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312009534 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 3 Eb 15 9789027282187 06 10.1075/rllt.3 13 2011039942 DG 002 02 01 RLLT 02 1574-552X Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2009</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Selected papers from 'Going Romance' Nice 2009</Subtitle> 01 rllt.3 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.3 1 B01 Janine Berns Berns, Janine Janine Berns Radboud University Nijmegen 2 B01 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs Radboud University Nijmegen 3 B01 Tobias Scheer Scheer, Tobias Tobias Scheer Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis 01 eng 402 viii 393 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The annual <i>Going Romance</i> conference has developed into the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages where current ideas about language in general and about Romance languages in particular are tested. The twenty-third <i>Going Romance</i> conference was a very special one: for the first time it was not hosted by one of the Dutch universities, but was co-organized by the Radboud University Nijmegen and the Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis and held in France at the Maison du Séminaire in Nice from 3–5 December 2009. <br />The present volume contains a broad range of peer-reviewed articles dealing with syntax, phonology, morphology, semantics and acquisition of the Romance languages as well as selected papers from the special workshop dealing with linguistic change in relation to linguistic theory. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.3.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027203830.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027203830.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/rllt.3.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/rllt.3.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/rllt.3.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.3.hb.png 10 01 JB code rllt.3.001int vii viii 2 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 10 01 JB code rllt.3.01bil 1 18 18 Article 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Expressing contrast in Romanian</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The conjunction <i>iar</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Gabriela Bîlbîie Bîlbîie, Gabriela Gabriela Bîlbîie Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7 2 A01 Grégoire Winterstein Winterstein, Grégoire Grégoire Winterstein Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7 01 This paper studies the Romanian conjunction <i>iar</i>. After a general introduction to the connective and the existing approaches, we defend an approach of <i>iar</i> as an information structure sensitive item. We describe two constraints on the use of <i>iar</i> that account for a wide range of data. We then use our analysis to compare the system of Romanian conjunctions to that of other languages, especially Russian, which uses a connective that appears similar to Romanian <i>iar</i>. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.02bon 19 38 20 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">When the benefit is on the fringe</TitleText> 1 A01 Nora Boneh Boneh, Nora Nora Boneh The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 2 A01 Lea Nash Nash, Lea Lea Nash Université Paris 8 01 This paper shows that French non-core datives introduced by applicative heads may attach at two different positions above the VP. If the Appl head attaches in the thematic domain, above V but below <i>v</i>, a new event participant is added; we refer to this configuration as the Benefactive Dative Construction. If the Appl head is attached above <i>v</i>, in a non-thematic environment, it does not introduce a new event participant, hence its deficient realization as se, to which configuration we refer as the Coreferential Dative Construction. We provide arguments against a low-applicative analysis (below VP), and show how to distinguish between the two types of applicative constructions (above VP) both semantically and syntactically. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.03bou 39 54 16 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Degree fronting in Qu&#233;bec French and the syntactic structure of degree quantifier DPs</TitleText> 1 A01 David-Étienne Bouchard Bouchard, David-Étienne David-Étienne Bouchard McGill University 2 A01 Heather Burnett Burnett, Heather Heather Burnett UCLA 3 A01 Daniel Valois Valois, Daniel Daniel Valois Université de Montréal 01 In this paper, we compare two syntactic constructions involving degree adverbs in English and Qu&#233;bec French: the <i>Degree Fronting (DF)</i> construction and the <i>Intensification at a Distance (IAD)</i> construction. We argue that, although they display some similar properties, these similarities are superficial. We argue that, while DF can be analyzed as involving movement, IAD cannot. We propose that the quantifiers in IAD sentences are base-generated in their surface positions, and that these syntactic positions coincide with the positions that the quantifiers occupy when they are quantifying over individuals or events. Furthermore, we argue that dialectal variation in distance quantificational structures between Standard European French and Qu&#233;bec French is due to differences in the semantics of degree adverbs in these dialects. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.04cha 55 70 16 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On sentence-internal <i>le m&#234;me</i> (&#8216;the same&#8217;) in French and pluractionality</TitleText> 1 A01 Isabelle Charnavel Charnavel, Isabelle Isabelle Charnavel UCLA/IJN-ENS 01 This paper focuses on the sentence-internal reading of French <i>le m&#234;me</i> (&#8216;the same&#8217;)and addresses two main issues: a. the problem of definiteness (<i>le m&#234;me</i> does not behave the way standard definites do); b. the problem of compositionality (the plural licenser that <i>m&#234;me</i> needs to get interpreted is not adjacent to it). I propose that: a. <i>le m&#234;me</i> is a complex determiner with specific properties with respect to presupposition and specificity; b. <i>le m&#234;me</i> is an existential quantifier over a plural event that is partitioned along participants or times. This licensing condition (plural event distributed through participants or times) relates <i>m&#234;me</i> to the notion of pluractionality. