312009534 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 3 Eb 15 9789027282187 06 10.1075/rllt.3 00 EA E107 10 01 JB code RLLT 02 1574-552X 02 3.00 01 02 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 11 01 JB code jbe-all 01 02 Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles) 11 01 JB code jbe-2015-all 01 02 Complete backlist (3,208 titles, 1967–2015) 05 02 Complete backlist (1967–2015) 11 01 JB code jbe-2015-linguistics 01 02 Subject collection: Linguistics (2,773 titles, 1967–2015) 05 02 Linguistics (1967–2015) 01 01 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2009 Selected papers from 'Going Romance' Nice 2009 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2009: Selected papers from 'Going Romance' Nice 2009 1 B01 01 JB code 795147572 Janine Berns Berns, Janine Janine Berns Radboud University Nijmegen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/795147572 2 B01 01 JB code 780147573 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs Radboud University Nijmegen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/780147573 3 B01 01 JB code 590147574 Tobias Scheer Scheer, Tobias Tobias Scheer Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/590147574 01 eng 11 402 03 03 viii 03 00 393 03 01 23 440 03 2009 PC11 04 Romance languages--Congresses. 10 LAN009000 12 CF/2AD 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 The annual Going Romance conference has developed into the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages where ideas about language in general and about Romance languages in particular are tested. This title contains a range of peer-reviewed articles as well as selected papers from the conference. 03 00 The annual Going Romance conference has developed into the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages where current ideas about language in general and about Romance languages in particular are tested. The twenty-third Going Romance conference was a very special one: for the first time it was not hosted by one of the Dutch universities, but was co-organized by the Radboud University Nijmegen and the Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis and held in France at the Maison du Séminaire in Nice from 3–5 December 2009.

The present volume contains a broad range of peer-reviewed articles dealing with syntax, phonology, morphology, semantics and acquisition of the Romance languages as well as selected papers from the special workshop dealing with linguistic change in relation to linguistic theory.

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01 01 JB code rllt.3.001int 06 10.1075/rllt.3.001int vii viii 2 Article 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.3.01bil 06 10.1075/rllt.3.01bil 1 18 18 Article 2 01 04 Expressing contrast in Romanian Expressing contrast in Romanian 01 04 The conjunction iar The conjunction iar 1 A01 01 JB code 581153173 Gabriela Bîlbîie Bîlbîie, Gabriela Gabriela Bîlbîie Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/581153173 2 A01 01 JB code 122153174 Grégoire Winterstein Winterstein, Grégoire Grégoire Winterstein Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/122153174 01 eng 30 00

This paper studies the Romanian conjunction iar. After a general introduction to the connective and the existing approaches, we defend an approach of iar as an information structure sensitive item. We describe two constraints on the use of iar that account for a wide range of data. We then use our analysis to compare the system of Romanian conjunctions to that of other languages, especially Russian, which uses a connective that appears similar to Romanian iar.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.02bon 06 10.1075/rllt.3.02bon 19 38 20 Article 3 01 04 When the benefit is on the fringe When the benefit is on the fringe 1 A01 01 JB code 713153175 Nora Boneh Boneh, Nora Nora Boneh The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/713153175 2 A01 01 JB code 813153176 Lea Nash Nash, Lea Lea Nash Université Paris 8 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/813153176 01 eng 30 00

This paper shows that French non-core datives introduced by applicative heads may attach at two different positions above the VP. If the Appl head attaches in the thematic domain, above V but below v, a new event participant is added; we refer to this configuration as the Benefactive Dative Construction. If the Appl head is attached above v, in a non-thematic environment, it does not introduce a new event participant, hence its deficient realization as se, to which configuration we refer as the Coreferential Dative Construction. We provide arguments against a low-applicative analysis (below VP), and show how to distinguish between the two types of applicative constructions (above VP) both semantically and syntactically.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.03bou 06 10.1075/rllt.3.03bou 39 54 16 Article 4 01 04 Degree fronting in Quebec French and the syntactic structure of degree quantifier DPs Degree fronting in Québec French and the syntactic structure of degree quantifier DPs 1 A01 01 JB code 173153177 David-Étienne Bouchard Bouchard, David-Étienne David-Étienne Bouchard McGill University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/173153177 2 A01 01 JB code 240153178 Heather Burnett Burnett, Heather Heather Burnett UCLA 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/240153178 3 A01 01 JB code 305153179 Daniel Valois Valois, Daniel Daniel Valois Université de Montréal 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/305153179 01 eng 30 00

In this paper, we compare two syntactic constructions involving degree adverbs in English and Québec French: the Degree Fronting (DF) construction and the Intensification at a Distance (IAD) construction. We argue that, although they display some similar properties, these similarities are superficial. We argue that, while DF can be analyzed as involving movement, IAD cannot. We propose that the quantifiers in IAD sentences are base-generated in their surface positions, and that these syntactic positions coincide with the positions that the quantifiers occupy when they are quantifying over individuals or events. Furthermore, we argue that dialectal variation in distance quantificational structures between Standard European French and Québec French is due to differences in the semantics of degree adverbs in these dialects.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.04cha 06 10.1075/rllt.3.04cha 55 70 16 Article 5 01 04 On sentence-internal le meme (`the same') in French and pluractionality On sentence-internal le même (‘the same’) in French and pluractionality 1 A01 01 JB code 842153180 Isabelle Charnavel Charnavel, Isabelle Isabelle Charnavel UCLA/IJN-ENS 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/842153180 01 eng 30 00

This paper focuses on the sentence-internal reading of French le même (‘the same’)and addresses two main issues: a. the problem of definiteness (le même does not behave the way standard definites do); b. the problem of compositionality (the plural licenser that même needs to get interpreted is not adjacent to it). I propose that: a. le même is a complex determiner with specific properties with respect to presupposition and specificity; b. le même is an existential quantifier over a plural event that is partitioned along participants or times. This licensing condition (plural event distributed through participants or times) relates même to the notion of pluractionality.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.05cos 06 10.1075/rllt.3.05cos 71 88 18 Article 6 01 04 Topic prominence is not a factor of variation between Brazilian and European Portuguese Topic prominence is not a factor of variation between Brazilian and European Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 323153181 João Costa Costa, João João Costa FCSH – Universidade Nova de Lisboa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/323153181 01 eng 30 00

The existing syntactic differences between European and Brazilian Portuguese have received much attention in recent literature on generative syntax. According to several authors, Brazilian Portuguese became a discourse-oriented language with topic-prominence. This article shows that many constructions used to illustrate the specificity of Brazilian Portuguese as topic-prominent can also be found in European Portuguese. Accordingly, it is argued that the main difference between the two varieties of the language is not in discourse, but in the abstract syntactic properties associated with Inflection. This argument contributes to dispensing with discourse primitives in the syntactic component.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.06dal 06 10.1075/rllt.3.06dal 89 114 26 Article 7 01 04 When Dialectology studies contribute to lexical semantics and to Etymology When Dialectology studies contribute to lexical semantics and to Etymology 01 04 The contribution of the Romance language area The contribution of the Romance language area 1 A01 01 JB code 555153182 Jean-Philippe Dalbera Dalbera, Jean-Philippe Jean-Philippe Dalbera Université de Nice Sophia Antipolis 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/555153182 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.3.07gav 06 10.1075/rllt.3.07gav 115 132 18 Article 8 01 04 Cartography and agrammatic syntactic production in Ibero-Romance Cartography and agrammatic syntactic production in Ibero-Romance 1 A01 01 JB code 899153183 Anna Gavarró Gavarró, Anna Anna Gavarró Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/899153183 2 A01 01 JB code 240153184 Silvia Martínez-Ferreiro Martínez-Ferreiro, Silvia Silvia Martínez-Ferreiro Universitat Pompeu Fabra 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/240153184 01 eng 30 00

