now also integral aspects of the field, are reflected in this volume as well, including less well-known cases of contemporary contact of Serbian with Romanian, and earlier contact of African languages with Spanish and Portuguese. This volume thus continues the decades long tradition of the Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages of embracing cutting-edge developments in the field. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.16.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027205551.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027205551.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/rllt.16.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/rllt.16.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/rllt.16.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.16.hb.png 10 01 JB code rllt.16.int 1 6 6 Chapter 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 1 A01 Irene Vogel Vogel, Irene Irene Vogel 10 01 JB code rllt.16.01ath 7 18 12 Chapter 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Variability in French word-final schwa</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Effects of focus and speaker</Subtitle> 1 A01 Angeliki Athanasopoulou Athanasopoulou, Angeliki Angeliki Athanasopoulou University of Calgary 2 A01 Irene Vogel Vogel, Irene Irene Vogel University of Delaware 20 focus 20 Parisian French 20 prosodic boundary 20 variability 20 word-final schwa 01 The production of schwa in French is highly variable. Some of this variability is predictable based on sociolinguistic (e.g., dialects), phonological (e.g., segments, word position), and stylistic (e.g., reading) factors. We investigate the effect of prosodic structure on the production of word-final schwa in Parisian French, while controlling for the other factors. We also investigate variability in schwa production within and between speakers of the same variety. Our findings show that prosody does affect the production of schwa: the stronger the prosodic boundary, the more probable schwa production is. While this is true for all the speakers, we also found considerable variation in the rates of schwa production, despite our controlling for dialect and style. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.02aut 19 36 18 Chapter 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Agreement and pronouns</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Implications for partial control</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jean-Marc Authier Authier, Jean-Marc Jean-Marc Authier The Pennsylvania State University 2 A01 Lisa A. Reed Reed, Lisa A. Lisa A. Reed The Pennsylvania State University 20 agree 20 partial control 20 plurality 20 secondary predicates 20 semantic agreement 01 This chapter compares the workings of agreement mismatches involving the French pronoun <i>on</i> with those involving PRO in partial control (PC) environments in order to advance our understanding of the type of plurality that has been assumed to be associated with the latter. The theoretical framework used to effect this comparison is the two-step theory of Agree argued for by Arregi and Nevins (2012) and Smith (2017). The evidence uncovered suggests that whatever is assumed to induce the plurality of PC PRO (e.g. Landau’s (2016b) associative morpheme) leaves neither morphological nor semantic agreement footprints. We also show that, on the LF side, the type of plural set denoted by PC PRO appears to be immune to any sort of quantificational manipulation. We are thus left with an inference of plurality with no tangible grammatical correlates, which points in the direction of a process of pragmatic associative reference along the lines of Haug (2014). 10 01 JB code rllt.16.03cab 37 48 12 Chapter 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Person/Number exponents in imperative-enclitic contexts</TitleText> 1 A01 Teresa Cabré Cabré, Teresa Teresa Cabré Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 Maria Ohannesian Ohannesian, Maria Maria Ohannesian Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 20 deixis 20 enclisis 20 markedness 20 P/N exponent 20 reflexive 01 The goal of this paper is to analyse the partial or total deletion of the Person/Number exponents in imperative-enclitic contexts in Catalan and Spanish. Both languages lose phonological material in a specific context, but Spanish deletes the right-edge segment from the verb whereas Barcelona Catalan loses the left-edge segment of the clitic. Our aim is to account for the contrasting solutions shown by these two neighbouring languages using the same constraints but ranked differently in the Optimality Theory framework. OT allows us to put together different types of grammatical requirements, including distinctness requirements, particularly a positional OCP constraint on Person/Number features, and faithfulness conditions, specifically the condition related with morpheme realization, all of which interact with alignment and markedness constraints. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.04cha 49 64 16 Chapter 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">French causal <i>puisque</i>-clauses in the light of (not)-at-issueness</TitleText> 1 A01 Isabelle Charnavel Charnavel, Isabelle Isabelle Charnavel Harvard University 20 (not)-at-issueness 20 causal clauses 20 evidentiality 20 French 20 presupposition 20 projection 20 speech act 20 syntax/semantics 01 This paper examines the discourse status of French causal clauses introduced by <i>puisque</i> ‘since’. <i>Puisque</i>-clauses are associated with two implications: the relation expressed by <i>puisque</i> and the content of their clause. Several diagnostics show that neither implication is at-issue and that the two implications belong to two different types of projective content (cf. Tonhauser et al. 2013). This is due to syntactic and lexical reasons: the relation expressed by <i>puisque</i> is not at-issue because <i>puisque</i>-clauses modify high (evidential and speech act) phrases that are not at-issue; the content of the <i>puisque</i>-clause is not at-issue because <i>puisque</i> is lexically factive, i.e. selects true facts. <i>Puisque</i> thus exemplifies an unrecognized type of double presuppositional trigger. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.05cue 65 76 12 Chapter 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Geminates and vowel laxing in Quebec French</TitleText> 1 A01 Anaële Cuerrier Cuerrier, Anaële Anaële Cuerrier Concordia University 2 A01 Charles Reiss Reiss, Charles Charles Reiss Concordia University 20 French 20 geminate 20 laxing 20 phonology 20 Quebec French 20 syllable 20 vowel harmony 01 Laxing and harmony in Quebec French (QF) high vowels shows dialectal, register and perhaps even lexical variation. A recent proposal to handle some of the data (Poliquin 2006) contains a radical innovation to phonological theory concerning long-distance segment interactions. We question the necessity of such an account by pointing out that recognition of geminate sonorants in QF can explain some puzzling forms without recourse to new devices. Our account is supported by phonetic considerations, as well as by recognizing that the alternative both under and overgenerates lax vowels in surface forms. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.06cyr 77 92 16 Chapter 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Number as an adjunct in Romance</TitleText> 1 A01 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino University of Campinas 2 A01 M. Teresa Espinal Espinal, M. Teresa M. Teresa Espinal Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 20 adjunct 20 determiner 20 nominalizer 20 pluralizer 20 Romance 01 In this paper, we argue that Spanish (and other Romance languages such as Catalan), contrary to what has been believed up to now, patterns with languages such as Brazilian Portuguese and French. We present several different arguments to support our proposal that in the Romance languages we investigate plural marking is specified and interpreted on functional categories, namely on Determiners. We propose that in these languages plural marking is a syntactic adjunct to D (i.e., a categorized <i>d</i> root) by default, and to a categorized <i>n</i> root in marked cases. Manifestations of (plural) Number on other constituents within the nominal domain are to be considered solely as the output of morphophonological agreement or concord. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.07dab 93 108 16 Chapter 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">A sociophonetic investigation of Mexico City Spanish vowel reduction</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">sociophonetic investigation of Mexico City Spanish vowel reduction</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Meghan Frances Dabkowski Dabkowski, Meghan Frances Meghan Frances Dabkowski University of Delaware, Department of Languages, Literatures & Cultures 20 Mexican Spanish 20 phonetics 20 phonology 20 sociolinguistic variation 20 Spanish dialectology 01 This study is the first to use acoustic data to investigate linguistic and social factors conditioning phonetic vowel reduction in Mexico City Spanish. The acoustic analysis reveals that two complementary strategies are used for reduction: voice weakening and shortening. Voice weakening affects all vowels at relatively similar rates, and is favored by preceding voiceless consonants, following voiceless consonants, and following pauses, and is most frequent in post-tonic position. Shortening affects high vowels and /o/, and is favored by preceding and following voiceless consonants, and is most frequent in pre-tonic position and unstressed monosyllabic words. These results support an articulatory gestural overlap analysis, in which characteristics of articulatory timing and movement account for the variation. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.08gul 109 132 24 Chapter 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Computational quantitative syntax</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The case of Universal 18</Subtitle> 1 A01 Kristina Gulordava Gulordava, Kristina Kristina Gulordava University of Geneva 2 A01 Paola Merlo Merlo, Paola Paola Merlo University of Geneva 20 adjective-noun order 20 Ancient Greek 20 corpus counts 20 Latin 20 modelling 20 noun-numeral order 20 quantitative syntax 20 treebanks 20 Universal 18 01 Accounting for the constraints on the possible word orders of a sentence in a language and across the world languages is a core challenge for syntactic theory. In the spirit of computational quantitative syntax, in this paper we present quantitative evidence about Universal 18. We show that corpus data confirms a dispreference for the word order combination where adjectives precede but numerals follow the nouns (Adj-N and N-Num). We then investigate if this dispreference is better explained as a constraint expressed at the level of the dominant orders or at the level of individual structures. Corpus counts support the latter interpretation. Finally, we propose a formal model of how this bias against Adj-N-Num orders can be integrated in the grammar. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.09guy 133 154 22 Chapter 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Trajectories of change in Spanish and Portuguese in the Americas</TitleText> 1 A01 Gregory R. Guy Guy, Gregory R. Gregory R. Guy New York University 20 African influences 20 dialects 20 innovation 20 language change 20 language contact 01 This paper examines ways in which varieties of Spanish and Portuguese spoken in the Americas have diverged significantly from their peninsular sources, and from each other, in the half-millennium since colonization. Some of this divergence is a consequence of spontaneous innovations in the New World varieties (e.g., ‘zheismo’ and ‘sheismo’ in Platense Spanish; emergence of the new 1<sc>pl</sc> pronoun <i>a gente</i> in Brazilian Portuguese). Historically, a significant driver of change was language contact, with indigenous languages, and especially with African languages. A suite of linguistic characteristics shared by Caribbean Spanish and Brazilian Portuguese indicate that both varieties were affected by the irregular transmission of these languages to the African population transported to these locations in the time of slavery. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.10isa 155 170 16 Chapter 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Clause typing and Quebec French -<i>tu</i></TitleText> 1 A01 Daniela Isac Isac, Daniela Daniela Isac Concordia University 2 A01 Justin Royer Royer, Justin Justin Royer McGill University 20 Addressee 20 epistemic commitment 20 Modality 20 Polarity 20 Quebec French 20 Speaker 20 tu 01 This paper focuses on the Quebec French particle -<i>tu</i>, which occurs in interrogatives, exclamatives and declaratives indicating surprise. We propose that -<i>tu</i> is the overt instantiation of a polarity (Pol) head that is neither negative nor positive and that -<i>tu</i> also carries an epistemic modality (Mod) feature that is keyed to an ignorant Speaker (S) and a knowledgeable Addressee (A). 10 01 JB code rllt.16.11loc 171 186 16 Chapter 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The syntax of superlative phrases in Romance</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">syntax of superlative phrases in Romance</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Nicoletta Loccioni Loccioni, Nicoletta Nicoletta Loccioni UCLA 20 adnominal modification 20 definiteness 20 degree phrases 20 DP structure 20 French 20 Italian 20 superlatives 01 In this paper, prenominal and postnominal superlatives in Romance are argued not to differ as a result of NP-movement (or lack thereof) to cross the adjective, but to result from two different derivations. In prenominal superlatives, the adjective is attracted to a high scope position in the DP-area of numerals where it can’t be bypassed by the NP. In postnominal superlatives, the superlative starts out as a predicate (a maximalizing relative clause over degrees) and it ends up postnominal (as any other relative clause in Romance). 10 01 JB code rllt.16.12mar 187 202 16 Chapter 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On recomplementation, high adverbs and V-movement in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Gabriel Martínez Vera Martínez Vera, Gabriel Gabriel Martínez Vera University of Connecticut 20 adverbs 20 complementizer 20 left periphery 20 phases 20 Spanish 01 I address the structure of the Spanish left periphery regarding recomplementation, i.e., double-complementizer constructions. I establish a contrast between Latin American Spanish (LAS) and European Spanish (ES): while there is an overt low complementizer <i>que</i> in ES, there is a null low complementizer in LAS – this is a novel empirical observation. The latter is different from the construction where low <i>que</i> is absent in ES: the null low complementizer in LAS patterns with the overt low complementizer in ES with respect to the phenomena discussed in this paper. I further tie this difference to the height of V-movement and adverb placement in LAS and ES. I then propose a phase-based account of the contrast. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.13pet 203 218 16 Chapter 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Articles in an article-less language</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Romanian-Serbian code-switching</Subtitle> 1 A01 Vanessa Petroj Petroj, Vanessa Vanessa Petroj University of Connecticut 20 code-switching 20 DP/NP parameter setting 20 Free Morpheme Constraint 20 Functional Head Constraint 20 PF Disjunction Theorem 20 Romanian 20 Serbian 20 syntax 01 I will explore the interaction between Romanian and Serbian elements within the Traditional Noun Phrase (TNP) that participate in code-switching, including Romanian definite articles (D), Romanian and Serbian adjectives (A), and Serbian nouns (N), focusing on the definite article affixation. Following Bošković (2008, 2012), I assume Serbian to be an NP language (lacking definite articles) and Romanian a DP language (having definite articles), leading to semantic and syntactic consequences for the rest of the structure. Finally, I argue against CS-specific constraints such as Free Morpheme Constraint (Poplack 1980), Functional Head Constraint (Belazi, Rubin, &#38; Toribio 1994), and PF Disjunction Theorem (MacSwan 1999), and in support of Bandi-Rao and den Dikken (2014) reformulated PF Disjunction Theorem. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.14sal 219 240 22 Chapter 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Split auxiliary selection with affected subjects in Old Majorcan Catalan</TitleText> 1 A01 Sebastià Salvà i Puig Salvà i Puig, Sebastià Sebastià Salvà i Puig Centre de Lingüística Teòrica, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 20 affected subject 20 Majorcan Catalan 20 nanosyntactic lexicalization 20 Northern Catalan 20 person-driven auxiliary selection 20 possessive/interest relationship 20 split auxiliary selection 20 subject of result construction 20 unaccusativity 20 undergoer 01 We aim to shed light on the split auxiliary selection found in Old Majorcan Catalan, in constructions where, instead of <i>haver</i> (‘have’), <i>esser</i> (‘be’) is used as the auxiliary verb for compound tenses, although just with persons 1 &#38; 2; not only with unaccusative verbs, but also with transitive and unergative verbs. We claim that, in fact, these constructions have affected or undergoer subjects, derived from a lower position: at least, [Spec, ProcessP]. Hence, this system for auxiliary selection is mixed: both person-driven and event-driven. The Majorcan data provide evidence in favour of Ramchand’s (2008; 2018) decomposition of the <i>v</i>P, and for a nanosyntactic lexicalization of the auxiliaries: <i>haver</i> lexicalizes a chunk such as [Aux, <i>i</i>*], while <i>esser</i> lexicalizes only [Aux], in case a Person<sub>[+participant]</sub> head intervenes. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.15sch 241 258 18 Chapter 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Palenque (Colombia)</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">African language survivals and their identification</Subtitle> 1 A01 Armin Schwegler Schwegler, Armin Armin Schwegler University of California, Irvine 20 Africanisms 20 language and identity 20 Palenque 20 Palenquero 01 This article examines the revitalization of African language survivals in the former maroon community of Palenque, Colombia. During much of the 20th century, lexical Africanisms in everyday Palenquero creole were scant. Ritual language (<i>Lumbalú</i>) and the speech of a few elderly Palenqueros still contained isolated Africanisms, but these had become archaic, nearing extinction. <br />Profound sociolinguistic changes in Palenque in the 1980-90s introduced sentiments of <i>negritud</i> (‘black awareness’) and appreciation for “all things African”, <i>lexicalia</i> included. Thus, younger Palenqueros – with the help of some <i>Lengua</i> teachers – developed lists of Afro-Palenquero archaisms, rescuing them from oblivion. Various mechanisms spread these <i>lexicalia “africana”</i> to the wider speech community, where they are embraced as an index of their maroon and Afro-Colombian identity. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.16she 259 274 16 Chapter 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Inflected infinitives in Galician</TitleText> 1 A01 Michelle Sheehan Sheehan, Michelle Michelle Sheehan Anglia Ruskin University 2 A01 Jeffrey Blokzijl Blokzijl, Jeffrey Jeffrey Blokzijl Leiden University 3 A01 M. Carmen Parafita Couto Parafita Couto, M. Carmen M. Carmen Parafita Couto Leiden University 20 control 20 finiteness 20 Galician 20 gender 20 inflected infinitives 01 This study uses an audio-questionnaire, supplemented by spoken corpus data, to probe the acceptability of Galician inflected infinitives in different syntactic contexts. Our results reveal that inflected infinitives in Galician are acceptable in a different range of contexts than in closely related Portuguese, and also in a broader range of contexts than previously reported for this language. Intra-speaker variation appears to correlate most strongly with L1 (Spanish/Galician) and gender, with a trend for men and L1 Spanish speakers to be more accepting of the inflected infinitive. 10 01 JB code rllt.16.ind 275 278 4 Miscellaneous 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20200821 2020 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 08 655 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 59 22 01 02 JB 1 00 110.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 116.60 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 22 02 02 JB 1 00 92.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 1 22 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 165.00 USD