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.05cos 71 88 18 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Topic prominence is not a factor of variation between Brazilian and European Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 João Costa Costa, João João Costa FCSH – Universidade Nova de Lisboa 01 The existing syntactic differences between European and Brazilian Portuguese have received much attention in recent literature on generative syntax. According to several authors, Brazilian Portuguese became a discourse-oriented language with topic-prominence. This article shows that many constructions used to illustrate the specificity of Brazilian Portuguese as topic-prominent can also be found in European Portuguese. Accordingly, it is argued that the main difference between the two varieties of the language is not in discourse, but in the abstract syntactic properties associated with Inflection. This argument contributes to dispensing with discourse primitives in the syntactic component. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.06dal 89 114 26 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">When Dialectology studies contribute to lexical semantics and to Etymology</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The contribution of the Romance language area</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jean-Philippe Dalbera Dalbera, Jean-Philippe Jean-Philippe Dalbera Université de Nice Sophia Antipolis 10 01 JB code rllt.3.07gav 115 132 18 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cartography and agrammatic syntactic production in Ibero-Romance</TitleText> 1 A01 Anna Gavarró Gavarró, Anna Anna Gavarró Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 Silvia Martínez-Ferreiro Martínez-Ferreiro, Silvia Silvia Martínez-Ferreiro Universitat Pompeu Fabra 01 Friedmann&#8217;s work has shown that the syntactic productions of Broca&#8217;s aphasics are much more selectively impaired than previously thought. Here we entertain the Tree Pruning Hypothesis of Friedmann and evaluate its predictions in Catalan, Galician and Spanish, under the assumption that the functional structure of the tree is that postulated by the cartographic approach. We report the results of tests on the production of sentential negation, tense and subject agreement, clitic production, question production, and relative clause production, run with fifteen agrammatic patients. Overall, the results are consistent with the Tree Pruning Hypothesis for all subjects of all these languages. Further, on the basis of various tense and aspect projections, which are all equally impaired, we conclude that there are no distinguishable levels of impairment within a field. The analysis of question production provides an argument for the merge of <i>why</i> questions and yes/no interrogatives in the same functional projection. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.08rex 133 148 16 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The valuation of gender agreement in DP</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">valuation of gender agreement in DP</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">Evidence from Afro-Bolivian Spanish</Subtitle> 1 A01 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach The Ohio State University 2 A01 Sandro Sessarego Sessarego, Sandro Sandro Sessarego University of Wisconsin, Madison 01 This paper analyzes gender agreement in the Determiner Phrase in Afro-Bolivian Spanish. Our data shows a case of cross-generational change, transitioning from a basilectal Afro-Bolivian variety to the more prestigious standard Bolivian Spanish. Recent minimalist models account for variability as the differential specification and computation of uninterpretable features in a derivation. We argue that dialectal variation and change in ABS, even if externally driven by social factors, follow from feature valuation and checking and from the interplay between computational and evolutionary demands. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.09man 149 166 18 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">(Definite) denotation and case in Romance</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">History and variation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Maria Rita Manzini Manzini, Maria Rita Maria Rita Manzini Università degli Studi di Firenze 2 A01 Leonardo M. Savoia Savoia, Leonardo M. Leonardo M. Savoia Università degli Studi di Firenze 01 Recent minimalist approaches have reduced case to independent primitives (agreement, Tense) &#8211; but without any connection to its morphological expression. To solve this dichotomy, we consider the Latin <i>-s</i> case ending. Rejecting default treatments, we conclude that <i>-s</i> is associated with denotational, operator properties. These can be read as the set forming operator i.e. plural; as the inclusion operator, i.e. partitive, possessor, etc. (in a word &#8216;oblique&#8217;); or as the quantificational closure of EPP contexts (&#8216;nominative&#8217;). These properties are preserved in the two-case declension of medieval Gallo-Romance, and in its residues in Romansh varieties. Thus so-called case is a denotational, &#8216;determiner-like&#8217; element, with consequences for the classical historical correlation between loss of Latin case and development of the Romance determiner system. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.10mar 167 184 18 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Compounding in Romance and English</TitleText> 1 A01 Michaela Marchis Marchis, Michaela Michaela Marchis Universität Hamburg 01 In this paper, based on Bisetto &#38; Scalise&#8217;s (2005) classification of compounds, I discuss the variation between English and Romanian and Spanish in endocentric subordinate compounds, where the constituents are linked by complement-head relations. I argue that in this type of compounding, the different strategies employed by various languages are only Case-related, i.e. the Case of the complement can be checked by incorporation in English, <i>de</i>-insertion in Romance or Th(ematic) relational adjectives in Romance and English. However, <i>de </i>phrases and Th-adjectives differ with respect to the checking of Genitive Case. In the absence of <i>de </i>last resort insertion, Th-adjectives check the Genitive Case only nP internally, as a full Gen DP which is in long distance Agree with AgrP. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.11mar 185 202 18 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Epistemic modals in the past</TitleText> 1 A01 Fabienne Martin Martin, Fabienne Fabienne Martin Universität Stuttgart 01 The aim of this paper is to provide additional arguments against the view that on the epistemic reading of modal verbs, the time of the modal is always the utterance time. The hypothesis defended, also adopted by Eide (2002, 2003) and von Fintel and Gillies (2008) is that epistemic modals can be in the scope of Tense/Aspect. Three possible translations of <i>might have been </i>in French (with a <i>pass&#233; compos&#233; </i>or an <i>imparfait </i>on the modal and a simple infinitival, or with a present on the modal and a perfect infinitival) are semantically differentiated. The analysis describes the distribution of past tenses on epistemic modality and explains the differences in their interpretation. <i>Possibilities are the sort of thing that comes into and goes out of existence, that can be &#8216;dated&#8217;</i> (Mondadori 1978, p. 246) <i>It is obvious that we don&#8217;t have a good understanding of what happens when a modal is combined with temporal operators.</i> (Portner 2009, p. 230) 10 01 JB code rllt.3.12mat 203 222 20 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses</TitleText> 1 A01 Gabriela Matos Matos, Gabriela Gabriela Matos Universidade de Lisboa 2 A01 Madalena Colaço Colaço, Madalena Madalena Colaço Universidade de Lisboa 01 Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses exhibit a challenging behaviour: they disrupt the structure of the host sentence, do not present an overt first term, occur in different positions inside the host clause and, although notionally related to their host, they present syntactic autonomy. Taking into account data from European Portuguese, we claim that these clauses are derived from the core devices of the computational system: the coordinate structure is built up by Set Merge and takes, as first term, a null constituent denoting the host clause; then, Pair Merge operates by adjoining the parenthetical coordinated CP to a functional or verbal projection of the host sentence. Considering the autonomy of the parenthetical clause with respect to its host, we assume that this adjunction is an instance of Late Merge, a counter cyclic operation that applies at PF. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.13may 223 238 16 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Unfortunate questions</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Evaluative adverbs in questions in French</Subtitle> 1 A01 Laia Mayol Mayol, Laia Laia Mayol Universitat Pompeu Fabra 2 A01 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró CCHS-CSIC 01 This paper examines the semantic properties of evaluative adverbs, such as <i>unfortunately</i>, in question environments in French. We take Bonami and Godard&#8217;s (2008) analysis for <i>malheureusement</i> (&#8216;unfortunately&#8217;) in declarative sentences, where such propositional adverbs are analyzed as ancillary commitments, and extend it to a broader array of data, including polar and <i>wh</i>-questions. In a nutshell, we argue that <i>malheureusement</i> can take as input a set of propositions, which triggers an indifference interpretation of the sort that characterizes unconditional sentences. We also show that evaluatives may take a proposition as argument when they occur in polar questions, the only restriction occurring in negative polar questions, where biases are decisive in making the sentence acceptable. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.14oli 239 254 16 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Typology or reconstruction</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The benefits of Dialectology for diachronic analysis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Michèle Oliviéri Oliviéri, Michèle Michèle Oliviéri Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis 01 By and large in the generative framework, syntactic comparisons concern isolated mechanisms within different languages in a typological perspective. However, comparison can provide more if, as dialectologists, we consider that variation between closely genealogically related languages throws light on diachronic reconstruction. Indeed, if diatopic variation represents different stages of a change, then different dialects in a homogeneous area display different stages of the evolution and the speakers&#8217; I-language for the earlier stages becomes accessible. Considering the Null &#8216;Subject&#8217; Parameter, we focus on the dialects at the boundaries of Occitania since they display subject clitics for some persons only. Our data illustrate the gradual change between a stage zero (with no subject clitics, e.g. Latin) and a stage n (with subject clitics for all persons, e.g. Standard French). Analyzing clitics as bundles of features, we propose a progression in their emergence, which ties in with a functional &#8216;motivational cycle&#8217; of the morpho-syntactic elements. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.15per 255 272 18 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Sentential coordination and ellipsis</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02"><i>Free exceptives</i> in Spanish</Subtitle> 1 A01 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez CCHS-CSIC 2 A01 Norberto Moreno-Quibén Moreno-Quibén, Norberto Norberto Moreno-Quibén Universidad de Castilla – La Mancha 01 In this paper we provide a syntactic analysis of <i>free exceptive constructions </i>headed by <i>excepto </i>and <i>salvo </i>(&#8216;except&#8217;) in Spanish: <i>Todos los estudiantes cantaron, {excepto/salvo} Juan </i>(&#8216;Every student sang, except John&#8217;). Our claim is that <i>free exceptives</i> are coordinated elliptical sentences attached to the CP level of a host clause that expresses a generalization statement. We frame our analysis in the Boolean Phrase Hypothesis (Munn 1993), and defend that exceptive markers head a Boolean Phrase, as other coordinating conjunctions do. We also argue that exceptive markers select for a full-fledged CP as complement, whose null C head triggers movement of an XP constituent to its Specifier position (<i>Juan</i>, in the example above) and also triggers a process of ellipsis in which all the syntactic material inside the TP selected by C is marked for PF-deletion, along the lines of Merchant (2003). 