Friedmann’s work has shown that the syntactic productions of Broca’s aphasics are much more selectively impaired than previously thought. Here we entertain the Tree Pruning Hypothesis of Friedmann and evaluate its predictions in Catalan, Galician and Spanish, under the assumption that the functional structure of the tree is that postulated by the cartographic approach. We report the results of tests on the production of sentential negation, tense and subject agreement, clitic production, question production, and relative clause production, run with fifteen agrammatic patients. Overall, the results are consistent with the Tree Pruning Hypothesis for all subjects of all these languages. Further, on the basis of various tense and aspect projections, which are all equally impaired, we conclude that there are no distinguishable levels of impairment within a field. The analysis of question production provides an argument for the merge of why questions and yes/no interrogatives in the same functional projection.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.08rex 06 10.1075/rllt.3.08rex 133 148 16 Article 9 01 04 The valuation of gender agreement in DP The valuation of gender agreement in DP 01 04 Evidence from Afro-Bolivian Spanish Evidence from Afro-Bolivian Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 517153185 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach The Ohio State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/517153185 2 A01 01 JB code 842153186 Sandro Sessarego Sessarego, Sandro Sandro Sessarego University of Wisconsin, Madison 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/842153186 01 eng 30 00

This paper analyzes gender agreement in the Determiner Phrase in Afro-Bolivian Spanish. Our data shows a case of cross-generational change, transitioning from a basilectal Afro-Bolivian variety to the more prestigious standard Bolivian Spanish. Recent minimalist models account for variability as the differential specification and computation of uninterpretable features in a derivation. We argue that dialectal variation and change in ABS, even if externally driven by social factors, follow from feature valuation and checking and from the interplay between computational and evolutionary demands.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.09man 06 10.1075/rllt.3.09man 149 166 18 Article 10 01 04 (Definite) denotation and case in Romance (Definite) denotation and case in Romance 01 04 History and variation History and variation 1 A01 01 JB code 221153187 Maria Rita Manzini Manzini, Maria Rita Maria Rita Manzini Università degli Studi di Firenze 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/221153187 2 A01 01 JB code 392153188 Leonardo M. Savoia Savoia, Leonardo M. Leonardo M. Savoia Università degli Studi di Firenze 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/392153188 01 eng 30 00

Recent minimalist approaches have reduced case to independent primitives (agreement, Tense) – but without any connection to its morphological expression. To solve this dichotomy, we consider the Latin -s case ending. Rejecting default treatments, we conclude that -s is associated with denotational, operator properties. These can be read as the set forming operator i.e. plural; as the inclusion operator, i.e. partitive, possessor, etc. (in a word ‘oblique’); or as the quantificational closure of EPP contexts (‘nominative’). These properties are preserved in the two-case declension of medieval Gallo-Romance, and in its residues in Romansh varieties. Thus so-called case is a denotational, ‘determiner-like’ element, with consequences for the classical historical correlation between loss of Latin case and development of the Romance determiner system.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.10mar 06 10.1075/rllt.3.10mar 167 184 18 Article 11 01 04 Compounding in Romance and English Compounding in Romance and English 1 A01 01 JB code 895153189 Michaela Marchis Marchis, Michaela Michaela Marchis Universität Hamburg 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/895153189 01 eng 30 00

In this paper, based on Bisetto & Scalise’s (2005) classification of compounds, I discuss the variation between English and Romanian and Spanish in endocentric subordinate compounds, where the constituents are linked by complement-head relations. I argue that in this type of compounding, the different strategies employed by various languages are only Case-related, i.e. the Case of the complement can be checked by incorporation in English, de-insertion in Romance or Th(ematic) relational adjectives in Romance and English. However, de phrases and Th-adjectives differ with respect to the checking of Genitive Case. In the absence of de last resort insertion, Th-adjectives check the Genitive Case only nP internally, as a full Gen DP which is in long distance Agree with AgrP.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.11mar 06 10.1075/rllt.3.11mar 185 202 18 Article 12 01 04 Epistemic modals in the past Epistemic modals in the past 1 A01 01 JB code 221153190 Fabienne Martin Martin, Fabienne Fabienne Martin Universität Stuttgart 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/221153190 01 eng 30 00

The aim of this paper is to provide additional arguments against the view that on the epistemic reading of modal verbs, the time of the modal is always the utterance time. The hypothesis defended, also adopted by Eide (2002, 2003) and von Fintel and Gillies (2008) is that epistemic modals can be in the scope of Tense/Aspect. Three possible translations of might have been in French (with a passé composé or an imparfait on the modal and a simple infinitival, or with a present on the modal and a perfect infinitival) are semantically differentiated. The analysis describes the distribution of past tenses on epistemic modality and explains the differences in their interpretation. Possibilities are the sort of thing that comes into and goes out of existence, that can be ‘dated’ (Mondadori 1978, p. 246) It is obvious that we don’t have a good understanding of what happens when a modal is combined with temporal operators. (Portner 2009, p. 230)

01 01 JB code rllt.3.12mat 06 10.1075/rllt.3.12mat 203 222 20 Article 13 01 04 Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses 1 A01 01 JB code 524153191 Gabriela Matos Matos, Gabriela Gabriela Matos Universidade de Lisboa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/524153191 2 A01 01 JB code 880153192 Madalena Colaço Colaço, Madalena Madalena Colaço Universidade de Lisboa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/880153192 01 eng 30 00

Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses exhibit a challenging behaviour: they disrupt the structure of the host sentence, do not present an overt first term, occur in different positions inside the host clause and, although notionally related to their host, they present syntactic autonomy. Taking into account data from European Portuguese, we claim that these clauses are derived from the core devices of the computational system: the coordinate structure is built up by Set Merge and takes, as first term, a null constituent denoting the host clause; then, Pair Merge operates by adjoining the parenthetical coordinated CP to a functional or verbal projection of the host sentence. Considering the autonomy of the parenthetical clause with respect to its host, we assume that this adjunction is an instance of Late Merge, a counter cyclic operation that applies at PF.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.13may 06 10.1075/rllt.3.13may 223 238 16 Article 14 01 04 Unfortunate questions Unfortunate questions 01 04 Evaluative adverbs in questions in French Evaluative adverbs in questions in French 1 A01 01 JB code 221153193 Laia Mayol Mayol, Laia Laia Mayol Universitat Pompeu Fabra 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/221153193 2 A01 01 JB code 305153194 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró CCHS-CSIC 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/305153194 01 eng 30 00