10 01 JB code rllt.3.16pon 273 290 18 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Underapplication of vowel reduction to schwa in Majorcan Catalan productive derivation and verbal inflection</TitleText> 1 A01 Claudia Pons-Moll Pons-Moll, Claudia Claudia Pons-Moll Universitat de Barcelona /Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 In Majorcan Catalan, the process of vowel reduction of the mid front vowels to schwa in unstressed position underapplies under certain circumstances: <i>(</i>a) in productive derived forms with an unstressed vowel located in the initial syllable of the stem which alternates with a stressed mid front vowel in the stem of the underived form (<i>p</i>[&#233;]<i>ix </i>&#8216;fish&#8217; &#732; <i>p</i>[e]<i>ixet </i>&#8216;fish <i>dim</i>.&#8217;); <i>(</i>b) in verbal forms with an unstressed vowel located in the initial syllable of the stem which alternates with a stressed close mid front vowel in another verbal form of the same inflectional paradigm (<i>p</i>[&#233;]<i>ga </i>&#8216;(s/he) hits&#8217;<i> </i>&#732; <i>p</i>[e]<i>gam </i>&#8216;(we) hit&#8217;); <i>(</i>c) in learned and loan words with an unstressed <i>e</i> located in the initial syllable of the stem (<i>p</i>[e]<i>culiar </i>&#8216;peculiar&#8217;). In this paper I propose a novel explanation of these patterns framed within a relativized version of the Transderivational Correspondence Theory (TCT) (Benua 1997/2000), the Optimal Paradigms model (OP) (McCarthy 2005), the Positional Faithfulness Theory (Beckman 1998/1999) and the prominence driven approach to vowel reduction (Crosswhite 1999/2001, 2004). 10 01 JB code rllt.3.17poo 291 304 14 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Focus and the development of N-words in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Geoffrey Poole Poole, Geoffrey Geoffrey Poole Newcastle University 01 During Spain&#8217;s &#8216;Golden Age&#8217; period, n-words in Spanish, such as <i>nada</i> &#8216;nothing&#8217;, changed from being negative polarity items to negative concord items. During the same period, immediately pre-verbal n-words, which previously had expressed wide-focus for VP constitutes, came to acquire a mildly emphatic interpretation, which survives into the modern language as Quantifier Fronting (Quer 2002) or &#8216;verum-focus&#8217; fronting (Leonetti &#38; Escandell Vidal 2007, 2009). This development, in which negative polarity items seem to acquire a focus feature in the context of becoming negative concord items, is of particular interest because it provides indirect support for Watanabe&#8217;s (2004) account of negative concord, in which a focus feature is crucially implicated. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.18saa 305 322 18 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Anti-adjacency and head copy deletion</Subtitle> 1 A01 Andrés Saab Saab, Andrés Andrés Saab Leiden University (The Netherlands) / University of Comahue (Argentine) 01 This paper focuses on the morphosyntax of a kind of verbal duplication attested in River Plate Spanish (e.g. <i>Ven&#237; ac&#225;, ven&#237;</i> Lit: &#8216;come here come&#8217;). One striking property of this construction is that it requires that the duplicated verbs not be adjacent. I show that verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish instantiates a case of head copy realization and that the observed anti-adjacency effect reflects an underlying condition on non-pronunciation of heads in general. Some cases of head copy realization under apparent adjacency are independently accounted for once parts of words cannot be subject to morphological ellipsis. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.19sal 323 342 20 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Stylistic Fronting and Remnant movement in Old French</TitleText> 1 A01 Christine Meklenborg Salvesen Meklenborg Salvesen, Christine Christine Meklenborg Salvesen University of Oslo 01 In Old and Middle French it is possible to find Stylistic Fronting where both a head and a phrase have been fronted. I have examined SF constructions where the infinitive <i>dire </i>&#8216;say&#8217; or <i>faire </i>&#8216;do&#8217; are fronted, in particular the cases where they are preceded by their complement. In order to account for this construction, I propose that the elements are moved together by Remnant Movement. I also examine the structure of the vP, where the object or an adverb may precede the non-finite verb. This intermediary step of scrambling in the vP is necessary in order for these elements to be moved to the left periphery of the clause. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.20wal 343 362 20 Article 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Person restrictions and the representation of third person &#8211; an argument from Barcelon&#237; Catalan</TitleText> 1 A01 Martin Walkow Walkow, Martin Martin Walkow University of Massachusetts Amherst 01 Several Romance languages show restrictions on combinations of third person direct and indirect object clitics (Bonet 1995) and combinations of such clitics involving local person direct objects (the Person Case Constraint (PCC), Bonet 1991, 1994). The former have received morphological analyses, while the later have recently been treated as syntactic. A unified, syntactic analysis of both of these restrictions is developed by extending existing analyses of the PCC. Person restrictions are derived in a syntactic configuration where DO bleeds person licensing on IO. A more complex syntactic representation of third person is proposed. The starting point for the investigation is Barcelon&#237; Catalan, which evades both restrictions by not realizing person morphology on third person indirect objects. The proposal is subsequently extended to Spanish, in particular restrictions on animate direct objects pronouns in some varieties of le&#237;sta Spanish (Ormazabal &#38; Romero 2007). The syntactic proposal combines with the proposal for the semantics and pragmatics of person features in Sauerland (2004, 2008) to derive interpretive aspects of the le&#237;sta Spanish data. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.21zri 363 390 28 Article 22 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Definite DPs without lexical nouns in French</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Clausal modifiers and relativization</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anne Zribi-Hertz Zribi-Hertz, Anne Anne Zribi-Hertz UMR SFL, Université Paris-8/CNRS 10 01 JB code rllt.3.22ind 391 394 4 Article 23 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20111130 2011 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027203830 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 110.00 EUR R 01 00 92.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 165.00 USD S 423009533 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 3 Hb 15 9789027203830 13 2011039942 BB 01 RLLT 02 1574-552X Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2009</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Selected papers from 'Going Romance' Nice 2009</Subtitle> 01 rllt.3 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.3 1 B01 Janine Berns Berns, Janine Janine Berns Radboud University Nijmegen 2 B01 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs Radboud University Nijmegen 3 B01 Tobias Scheer Scheer, Tobias Tobias Scheer Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis 01 eng 402 viii 393 LAN009000 v.2006 CF 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The annual <i>Going Romance</i> conference has developed into the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages where current ideas about language in general and about Romance languages in particular are tested. The twenty-third <i>Going Romance</i> conference was a very special one: for the first time it was not hosted by one of the Dutch universities, but was co-organized by the Radboud University Nijmegen and the Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis and held in France at the Maison du Séminaire in Nice from 3–5 December 2009. <br />The present volume contains a broad range of peer-reviewed articles dealing with syntax, phonology, morphology, semantics and acquisition of the Romance languages as well as selected papers from the special workshop dealing with linguistic change in relation to linguistic theory. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.3.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027203830.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027203830.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/rllt.3.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/rllt.3.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/rllt.3.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.3.hb.png 10 01 JB code rllt.3.001int vii viii 2 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduction</TitleText> 10 01 JB code rllt.3.01bil 1 18 18 Article 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Expressing contrast in Romanian</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The conjunction <i>iar</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Gabriela Bîlbîie Bîlbîie, Gabriela Gabriela Bîlbîie Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7 2 A01 Grégoire Winterstein Winterstein, Grégoire Grégoire Winterstein Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7 01 This paper studies the Romanian conjunction <i>iar</i>. After a general introduction to the connective and the existing approaches, we defend an approach of <i>iar</i> as an information structure sensitive item. We describe two constraints on the use of <i>iar</i> that account for a wide range of data. We then use our analysis to compare the system of Romanian conjunctions to that of other languages, especially Russian, which uses a connective that appears similar to Romanian <i>iar</i>. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.02bon 19 38 20 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">When the benefit is on the fringe</TitleText> 1 A01 Nora Boneh Boneh, Nora Nora Boneh The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 2 A01 Lea Nash Nash, Lea Lea Nash Université Paris 8 01 This paper shows that French non-core datives introduced by applicative heads may attach at two different positions above the VP. If the Appl head attaches in the thematic domain, above V but below <i>v</i>, a new event participant is added; we refer to this configuration as the Benefactive Dative Construction. If the Appl head is attached above <i>v</i>, in a non-thematic environment, it does not introduce a new event participant, hence its deficient realization as se, to which configuration we refer as the Coreferential Dative Construction. We provide arguments against a low-applicative analysis (below VP), and show how to distinguish between the two types of applicative constructions (above VP) both semantically and syntactically. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.03bou 39 54 16 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Degree fronting in Qu&#233;bec French and the syntactic structure of degree quantifier DPs</TitleText> 1 A01 David-Étienne Bouchard Bouchard, David-Étienne David-Étienne Bouchard McGill University 2 A01 Heather Burnett Burnett, Heather Heather Burnett UCLA 3 A01 Daniel Valois Valois, Daniel Daniel Valois Université de Montréal 01 In this paper, we compare two syntactic constructions involving degree adverbs in English and Qu&#233;bec French: the <i>Degree Fronting (DF)</i> construction and the <i>Intensification at a Distance (IAD)</i> construction. We argue that, although they display some similar properties, these similarities are superficial. We argue that, while DF can be analyzed as involving movement, IAD cannot. We propose that the quantifiers in IAD sentences are base-generated in their surface positions, and that these syntactic positions coincide with the positions that the quantifiers occupy when they are quantifying over individuals or events. Furthermore, we argue that dialectal variation in distance quantificational structures between Standard European French and Qu&#233;bec French is due to differences in the semantics of degree adverbs in these dialects. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.04cha 55 70 16 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On sentence-internal <i>le m&#234;me</i> (&#8216;the same&#8217;) in French and pluractionality</TitleText> 1 A01 Isabelle Charnavel Charnavel, Isabelle Isabelle Charnavel UCLA/IJN-ENS 01 This paper focuses on the sentence-internal reading of French <i>le m&#234;me</i> (&#8216;the same&#8217;)and addresses two main issues: a. the problem of definiteness (<i>le m&#234;me</i> does not behave the way standard definites do); b. the problem of compositionality (the plural licenser that <i>m&#234;me</i> needs to get interpreted is not adjacent to it). I propose that: a. <i>le m&#234;me</i> is a complex determiner with specific properties with respect to presupposition and specificity; b. <i>le m&#234;me</i> is an existential quantifier over a plural event that is partitioned along participants or times. This licensing condition (plural event distributed through participants or times) relates <i>m&#234;me</i> to the notion of pluractionality. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.05cos 71 88 18 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Topic prominence is not a factor of variation between Brazilian and European Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 João Costa Costa, João João Costa FCSH – Universidade Nova de Lisboa 01 The existing syntactic differences between European and Brazilian Portuguese have received much attention in recent literature on generative syntax. According to several authors, Brazilian Portuguese became a discourse-oriented language with topic-prominence. This article shows that many constructions used to illustrate the specificity of Brazilian Portuguese as topic-prominent can also be found in European Portuguese. Accordingly, it is argued that the main difference between the two varieties of the language is not in discourse, but in the abstract syntactic properties associated with Inflection. This argument contributes to dispensing with discourse primitives in the syntactic component. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.06dal 89 114 26 Article 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">When Dialectology studies contribute to lexical semantics and to Etymology</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The contribution of the Romance language area</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jean-Philippe Dalbera Dalbera, Jean-Philippe Jean-Philippe Dalbera Université de Nice Sophia Antipolis 10 01 JB code rllt.3.07gav 115 132 18 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Cartography and agrammatic syntactic production in Ibero-Romance</TitleText> 1 A01 Anna Gavarró Gavarró, Anna Anna Gavarró Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 Silvia Martínez-Ferreiro Martínez-Ferreiro, Silvia Silvia Martínez-Ferreiro Universitat Pompeu Fabra 01 Friedmann&#8217;s work has shown that the syntactic productions of Broca&#8217;s aphasics are much more selectively impaired than previously thought. Here we entertain the Tree Pruning Hypothesis of Friedmann and evaluate its predictions in Catalan, Galician and Spanish, under the assumption that the functional structure of the tree is that postulated by the cartographic approach. We report the results of tests on the production of sentential negation, tense and subject agreement, clitic production, question production, and relative clause production, run with fifteen agrammatic patients. Overall, the results are consistent with the Tree Pruning Hypothesis for all subjects of all these languages. Further, on the basis of various tense and aspect projections, which are all equally impaired, we conclude that there are no distinguishable levels of impairment within a field. The analysis of question production provides an argument for the merge of <i>why</i> questions and yes/no interrogatives in the same functional projection. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.08rex 133 148 16 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The valuation of gender agreement in DP</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">valuation of gender agreement in DP</TitleWithoutPrefix> <Subtitle textformat="02">Evidence from Afro-Bolivian Spanish</Subtitle> 1 A01 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach The Ohio State University 2 A01 Sandro Sessarego Sessarego, Sandro Sandro Sessarego University of Wisconsin, Madison 01 This paper analyzes gender agreement in the Determiner Phrase in Afro-Bolivian Spanish. Our data shows a case of cross-generational change, transitioning from a basilectal Afro-Bolivian variety to the more prestigious standard Bolivian Spanish. Recent minimalist models account for variability as the differential specification and computation of uninterpretable features in a derivation. We argue that dialectal variation and change in ABS, even if externally driven by social factors, follow from feature valuation and checking and from the interplay between computational and evolutionary demands. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.09man 149 166 18 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">(Definite) denotation and case in Romance</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">History and variation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Maria Rita Manzini Manzini, Maria Rita Maria Rita Manzini Università degli Studi di Firenze 2 A01 Leonardo M. Savoia Savoia, Leonardo M. Leonardo M. Savoia Università degli Studi di Firenze 01 Recent minimalist approaches have reduced case to independent primitives (agreement, Tense) &#8211; but without any connection to its morphological expression. To solve this dichotomy, we consider the Latin <i>-s</i> case ending. Rejecting default treatments, we conclude that <i>-s</i> is associated with denotational, operator properties. These can be read as the set forming operator i.e. plural; as the inclusion operator, i.e. partitive, possessor, etc. (in a word &#8216;oblique&#8217;); or as the quantificational closure of EPP contexts (&#8216;nominative&#8217;). These properties are preserved in the two-case declension of medieval Gallo-Romance, and in its residues in Romansh varieties. Thus so-called case is a denotational, &#8216;determiner-like&#8217; element, with consequences for the classical historical correlation between loss of Latin case and development of the Romance determiner system. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.10mar 167 184 18 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Compounding in Romance and English</TitleText> 1 A01 Michaela Marchis Marchis, Michaela Michaela Marchis Universität Hamburg 01 In this paper, based on Bisetto &#38; Scalise&#8217;s (2005) classification of compounds, I discuss the variation between English and Romanian and Spanish in endocentric subordinate compounds, where the constituents are linked by complement-head relations. I argue that in this type of compounding, the different strategies employed by various languages are only Case-related, i.e. the Case of the complement can be checked by incorporation in English, <i>de</i>-insertion in Romance or Th(ematic) relational adjectives in Romance and English. However, <i>de </i>phrases and Th-adjectives differ with respect to the checking of Genitive Case. In the absence of <i>de </i>last resort insertion, Th-adjectives check the Genitive Case only nP internally, as a full Gen DP which is in long distance Agree with AgrP. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.11mar 185 202 18 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Epistemic modals in the past</TitleText> 1 A01 Fabienne Martin Martin, Fabienne Fabienne Martin Universität Stuttgart 01 The aim of this paper is to provide additional arguments against the view that on the epistemic reading of modal verbs, the time of the modal is always the utterance time. The hypothesis defended, also adopted by Eide (2002, 2003) and von Fintel and Gillies (2008) is that epistemic modals can be in the scope of Tense/Aspect. Three possible translations of <i>might have been </i>in French (with a <i>pass&#233; compos&#233; </i>or an <i>imparfait </i>on the modal and a simple infinitival, or with a present on the modal and a perfect infinitival) are semantically differentiated. The analysis describes the distribution of past tenses on epistemic modality and explains the differences in their interpretation. <i>Possibilities are the sort of thing that comes into and goes out of existence, that can be &#8216;dated&#8217;</i> (Mondadori 1978, p. 246) <i>It is obvious that we don&#8217;t have a good understanding of what happens when a modal is combined with temporal operators.</i> (Portner 2009, p. 230) 10 01 JB code rllt.3.12mat 203 222 20 Article 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses</TitleText> 1 A01 Gabriela Matos Matos, Gabriela Gabriela Matos Universidade de Lisboa 2 A01 Madalena Colaço Colaço, Madalena Madalena Colaço Universidade de Lisboa 01 Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses exhibit a challenging behaviour: they disrupt the structure of the host sentence, do not present an overt first term, occur in different positions inside the host clause and, although notionally related to their host, they present syntactic autonomy. Taking into account data from European Portuguese, we claim that these clauses are derived from the core devices of the computational system: the coordinate structure is built up by Set Merge and takes, as first term, a null constituent denoting the host clause; then, Pair Merge operates by adjoining the parenthetical coordinated CP to a functional or verbal projection of the host sentence. Considering the autonomy of the parenthetical clause with respect to its host, we assume that this adjunction is an instance of Late Merge, a counter cyclic operation that applies at PF. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.13may 223 238 16 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Unfortunate questions</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Evaluative adverbs in questions in French</Subtitle> 1 A01 Laia Mayol Mayol, Laia Laia Mayol Universitat Pompeu Fabra 2 A01 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró CCHS-CSIC 01 This paper examines the semantic properties of evaluative adverbs, such as <i>unfortunately</i>, in question environments in French. We take Bonami and Godard&#8217;s (2008) analysis for <i>malheureusement</i> (&#8216;unfortunately&#8217;) in declarative sentences, where such propositional adverbs are analyzed as ancillary commitments, and extend it to a broader array of data, including polar and <i>wh</i>-questions. In a nutshell, we argue that <i>malheureusement</i> can take as input a set of propositions, which triggers an indifference interpretation of the sort that characterizes unconditional sentences. We also show that evaluatives may take a proposition as argument when they occur in polar questions, the only restriction occurring in negative polar questions, where biases are decisive in making the sentence acceptable. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.14oli 239 254 16 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Typology or reconstruction</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The benefits of Dialectology for diachronic analysis</Subtitle> 1 A01 Michèle Oliviéri Oliviéri, Michèle Michèle Oliviéri Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis 01 By and large in the generative framework, syntactic comparisons concern isolated mechanisms within different languages in a typological perspective. However, comparison can provide more if, as dialectologists, we consider that variation between closely genealogically related languages throws light on diachronic reconstruction. Indeed, if diatopic variation represents different stages of a change, then different dialects in a homogeneous area display different stages of the evolution and the speakers&#8217; I-language for the earlier stages becomes accessible. Considering the Null &#8216;Subject&#8217; Parameter, we focus on the dialects at the boundaries of Occitania since they display subject clitics for some persons only. Our data illustrate the gradual change between a stage zero (with no subject clitics, e.g. Latin) and a stage n (with subject clitics for all persons, e.g. Standard French). Analyzing clitics as bundles of features, we propose a progression in their emergence, which ties in with a functional &#8216;motivational cycle&#8217; of the morpho-syntactic elements. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.15per 255 272 18 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Sentential coordination and ellipsis</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02"><i>Free exceptives</i> in Spanish</Subtitle> 1 A01 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez CCHS-CSIC 2 A01 Norberto Moreno-Quibén Moreno-Quibén, Norberto Norberto Moreno-Quibén Universidad de Castilla – La Mancha 01 In this paper we provide a syntactic analysis of <i>free exceptive constructions </i>headed by <i>excepto </i>and <i>salvo </i>(&#8216;except&#8217;) in Spanish: <i>Todos los estudiantes cantaron, {excepto/salvo} Juan </i>(&#8216;Every student sang, except John&#8217;). Our claim is that <i>free exceptives</i> are coordinated elliptical sentences attached to the CP level of a host clause that expresses a generalization statement. We frame our analysis in the Boolean Phrase Hypothesis (Munn 1993), and defend that exceptive markers head a Boolean Phrase, as other coordinating conjunctions do. We also argue that exceptive markers select for a full-fledged CP as complement, whose null C head triggers movement of an XP constituent to its Specifier position (<i>Juan</i>, in the example above) and also triggers a process of ellipsis in which all the syntactic material inside the TP selected by C is marked for PF-deletion, along the lines of Merchant (2003). 10 01 JB code rllt.3.16pon 273 290 18 Article 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Underapplication of vowel reduction to schwa in Majorcan Catalan productive derivation and verbal inflection</TitleText> 1 A01 Claudia Pons-Moll Pons-Moll, Claudia Claudia Pons-Moll Universitat de Barcelona /Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 In Majorcan Catalan, the process of vowel reduction of the mid front vowels to schwa in unstressed position underapplies under certain circumstances: <i>(</i>a) in productive derived forms with an unstressed vowel located in the initial syllable of the stem which alternates with a stressed mid front vowel in the stem of the underived form (<i>p</i>[&#233;]<i>ix </i>&#8216;fish&#8217; &#732; <i>p</i>[e]<i>ixet </i>&#8216;fish <i>dim</i>.