This paper examines the semantic properties of evaluative adverbs, such as unfortunately, in question environments in French. We take Bonami and Godard’s (2008) analysis for malheureusement (‘unfortunately’) in declarative sentences, where such propositional adverbs are analyzed as ancillary commitments, and extend it to a broader array of data, including polar and wh-questions. In a nutshell, we argue that malheureusement can take as input a set of propositions, which triggers an indifference interpretation of the sort that characterizes unconditional sentences. We also show that evaluatives may take a proposition as argument when they occur in polar questions, the only restriction occurring in negative polar questions, where biases are decisive in making the sentence acceptable.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.14oli 06 10.1075/rllt.3.14oli 239 254 16 Article 15 01 04 Typology or reconstruction Typology or reconstruction 01 04 The benefits of Dialectology for diachronic analysis The benefits of Dialectology for diachronic analysis 1 A01 01 JB code 915153195 Michèle Oliviéri Oliviéri, Michèle Michèle Oliviéri Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/915153195 01 eng 30 00

By and large in the generative framework, syntactic comparisons concern isolated mechanisms within different languages in a typological perspective. However, comparison can provide more if, as dialectologists, we consider that variation between closely genealogically related languages throws light on diachronic reconstruction. Indeed, if diatopic variation represents different stages of a change, then different dialects in a homogeneous area display different stages of the evolution and the speakers’ I-language for the earlier stages becomes accessible. Considering the Null ‘Subject’ Parameter, we focus on the dialects at the boundaries of Occitania since they display subject clitics for some persons only. Our data illustrate the gradual change between a stage zero (with no subject clitics, e.g. Latin) and a stage n (with subject clitics for all persons, e.g. Standard French). Analyzing clitics as bundles of features, we propose a progression in their emergence, which ties in with a functional ‘motivational cycle’ of the morpho-syntactic elements.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.15per 06 10.1075/rllt.3.15per 255 272 18 Article 16 01 04 Sentential coordination and ellipsis Sentential coordination and ellipsis 01 04 Free exceptives in Spanish Free exceptives in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 482153196 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez CCHS-CSIC 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/482153196 2 A01 01 JB code 539153197 Norberto Moreno-Quibén Moreno-Quibén, Norberto Norberto Moreno-Quibén Universidad de Castilla – La Mancha 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/539153197 01 eng 30 00

In this paper we provide a syntactic analysis of free exceptive constructions headed by excepto and salvo (‘except’) in Spanish: Todos los estudiantes cantaron, {excepto/salvo} Juan (‘Every student sang, except John’). Our claim is that free exceptives are coordinated elliptical sentences attached to the CP level of a host clause that expresses a generalization statement. We frame our analysis in the Boolean Phrase Hypothesis (Munn 1993), and defend that exceptive markers head a Boolean Phrase, as other coordinating conjunctions do. We also argue that exceptive markers select for a full-fledged CP as complement, whose null C head triggers movement of an XP constituent to its Specifier position (Juan, in the example above) and also triggers a process of ellipsis in which all the syntactic material inside the TP selected by C is marked for PF-deletion, along the lines of Merchant (2003).

01 01 JB code rllt.3.16pon 06 10.1075/rllt.3.16pon 273 290 18 Article 17 01 04 Underapplication of vowel reduction to schwa in Majorcan Catalan productive derivation and verbal inflection Underapplication of vowel reduction to schwa in Majorcan Catalan productive derivation and verbal inflection 1 A01 01 JB code 122153198 Claudia Pons-Moll Pons-Moll, Claudia Claudia Pons-Moll Universitat de Barcelona /Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/122153198 01 eng 30 00

In Majorcan Catalan, the process of vowel reduction of the mid front vowels to schwa in unstressed position underapplies under certain circumstances: (a) in productive derived forms with an unstressed vowel located in the initial syllable of the stem which alternates with a stressed mid front vowel in the stem of the underived form (p[é]ix ‘fish’ ˜ p[e]ixet ‘fish dim.’); (b) in verbal forms with an unstressed vowel located in the initial syllable of the stem which alternates with a stressed close mid front vowel in another verbal form of the same inflectional paradigm (p[é]ga ‘(s/he) hits’ ˜ p[e]gam ‘(we) hit’); (c) in learned and loan words with an unstressed e located in the initial syllable of the stem (p[e]culiar ‘peculiar’). In this paper I propose a novel explanation of these patterns framed within a relativized version of the Transderivational Correspondence Theory (TCT) (Benua 1997/2000), the Optimal Paradigms model (OP) (McCarthy 2005), the Positional Faithfulness Theory (Beckman 1998/1999) and the prominence driven approach to vowel reduction (Crosswhite 1999/2001, 2004).

01 01 JB code rllt.3.17poo 06 10.1075/rllt.3.17poo 291 304 14 Article 18 01 04 Focus and the development of N-words in Spanish Focus and the development of N-words in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 471153199 Geoffrey Poole Poole, Geoffrey Geoffrey Poole Newcastle University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/471153199 01 eng 30 00

During Spain’s ‘Golden Age’ period, n-words in Spanish, such as nada ‘nothing’, changed from being negative polarity items to negative concord items. During the same period, immediately pre-verbal n-words, which previously had expressed wide-focus for VP constitutes, came to acquire a mildly emphatic interpretation, which survives into the modern language as Quantifier Fronting (Quer 2002) or ‘verum-focus’ fronting (Leonetti & Escandell Vidal 2007, 2009). This development, in which negative polarity items seem to acquire a focus feature in the context of becoming negative concord items, is of particular interest because it provides indirect support for Watanabe’s (2004) account of negative concord, in which a focus feature is crucially implicated.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.18saa 06 10.1075/rllt.3.18saa 305 322 18 Article 19 01 04 On verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish On verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish 01 04 Anti-adjacency and head copy deletion Anti-adjacency and head copy deletion 1 A01 01 JB code 842153200 Andrés Saab Saab, Andrés Andrés Saab Leiden University (The Netherlands) / University of Comahue (Argentine) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/842153200 01 eng 30 00

This paper focuses on the morphosyntax of a kind of verbal duplication attested in River Plate Spanish (e.g. Vení acá, vení Lit: ‘come here come’). One striking property of this construction is that it requires that the duplicated verbs not be adjacent. I show that verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish instantiates a case of head copy realization and that the observed anti-adjacency effect reflects an underlying condition on non-pronunciation of heads in general. Some cases of head copy realization under apparent adjacency are independently accounted for once parts of words cannot be subject to morphological ellipsis.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.19sal 06 10.1075/rllt.3.19sal 323 342 20 Article 20 01 04 Stylistic Fronting and Remnant movement in Old French Stylistic Fronting and Remnant movement in Old French 1 A01 01 JB code 255153201 Christine Meklenborg Salvesen Meklenborg Salvesen, Christine Christine Meklenborg Salvesen University of Oslo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/255153201 01 eng 30 00

In Old and Middle French it is possible to find Stylistic Fronting where both a head and a phrase have been fronted. I have examined SF constructions where the infinitive dire ‘say’ or faire ‘do’ are fronted, in particular the cases where they are preceded by their complement. In order to account for this construction, I propose that the elements are moved together by Remnant Movement. I also examine the structure of the vP, where the object or an adverb may precede the non-finite verb. This intermediary step of scrambling in the vP is necessary in order for these elements to be moved to the left periphery of the clause.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.20wal 06 10.1075/rllt.3.20wal 343 362 20 Article 21 01 04 Person restrictions and the representation of third person - an argument from Barceloni Catalan Person restrictions and the representation of third person – an argument from Barceloní Catalan 1 A01 01 JB code 517153202 Martin Walkow Walkow, Martin Martin Walkow University of Massachusetts Amherst 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/517153202 01 eng 30 00

Several Romance languages show restrictions on combinations of third person direct and indirect object clitics (Bonet 1995) and combinations of such clitics involving local person direct objects (the Person Case Constraint (PCC), Bonet 1991, 1994). The former have received morphological analyses, while the later have recently been treated as syntactic. A unified, syntactic analysis of both of these restrictions is developed by extending existing analyses of the PCC. Person restrictions are derived in a syntactic configuration where DO bleeds person licensing on IO. A more complex syntactic representation of third person is proposed. The starting point for the investigation is Barceloní Catalan, which evades both restrictions by not realizing person morphology on third person indirect objects. The proposal is subsequently extended to Spanish, in particular restrictions on animate direct objects pronouns in some varieties of leísta Spanish (Ormazabal & Romero 2007). The syntactic proposal combines with the proposal for the semantics and pragmatics of person features in Sauerland (2004, 2008) to derive interpretive aspects of the leísta Spanish data.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.21zri 06 10.1075/rllt.3.21zri 363 390 28 Article 22 01 04 Definite DPs without lexical nouns in French Definite DPs without lexical nouns in French 01 04 Clausal modifiers and relativization Clausal modifiers and relativization 1 A01 01 JB code 13153203 Anne Zribi-Hertz Zribi-Hertz, Anne Anne Zribi-Hertz UMR SFL, Université Paris-8/CNRS 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/13153203 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.3.22ind 06 10.1075/rllt.3.22ind 391 394 4 Article 23 01 04 Index Index 01 eng
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423009533 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 3 Hb 15 9789027203830 06 10.1075/rllt.3 13 2011039942 00 BB 01 245 mm 02 164 mm 08 850 gr 10 01 JB code RLLT 02 1574-552X 02 3.00 01 02 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 01 01 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2009 Selected papers from 'Going Romance' Nice 2009 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2009: Selected papers from 'Going Romance' Nice 2009 1 B01 01 JB code 795147572 Janine Berns Berns, Janine Janine Berns Radboud University Nijmegen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/795147572 2 B01 01 JB code 780147573 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs Radboud University Nijmegen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/780147573 3 B01 01 JB code 590147574 Tobias Scheer Scheer, Tobias Tobias Scheer Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/590147574 01 eng 11 402 03 03 viii 03 00 393 03 01 23 440 03 2009 PC11 04 Romance languages--Congresses. 10 LAN009000 12 CF/2AD 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 The annual Going Romance conference has developed into the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages where ideas about language in general and about Romance languages in particular are tested. This title contains a range of peer-reviewed articles as well as selected papers from the conference. 03 00 The annual Going Romance conference has developed into the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages where current ideas about language in general and about Romance languages in particular are tested. The twenty-third Going Romance conference was a very special one: for the first time it was not hosted by one of the Dutch universities, but was co-organized by the Radboud University Nijmegen and the Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis and held in France at the Maison du Séminaire in Nice from 3–5 December 2009.

The present volume contains a broad range of peer-reviewed articles dealing with syntax, phonology, morphology, semantics and acquisition of the Romance languages as well as selected papers from the special workshop dealing with linguistic change in relation to linguistic theory.

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01 01 JB code rllt.3.001int 06 10.1075/rllt.3.001int vii viii 2 Article 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.3.01bil 06 10.1075/rllt.3.01bil 1 18 18 Article 2 01 04 Expressing contrast in Romanian Expressing contrast in Romanian 01 04 The conjunction iar The conjunction iar 1 A01 01 JB code 581153173 Gabriela Bîlbîie Bîlbîie, Gabriela Gabriela Bîlbîie Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/581153173 2 A01 01 JB code 122153174 Grégoire Winterstein Winterstein, Grégoire Grégoire Winterstein Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/122153174 01 eng 30 00

This paper studies the Romanian conjunction iar. After a general introduction to the connective and the existing approaches, we defend an approach of iar as an information structure sensitive item. We describe two constraints on the use of iar that account for a wide range of data. We then use our analysis to compare the system of Romanian conjunctions to that of other languages, especially Russian, which uses a connective that appears similar to Romanian iar.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.02bon 06 10.1075/rllt.3.02bon 19 38 20 Article 3 01 04 When the benefit is on the fringe When the benefit is on the fringe 1 A01 01 JB code 713153175 Nora Boneh Boneh, Nora Nora Boneh The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/713153175 2 A01 01 JB code 813153176 Lea Nash Nash, Lea Lea Nash Université Paris 8 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/813153176 01 eng 30 00

This paper shows that French non-core datives introduced by applicative heads may attach at two different positions above the VP. If the Appl head attaches in the thematic domain, above V but below v, a new event participant is added; we refer to this configuration as the Benefactive Dative Construction. If the Appl head is attached above v, in a non-thematic environment, it does not introduce a new event participant, hence its deficient realization as se, to which configuration we refer as the Coreferential Dative Construction. We provide arguments against a low-applicative analysis (below VP), and show how to distinguish between the two types of applicative constructions (above VP) both semantically and syntactically.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.03bou 06 10.1075/rllt.3.03bou 39 54 16 Article 4 01 04 Degree fronting in Quebec French and the syntactic structure of degree quantifier DPs Degree fronting in Québec French and the syntactic structure of degree quantifier DPs 1 A01 01 JB code 173153177 David-Étienne Bouchard Bouchard, David-Étienne David-Étienne Bouchard McGill University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/173153177 2 A01 01 JB code 240153178 Heather Burnett Burnett, Heather Heather Burnett UCLA 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/240153178 3 A01 01 JB code 305153179 Daniel Valois Valois, Daniel Daniel Valois Université de Montréal 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/305153179 01 eng 30 00

In this paper, we compare two syntactic constructions involving degree adverbs in English and Québec French: the Degree Fronting (DF) construction and the Intensification at a Distance (IAD) construction. We argue that, although they display some similar properties, these similarities are superficial. We argue that, while DF can be analyzed as involving movement, IAD cannot. We propose that the quantifiers in IAD sentences are base-generated in their surface positions, and that these syntactic positions coincide with the positions that the quantifiers occupy when they are quantifying over individuals or events. Furthermore, we argue that dialectal variation in distance quantificational structures between Standard European French and Québec French is due to differences in the semantics of degree adverbs in these dialects.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.04cha 06 10.1075/rllt.3.04cha 55 70 16 Article 5 01 04 On sentence-internal le meme (`the same') in French and pluractionality On sentence-internal le même (‘the same’) in French and pluractionality 1 A01 01 JB code 842153180 Isabelle Charnavel Charnavel, Isabelle Isabelle Charnavel UCLA/IJN-ENS 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/842153180 01 eng 30 00