&#8217;); <i>(</i>b) in verbal forms with an unstressed vowel located in the initial syllable of the stem which alternates with a stressed close mid front vowel in another verbal form of the same inflectional paradigm (<i>p</i>[&#233;]<i>ga </i>&#8216;(s/he) hits&#8217;<i> </i>&#732; <i>p</i>[e]<i>gam </i>&#8216;(we) hit&#8217;); <i>(</i>c) in learned and loan words with an unstressed <i>e</i> located in the initial syllable of the stem (<i>p</i>[e]<i>culiar </i>&#8216;peculiar&#8217;). In this paper I propose a novel explanation of these patterns framed within a relativized version of the Transderivational Correspondence Theory (TCT) (Benua 1997/2000), the Optimal Paradigms model (OP) (McCarthy 2005), the Positional Faithfulness Theory (Beckman 1998/1999) and the prominence driven approach to vowel reduction (Crosswhite 1999/2001, 2004). 10 01 JB code rllt.3.17poo 291 304 14 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Focus and the development of N-words in Spanish</TitleText> 1 A01 Geoffrey Poole Poole, Geoffrey Geoffrey Poole Newcastle University 01 During Spain&#8217;s &#8216;Golden Age&#8217; period, n-words in Spanish, such as <i>nada</i> &#8216;nothing&#8217;, changed from being negative polarity items to negative concord items. During the same period, immediately pre-verbal n-words, which previously had expressed wide-focus for VP constitutes, came to acquire a mildly emphatic interpretation, which survives into the modern language as Quantifier Fronting (Quer 2002) or &#8216;verum-focus&#8217; fronting (Leonetti &#38; Escandell Vidal 2007, 2009). This development, in which negative polarity items seem to acquire a focus feature in the context of becoming negative concord items, is of particular interest because it provides indirect support for Watanabe&#8217;s (2004) account of negative concord, in which a focus feature is crucially implicated. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.18saa 305 322 18 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Anti-adjacency and head copy deletion</Subtitle> 1 A01 Andrés Saab Saab, Andrés Andrés Saab Leiden University (The Netherlands) / University of Comahue (Argentine) 01 This paper focuses on the morphosyntax of a kind of verbal duplication attested in River Plate Spanish (e.g. <i>Ven&#237; ac&#225;, ven&#237;</i> Lit: &#8216;come here come&#8217;). One striking property of this construction is that it requires that the duplicated verbs not be adjacent. I show that verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish instantiates a case of head copy realization and that the observed anti-adjacency effect reflects an underlying condition on non-pronunciation of heads in general. Some cases of head copy realization under apparent adjacency are independently accounted for once parts of words cannot be subject to morphological ellipsis. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.19sal 323 342 20 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Stylistic Fronting and Remnant movement in Old French</TitleText> 1 A01 Christine Meklenborg Salvesen Meklenborg Salvesen, Christine Christine Meklenborg Salvesen University of Oslo 01 In Old and Middle French it is possible to find Stylistic Fronting where both a head and a phrase have been fronted. I have examined SF constructions where the infinitive <i>dire </i>&#8216;say&#8217; or <i>faire </i>&#8216;do&#8217; are fronted, in particular the cases where they are preceded by their complement. In order to account for this construction, I propose that the elements are moved together by Remnant Movement. I also examine the structure of the vP, where the object or an adverb may precede the non-finite verb. This intermediary step of scrambling in the vP is necessary in order for these elements to be moved to the left periphery of the clause. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.20wal 343 362 20 Article 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Person restrictions and the representation of third person &#8211; an argument from Barcelon&#237; Catalan</TitleText> 1 A01 Martin Walkow Walkow, Martin Martin Walkow University of Massachusetts Amherst 01 Several Romance languages show restrictions on combinations of third person direct and indirect object clitics (Bonet 1995) and combinations of such clitics involving local person direct objects (the Person Case Constraint (PCC), Bonet 1991, 1994). The former have received morphological analyses, while the later have recently been treated as syntactic. A unified, syntactic analysis of both of these restrictions is developed by extending existing analyses of the PCC. Person restrictions are derived in a syntactic configuration where DO bleeds person licensing on IO. A more complex syntactic representation of third person is proposed. The starting point for the investigation is Barcelon&#237; Catalan, which evades both restrictions by not realizing person morphology on third person indirect objects. The proposal is subsequently extended to Spanish, in particular restrictions on animate direct objects pronouns in some varieties of le&#237;sta Spanish (Ormazabal &#38; Romero 2007). The syntactic proposal combines with the proposal for the semantics and pragmatics of person features in Sauerland (2004, 2008) to derive interpretive aspects of the le&#237;sta Spanish data. 10 01 JB code rllt.3.21zri 363 390 28 Article 22 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Definite DPs without lexical nouns in French</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Clausal modifiers and relativization</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anne Zribi-Hertz Zribi-Hertz, Anne Anne Zribi-Hertz UMR SFL, Université Paris-8/CNRS 10 01 JB code rllt.3.22ind 391 394 4 Article 23 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20111130 2011 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 850 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 18 14 01 02 JB 1 00 110.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 116.60 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 14 02 02 JB 1 00 92.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 14 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 165.00 USD