This paper focuses on the sentence-internal reading of French le même (‘the same’)and addresses two main issues: a. the problem of definiteness (le même does not behave the way standard definites do); b. the problem of compositionality (the plural licenser that même needs to get interpreted is not adjacent to it). I propose that: a. le même is a complex determiner with specific properties with respect to presupposition and specificity; b. le même is an existential quantifier over a plural event that is partitioned along participants or times. This licensing condition (plural event distributed through participants or times) relates même to the notion of pluractionality.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.05cos 06 10.1075/rllt.3.05cos 71 88 18 Article 6 01 04 Topic prominence is not a factor of variation between Brazilian and European Portuguese Topic prominence is not a factor of variation between Brazilian and European Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 323153181 João Costa Costa, João João Costa FCSH – Universidade Nova de Lisboa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/323153181 01 eng 30 00

The existing syntactic differences between European and Brazilian Portuguese have received much attention in recent literature on generative syntax. According to several authors, Brazilian Portuguese became a discourse-oriented language with topic-prominence. This article shows that many constructions used to illustrate the specificity of Brazilian Portuguese as topic-prominent can also be found in European Portuguese. Accordingly, it is argued that the main difference between the two varieties of the language is not in discourse, but in the abstract syntactic properties associated with Inflection. This argument contributes to dispensing with discourse primitives in the syntactic component.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.06dal 06 10.1075/rllt.3.06dal 89 114 26 Article 7 01 04 When Dialectology studies contribute to lexical semantics and to Etymology When Dialectology studies contribute to lexical semantics and to Etymology 01 04 The contribution of the Romance language area The contribution of the Romance language area 1 A01 01 JB code 555153182 Jean-Philippe Dalbera Dalbera, Jean-Philippe Jean-Philippe Dalbera Université de Nice Sophia Antipolis 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/555153182 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.3.07gav 06 10.1075/rllt.3.07gav 115 132 18 Article 8 01 04 Cartography and agrammatic syntactic production in Ibero-Romance Cartography and agrammatic syntactic production in Ibero-Romance 1 A01 01 JB code 899153183 Anna Gavarró Gavarró, Anna Anna Gavarró Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/899153183 2 A01 01 JB code 240153184 Silvia Martínez-Ferreiro Martínez-Ferreiro, Silvia Silvia Martínez-Ferreiro Universitat Pompeu Fabra 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/240153184 01 eng 30 00

Friedmann’s work has shown that the syntactic productions of Broca’s aphasics are much more selectively impaired than previously thought. Here we entertain the Tree Pruning Hypothesis of Friedmann and evaluate its predictions in Catalan, Galician and Spanish, under the assumption that the functional structure of the tree is that postulated by the cartographic approach. We report the results of tests on the production of sentential negation, tense and subject agreement, clitic production, question production, and relative clause production, run with fifteen agrammatic patients. Overall, the results are consistent with the Tree Pruning Hypothesis for all subjects of all these languages. Further, on the basis of various tense and aspect projections, which are all equally impaired, we conclude that there are no distinguishable levels of impairment within a field. The analysis of question production provides an argument for the merge of why questions and yes/no interrogatives in the same functional projection.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.08rex 06 10.1075/rllt.3.08rex 133 148 16 Article 9 01 04 The valuation of gender agreement in DP The valuation of gender agreement in DP 01 04 Evidence from Afro-Bolivian Spanish Evidence from Afro-Bolivian Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 517153185 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach The Ohio State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/517153185 2 A01 01 JB code 842153186 Sandro Sessarego Sessarego, Sandro Sandro Sessarego University of Wisconsin, Madison 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/842153186 01 eng 30 00

This paper analyzes gender agreement in the Determiner Phrase in Afro-Bolivian Spanish. Our data shows a case of cross-generational change, transitioning from a basilectal Afro-Bolivian variety to the more prestigious standard Bolivian Spanish. Recent minimalist models account for variability as the differential specification and computation of uninterpretable features in a derivation. We argue that dialectal variation and change in ABS, even if externally driven by social factors, follow from feature valuation and checking and from the interplay between computational and evolutionary demands.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.09man 06 10.1075/rllt.3.09man 149 166 18 Article 10 01 04 (Definite) denotation and case in Romance (Definite) denotation and case in Romance 01 04 History and variation History and variation 1 A01 01 JB code 221153187 Maria Rita Manzini Manzini, Maria Rita Maria Rita Manzini Università degli Studi di Firenze 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/221153187 2 A01 01 JB code 392153188 Leonardo M. Savoia Savoia, Leonardo M. Leonardo M. Savoia Università degli Studi di Firenze 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/392153188 01 eng 30 00

Recent minimalist approaches have reduced case to independent primitives (agreement, Tense) – but without any connection to its morphological expression. To solve this dichotomy, we consider the Latin -s case ending. Rejecting default treatments, we conclude that -s is associated with denotational, operator properties. These can be read as the set forming operator i.e. plural; as the inclusion operator, i.e. partitive, possessor, etc. (in a word ‘oblique’); or as the quantificational closure of EPP contexts (‘nominative’). These properties are preserved in the two-case declension of medieval Gallo-Romance, and in its residues in Romansh varieties. Thus so-called case is a denotational, ‘determiner-like’ element, with consequences for the classical historical correlation between loss of Latin case and development of the Romance determiner system.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.10mar 06 10.1075/rllt.3.10mar 167 184 18 Article 11 01 04 Compounding in Romance and English Compounding in Romance and English 1 A01 01 JB code 895153189 Michaela Marchis Marchis, Michaela Michaela Marchis Universität Hamburg 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/895153189 01 eng 30 00

In this paper, based on Bisetto & Scalise’s (2005) classification of compounds, I discuss the variation between English and Romanian and Spanish in endocentric subordinate compounds, where the constituents are linked by complement-head relations. I argue that in this type of compounding, the different strategies employed by various languages are only Case-related, i.e. the Case of the complement can be checked by incorporation in English, de-insertion in Romance or Th(ematic) relational adjectives in Romance and English. However, de phrases and Th-adjectives differ with respect to the checking of Genitive Case. In the absence of de last resort insertion, Th-adjectives check the Genitive Case only nP internally, as a full Gen DP which is in long distance Agree with AgrP.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.11mar 06 10.1075/rllt.3.11mar 185 202 18 Article 12 01 04 Epistemic modals in the past Epistemic modals in the past 1 A01 01 JB code 221153190 Fabienne Martin Martin, Fabienne Fabienne Martin Universität Stuttgart 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/221153190 01 eng 30 00

The aim of this paper is to provide additional arguments against the view that on the epistemic reading of modal verbs, the time of the modal is always the utterance time. The hypothesis defended, also adopted by Eide (2002, 2003) and von Fintel and Gillies (2008) is that epistemic modals can be in the scope of Tense/Aspect. Three possible translations of might have been in French (with a passé composé or an imparfait on the modal and a simple infinitival, or with a present on the modal and a perfect infinitival) are semantically differentiated. The analysis describes the distribution of past tenses on epistemic modality and explains the differences in their interpretation. Possibilities are the sort of thing that comes into and goes out of existence, that can be ‘dated’ (Mondadori 1978, p. 246) It is obvious that we don’t have a good understanding of what happens when a modal is combined with temporal operators. (Portner 2009, p. 230)

01 01 JB code rllt.3.12mat 06 10.1075/rllt.3.12mat 203 222 20 Article 13 01 04 Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses 1 A01 01 JB code 524153191 Gabriela Matos Matos, Gabriela Gabriela Matos Universidade de Lisboa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/524153191 2 A01 01 JB code 880153192 Madalena Colaço Colaço, Madalena Madalena Colaço Universidade de Lisboa 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/880153192 01 eng 30 00

Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses exhibit a challenging behaviour: they disrupt the structure of the host sentence, do not present an overt first term, occur in different positions inside the host clause and, although notionally related to their host, they present syntactic autonomy. Taking into account data from European Portuguese, we claim that these clauses are derived from the core devices of the computational system: the coordinate structure is built up by Set Merge and takes, as first term, a null constituent denoting the host clause; then, Pair Merge operates by adjoining the parenthetical coordinated CP to a functional or verbal projection of the host sentence. Considering the autonomy of the parenthetical clause with respect to its host, we assume that this adjunction is an instance of Late Merge, a counter cyclic operation that applies at PF.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.13may 06 10.1075/rllt.3.13may 223 238 16 Article 14 01 04 Unfortunate questions Unfortunate questions 01 04 Evaluative adverbs in questions in French Evaluative adverbs in questions in French 1 A01 01 JB code 221153193 Laia Mayol Mayol, Laia Laia Mayol Universitat Pompeu Fabra 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/221153193 2 A01 01 JB code 305153194 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró CCHS-CSIC 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/305153194 01 eng 30 00

This paper examines the semantic properties of evaluative adverbs, such as unfortunately, in question environments in French. We take Bonami and Godard’s (2008) analysis for malheureusement (‘unfortunately’) in declarative sentences, where such propositional adverbs are analyzed as ancillary commitments, and extend it to a broader array of data, including polar and wh-questions. In a nutshell, we argue that malheureusement can take as input a set of propositions, which triggers an indifference interpretation of the sort that characterizes unconditional sentences. We also show that evaluatives may take a proposition as argument when they occur in polar questions, the only restriction occurring in negative polar questions, where biases are decisive in making the sentence acceptable.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.14oli 06 10.1075/rllt.3.14oli 239 254 16 Article 15 01 04 Typology or reconstruction Typology or reconstruction 01 04 The benefits of Dialectology for diachronic analysis The benefits of Dialectology for diachronic analysis 1 A01 01 JB code 915153195 Michèle Oliviéri Oliviéri, Michèle Michèle Oliviéri Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/915153195 01 eng 30 00

By and large in the generative framework, syntactic comparisons concern isolated mechanisms within different languages in a typological perspective. However, comparison can provide more if, as dialectologists, we consider that variation between closely genealogically related languages throws light on diachronic reconstruction. Indeed, if diatopic variation represents different stages of a change, then different dialects in a homogeneous area display different stages of the evolution and the speakers’ I-language for the earlier stages becomes accessible. Considering the Null ‘Subject’ Parameter, we focus on the dialects at the boundaries of Occitania since they display subject clitics for some persons only. Our data illustrate the gradual change between a stage zero (with no subject clitics, e.g. Latin) and a stage n (with subject clitics for all persons, e.g. Standard French). Analyzing clitics as bundles of features, we propose a progression in their emergence, which ties in with a functional ‘motivational cycle’ of the morpho-syntactic elements.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.15per 06 10.1075/rllt.3.15per 255 272 18 Article 16 01 04 Sentential coordination and ellipsis Sentential coordination and ellipsis 01 04 Free exceptives in Spanish Free exceptives in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 482153196 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez CCHS-CSIC 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/482153196 2 A01 01 JB code 539153197 Norberto Moreno-Quibén Moreno-Quibén, Norberto Norberto Moreno-Quibén Universidad de Castilla – La Mancha 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/539153197 01 eng 30 00

In this paper we provide a syntactic analysis of free exceptive constructions headed by excepto and salvo (‘except’) in Spanish: Todos los estudiantes cantaron, {excepto/salvo} Juan (‘Every student sang, except John’). Our claim is that free exceptives are coordinated elliptical sentences attached to the CP level of a host clause that expresses a generalization statement. We frame our analysis in the Boolean Phrase Hypothesis (Munn 1993), and defend that exceptive markers head a Boolean Phrase, as other coordinating conjunctions do. We also argue that exceptive markers select for a full-fledged CP as complement, whose null C head triggers movement of an XP constituent to its Specifier position (Juan, in the example above) and also triggers a process of ellipsis in which all the syntactic material inside the TP selected by C is marked for PF-deletion, along the lines of Merchant (2003).

01 01 JB code rllt.3.16pon 06 10.1075/rllt.3.16pon 273 290 18 Article 17 01 04 Underapplication of vowel reduction to schwa in Majorcan Catalan productive derivation and verbal inflection Underapplication of vowel reduction to schwa in Majorcan Catalan productive derivation and verbal inflection 1 A01 01 JB code 122153198 Claudia Pons-Moll Pons-Moll, Claudia Claudia Pons-Moll Universitat de Barcelona /Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/122153198 01 eng 30 00

In Majorcan Catalan, the process of vowel reduction of the mid front vowels to schwa in unstressed position underapplies under certain circumstances: (a) in productive derived forms with an unstressed vowel located in the initial syllable of the stem which alternates with a stressed mid front vowel in the stem of the underived form (p[é]ix ‘fish’ ˜ p[e]ixet ‘fish dim.’); (b) in verbal forms with an unstressed vowel located in the initial syllable of the stem which alternates with a stressed close mid front vowel in another verbal form of the same inflectional paradigm (p[é]ga ‘(s/he) hits’ ˜ p[e]gam ‘(we) hit’); (c) in learned and loan words with an unstressed e located in the initial syllable of the stem (p[e]culiar ‘peculiar’). In this paper I propose a novel explanation of these patterns framed within a relativized version of the Transderivational Correspondence Theory (TCT) (Benua 1997/2000), the Optimal Paradigms model (OP) (McCarthy 2005), the Positional Faithfulness Theory (Beckman 1998/1999) and the prominence driven approach to vowel reduction (Crosswhite 1999/2001, 2004).

01 01 JB code rllt.3.17poo 06 10.1075/rllt.3.17poo 291 304 14 Article 18 01 04 Focus and the development of N-words in Spanish Focus and the development of N-words in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 471153199 Geoffrey Poole Poole, Geoffrey Geoffrey Poole Newcastle University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/471153199 01 eng 30 00

During Spain’s ‘Golden Age’ period, n-words in Spanish, such as nada ‘nothing’, changed from being negative polarity items to negative concord items. During the same period, immediately pre-verbal n-words, which previously had expressed wide-focus for VP constitutes, came to acquire a mildly emphatic interpretation, which survives into the modern language as Quantifier Fronting (Quer 2002) or ‘verum-focus’ fronting (Leonetti & Escandell Vidal 2007, 2009). This development, in which negative polarity items seem to acquire a focus feature in the context of becoming negative concord items, is of particular interest because it provides indirect support for Watanabe’s (2004) account of negative concord, in which a focus feature is crucially implicated.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.18saa 06 10.1075/rllt.3.18saa 305 322 18 Article 19 01 04 On verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish On verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish 01 04 Anti-adjacency and head copy deletion Anti-adjacency and head copy deletion 1 A01 01 JB code 842153200 Andrés Saab Saab, Andrés Andrés Saab Leiden University (The Netherlands) / University of Comahue (Argentine) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/842153200 01 eng 30 00

This paper focuses on the morphosyntax of a kind of verbal duplication attested in River Plate Spanish (e.g. Vení acá, vení Lit: ‘come here come’). One striking property of this construction is that it requires that the duplicated verbs not be adjacent. I show that verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish instantiates a case of head copy realization and that the observed anti-adjacency effect reflects an underlying condition on non-pronunciation of heads in general. Some cases of head copy realization under apparent adjacency are independently accounted for once parts of words cannot be subject to morphological ellipsis.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.19sal 06 10.1075/rllt.3.19sal 323 342 20 Article 20 01 04 Stylistic Fronting and Remnant movement in Old French Stylistic Fronting and Remnant movement in Old French 1 A01 01 JB code 255153201 Christine Meklenborg Salvesen Meklenborg Salvesen, Christine Christine Meklenborg Salvesen University of Oslo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/255153201 01 eng 30 00

In Old and Middle French it is possible to find Stylistic Fronting where both a head and a phrase have been fronted. I have examined SF constructions where the infinitive dire ‘say’ or faire ‘do’ are fronted, in particular the cases where they are preceded by their complement. In order to account for this construction, I propose that the elements are moved together by Remnant Movement. I also examine the structure of the vP, where the object or an adverb may precede the non-finite verb. This intermediary step of scrambling in the vP is necessary in order for these elements to be moved to the left periphery of the clause.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.20wal 06 10.1075/rllt.3.20wal 343 362 20 Article 21 01 04 Person restrictions and the representation of third person - an argument from Barceloni Catalan Person restrictions and the representation of third person – an argument from Barceloní Catalan 1 A01 01 JB code 517153202 Martin Walkow Walkow, Martin Martin Walkow University of Massachusetts Amherst 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/517153202 01 eng 30 00

Several Romance languages show restrictions on combinations of third person direct and indirect object clitics (Bonet 1995) and combinations of such clitics involving local person direct objects (the Person Case Constraint (PCC), Bonet 1991, 1994). The former have received morphological analyses, while the later have recently been treated as syntactic. A unified, syntactic analysis of both of these restrictions is developed by extending existing analyses of the PCC. Person restrictions are derived in a syntactic configuration where DO bleeds person licensing on IO. A more complex syntactic representation of third person is proposed. The starting point for the investigation is Barceloní Catalan, which evades both restrictions by not realizing person morphology on third person indirect objects. The proposal is subsequently extended to Spanish, in particular restrictions on animate direct objects pronouns in some varieties of leísta Spanish (Ormazabal & Romero 2007). The syntactic proposal combines with the proposal for the semantics and pragmatics of person features in Sauerland (2004, 2008) to derive interpretive aspects of the leísta Spanish data.

01 01 JB code rllt.3.21zri 06 10.1075/rllt.3.21zri 363 390 28 Article 22 01 04 Definite DPs without lexical nouns in French Definite DPs without lexical nouns in French 01 04 Clausal modifiers and relativization Clausal modifiers and relativization 1 A01 01 JB code 13153203 Anne Zribi-Hertz Zribi-Hertz, Anne Anne Zribi-Hertz UMR SFL, Université Paris-8/CNRS 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/13153203 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.3.22ind 06 10.1075/rllt.3.22ind 391 394 4 Article 23 01 04 Index Index 01 eng
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858014702 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 3 GE 15 9789027282187 06 10.1075/rllt.3 00 EA E133 10 01 JB code RLLT 02 JB code 1574-552X 02 3.00 01 02 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 01 01 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2009 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2009 1 B01 01 JB code 795147572 Janine Berns Berns, Janine Janine Berns Radboud University Nijmegen 2 B01 01 JB code 780147573 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs Radboud University Nijmegen 3 B01 01 JB code 590147574 Tobias Scheer Scheer, Tobias Tobias Scheer Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis 01 eng 11 402 03 03 viii 03 00 393 03 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 10 LAN009000 12 CF/2AD 01 06 02 00 The annual Going Romance conference has developed into the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages where ideas about language in general and about Romance languages in particular are tested. This title contains a range of peer-reviewed articles as well as selected papers from the conference. 03 00 The annual Going Romance conference has developed into the major European discussion forum for theoretically relevant research on Romance languages where current ideas about language in general and about Romance languages in particular are tested. The twenty-third Going Romance conference was a very special one: for the first time it was not hosted by one of the Dutch universities, but was co-organized by the Radboud University Nijmegen and the Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis and held in France at the Maison du Séminaire in Nice from 3–5 December 2009.

The present volume contains a broad range of peer-reviewed articles dealing with syntax, phonology, morphology, semantics and acquisition of the Romance languages as well as selected papers from the special workshop dealing with linguistic change in relation to linguistic theory.

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01 01 JB code rllt.3.001int 06 10.1075/rllt.3.001int vii viii 2 Article 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 01 JB code rllt.3.01bil 06 10.1075/rllt.3.01bil 1 18 18 Article 2 01 04 Expressing contrast in Romanian Expressing contrast in Romanian 01 04 The conjunction iar The conjunction iar 1 A01 01 JB code 581153173 Gabriela Bîlbîie Bîlbîie, Gabriela Gabriela Bîlbîie Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7 2 A01 01 JB code 122153174 Grégoire Winterstein Winterstein, Grégoire Grégoire Winterstein Université Paris Diderot – Paris 7 01 01 JB code rllt.3.02bon 06 10.1075/rllt.3.02bon 19 38 20 Article 3 01 04 When the benefit is on the fringe When the benefit is on the fringe 1 A01 01 JB code 713153175 Nora Boneh Boneh, Nora Nora Boneh The Hebrew University of Jerusalem 2 A01 01 JB code 813153176 Lea Nash Nash, Lea Lea Nash Université Paris 8 01 01 JB code rllt.3.03bou 06 10.1075/rllt.3.03bou 39 54 16 Article 4 01 04 Degree fronting in Quebec French and the syntactic structure of degree quantifier DPs Degree fronting in Québec French and the syntactic structure of degree quantifier DPs 1 A01 01 JB code 173153177 David-Étienne Bouchard Bouchard, David-Étienne David-Étienne Bouchard McGill University 2 A01 01 JB code 240153178 Heather Burnett Burnett, Heather Heather Burnett UCLA 3 A01 01 JB code 305153179 Daniel Valois Valois, Daniel Daniel Valois Université de Montréal 01 01 JB code rllt.3.04cha 06 10.1075/rllt.3.04cha 55 70 16 Article 5 01 04 On sentence-internal le meme (`the same') in French and pluractionality On sentence-internal le même (‘the same’) in French and pluractionality 1 A01 01 JB code 842153180 Isabelle Charnavel Charnavel, Isabelle Isabelle Charnavel UCLA/IJN-ENS 01 01 JB code rllt.3.05cos 06 10.1075/rllt.3.05cos 71 88 18 Article 6 01 04 Topic prominence is not a factor of variation between Brazilian and European Portuguese Topic prominence is not a factor of variation between Brazilian and European Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 323153181 João Costa Costa, João João Costa FCSH – Universidade Nova de Lisboa 01 01 JB code rllt.3.06dal 06 10.1075/rllt.3.06dal 89 114 26 Article 7 01 04 When Dialectology studies contribute to lexical semantics and to Etymology When Dialectology studies contribute to lexical semantics and to Etymology 01 04 The contribution of the Romance language area The contribution of the Romance language area 1 A01 01 JB code 555153182 Jean-Philippe Dalbera Dalbera, Jean-Philippe Jean-Philippe Dalbera Université de Nice Sophia Antipolis 01 01 JB code rllt.3.07gav 06 10.1075/rllt.3.07gav 115 132 18 Article 8 01 04 Cartography and agrammatic syntactic production in Ibero-Romance Cartography and agrammatic syntactic production in Ibero-Romance 1 A01 01 JB code 899153183 Anna Gavarró Gavarró, Anna Anna Gavarró Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 2 A01 01 JB code 240153184 Silvia Martínez-Ferreiro Martínez-Ferreiro, Silvia Silvia Martínez-Ferreiro Universitat Pompeu Fabra 01 01 JB code rllt.3.08rex 06 10.1075/rllt.3.08rex 133 148 16 Article 9 01 04 The valuation of gender agreement in DP The valuation of gender agreement in DP 01 04 Evidence from Afro-Bolivian Spanish Evidence from Afro-Bolivian Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 517153185 Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach Gutiérrez-Rexach, Javier Javier Gutiérrez-Rexach The Ohio State University 2 A01 01 JB code 842153186 Sandro Sessarego Sessarego, Sandro Sandro Sessarego University of Wisconsin, Madison 01 01 JB code rllt.3.09man 06 10.1075/rllt.3.09man 149 166 18 Article 10 01 04 (Definite) denotation and case in Romance (Definite) denotation and case in Romance 01 04 History and variation History and variation 1 A01 01 JB code 221153187 Maria Rita Manzini Manzini, Maria Rita Maria Rita Manzini Università degli Studi di Firenze 2 A01 01 JB code 392153188 Leonardo M. Savoia Savoia, Leonardo M. Leonardo M. Savoia Università degli Studi di Firenze 01 01 JB code rllt.3.10mar 06 10.1075/rllt.3.10mar 167 184 18 Article 11 01 04 Compounding in Romance and English Compounding in Romance and English 1 A01 01 JB code 895153189 Michaela Marchis Marchis, Michaela Michaela Marchis Universität Hamburg 01 01 JB code rllt.3.11mar 06 10.1075/rllt.3.11mar 185 202 18 Article 12 01 04 Epistemic modals in the past Epistemic modals in the past 1 A01 01 JB code 221153190 Fabienne Martin Martin, Fabienne Fabienne Martin Universität Stuttgart 01 01 JB code rllt.3.12mat 06 10.1075/rllt.3.12mat 203 222 20 Article 13 01 04 Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses Floating parenthetical coordinate clauses 1 A01 01 JB code 524153191 Gabriela Matos Matos, Gabriela Gabriela Matos Universidade de Lisboa 2 A01 01 JB code 880153192 Madalena Colaço Colaço, Madalena Madalena Colaço Universidade de Lisboa 01 01 JB code rllt.3.13may 06 10.1075/rllt.3.13may 223 238 16 Article 14 01 04 Unfortunate questions Unfortunate questions 01 04 Evaluative adverbs in questions in French Evaluative adverbs in questions in French 1 A01 01 JB code 221153193 Laia Mayol Mayol, Laia Laia Mayol Universitat Pompeu Fabra 2 A01 01 JB code 305153194 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró CCHS-CSIC 01 01 JB code rllt.3.14oli 06 10.1075/rllt.3.14oli 239 254 16 Article 15 01 04 Typology or reconstruction Typology or reconstruction 01 04 The benefits of Dialectology for diachronic analysis The benefits of Dialectology for diachronic analysis 1 A01 01 JB code 915153195 Michèle Oliviéri Oliviéri, Michèle Michèle Oliviéri Université de Nice-Sophia Antipolis 01 01 JB code rllt.3.15per 06 10.1075/rllt.3.15per 255 272 18 Article 16 01 04 Sentential coordination and ellipsis Sentential coordination and ellipsis 01 04 Free exceptives in Spanish Free exceptives in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 482153196 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez CCHS-CSIC 2 A01 01 JB code 539153197 Norberto Moreno-Quibén Moreno-Quibén, Norberto Norberto Moreno-Quibén Universidad de Castilla – La Mancha 01 01 JB code rllt.3.16pon 06 10.1075/rllt.3.16pon 273 290 18 Article 17 01 04 Underapplication of vowel reduction to schwa in Majorcan Catalan productive derivation and verbal inflection Underapplication of vowel reduction to schwa in Majorcan Catalan productive derivation and verbal inflection 1 A01 01 JB code 122153198 Claudia Pons-Moll Pons-Moll, Claudia Claudia Pons-Moll Universitat de Barcelona /Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona 01 01 JB code rllt.3.17poo 06 10.1075/rllt.3.17poo 291 304 14 Article 18 01 04 Focus and the development of N-words in Spanish Focus and the development of N-words in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 471153199 Geoffrey Poole Poole, Geoffrey Geoffrey Poole Newcastle University 01 01 JB code rllt.3.18saa 06 10.1075/rllt.3.18saa 305 322 18 Article 19 01 04 On verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish On verbal duplication in River Plate Spanish 01 04 Anti-adjacency and head copy deletion Anti-adjacency and head copy deletion 1 A01 01 JB code 842153200 Andrés Saab Saab, Andrés Andrés Saab Leiden University (The Netherlands) / University of Comahue (Argentine) 01 01 JB code rllt.3.19sal 06 10.1075/rllt.3.19sal 323 342 20 Article 20 01 04 Stylistic Fronting and Remnant movement in Old French Stylistic Fronting and Remnant movement in Old French 1 A01 01 JB code 255153201 Christine Meklenborg Salvesen Meklenborg Salvesen, Christine Christine Meklenborg Salvesen University of Oslo 01 01 JB code rllt.3.20wal 06 10.1075/rllt.3.20wal 343 362 20 Article 21 01 04 Person restrictions and the representation of third person - an argument from Barceloni Catalan Person restrictions and the representation of third person – an argument from Barceloní Catalan 1 A01 01 JB code 517153202 Martin Walkow Walkow, Martin Martin Walkow University of Massachusetts Amherst 01 01 JB code rllt.3.21zri 06 10.1075/rllt.3.21zri 363 390 28 Article 22 01 04 Definite DPs without lexical nouns in French Definite DPs without lexical nouns in French 01 04 Clausal modifiers and relativization Clausal modifiers and relativization 1 A01 01 JB code 13153203 Anne Zribi-Hertz Zribi-Hertz, Anne Anne Zribi-Hertz UMR SFL, Université Paris-8/CNRS 01 01 JB code rllt.3.22ind 06 10.1075/rllt.3.22ind 391 394 4 Article 23 01 04 Index Index 01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20111130 C 2011 John Benjamins Publishing Company D 2011 John Benjamins Publishing Company 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027203830 WORLD 03 01 JB 17 Google 03 https://play.google.com/store/books 21 01 00 Unqualified price 00 110.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 00 92.00 GBP 01 00 Unqualified price 00 165.00 USD