133016101 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 7 Eb 15 9789027268310 06 10.1075/rllt.7 13 2015020118 00 EA E107 10 01 JB code RLLT 02 1574-552X 02 7.00 01 02 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 11 01 JB code jbe-all 01 02 Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles) 11 01 JB code jbe-2015-all 01 02 Complete backlist (3,208 titles, 1967–2015) 05 02 Complete backlist (1967–2015) 11 01 JB code jbe-2015-linguistics 01 02 Subject collection: Linguistics (2,773 titles, 1967–2015) 05 02 Linguistics (1967–2015) 01 01 Romance Linguistics 2012 Selected papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Cedar City, Utah, 20-22 April 2012 Romance Linguistics 2012: Selected papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Cedar City, Utah, 20-22 April 2012 1 B01 01 JB code 773230239 Jason Smith Smith, Jason Jason Smith Southern Utah University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/773230239 2 B01 01 JB code 788230240 Tabea Ihsane Ihsane, Tabea Tabea Ihsane University of Geneva 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/788230240 01 eng 11 316 03 03 xii 03 00 304 03 01 23 440 03 2015 PC11 04 Romance languages--Congresses. 10 LAN009000 12 CFK 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 This volume contains a selection of papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (2012). The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches. 03 00 This volume contains a selection of nineteen peer-reviewed papers from the 42nd annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held at Southern Utah University in Cedar City, Utah, in 2012. The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in the areas of phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches, in connection to L1 and L2 acquisition, code-switching and psycholinguistics. Among the languages and varieties of Romance analyzed are French (Old, Modern, and Norman), Portuguese (Brazilian and Classical), and Spanish (Modern and Judeo-Spanish), but also Italo-Romance, Latin, and Romanian. In a comparative tradition, the discussions extend to languages outside Romance, such as dialects of Arabic, Germanic, and Palenquero creole. This collection of papers at the forefront of research contributes to our understanding of Romance languages, and to the influence of Romance linguistics, and will be of interest to scholars in Romance and general linguistics. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.7.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027203878.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027203878.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/rllt.7.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/rllt.7.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/rllt.7.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.7.hb.png 01 01 JB code rllt.7.001int 06 10.1075/rllt.7.001int vii xii 6 Article 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s1 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s1 Section header 2 01 04 Experimental approaches Experimental approaches 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.7.01hal 06 10.1075/rllt.7.01hal 3 16 14 Article 3 01 04 The acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish The acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish 01 04 Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity 1 A01 01 JB code 260243479 Becky Halloran Halloran, Becky Becky Halloran Indiana University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/260243479 2 A01 01 JB code 629243480 Jason Rothman Rothman, Jason Jason Rothman University of Reading & UiT Arctic University of Tromso 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/629243480 01 eng 03 00 This study examines the mental representation of clitic object pronouns in English L2 Spanish speakers of beginning, intermediate and advanced proficiencies. We present the results of a scalar grammaticality judgment task, which examines knowledge of clitic placement in both Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) verb constructions and non-ECM (finite and modal + infinitival) constructions. Our findings suggest that these advanced L2 learners have converged on the Spanish grammar, showing high sensitivity to the restrictions placed on clitic solidarity in ECM constructions coupled with acute knowledge of the distribution pattern of Spanish clitics in non-ECM environments. We argue that this pattern supports UG-accessibility approaches to adult L2 acquisition. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.02lop 06 10.1075/rllt.7.02lop 17 28 12 Article 4 01 04 Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese 01 04 Evidence from a comprehension study Evidence from a comprehension study 1 A01 01 JB code 269243481 Ruth E.V. Lopes Lopes, Ruth E.V. Ruth E.V. Lopes 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/269243481 01 eng 03 00 Do children recognize VP-ellipsis and know its identification restrictions when allowed the necessary conditions to offer a non-adult interpretation? We have applied a Truth Value Judgement Task (TVJT) consisting of three characters sentences: A who did something to B and C who also did something to B. Our null hypothesis sustains that the elided VP is not restricted by its antecedent. If that is true, we expect children’s grammar acquiring VP-ellipsis languages to be broader than the target. Thirty 4- to 6-year-old children were tested with one matching condition (the adult-like interpretation) and five mismatch ones, all false under the adult interpretation. Our results show that children perform at ceiling in the matching condition, but display an average of 26% of non-adult responses in the mismatching conditions. Our results also show that there is an age effect. The 4-year-olds accept 42% of the non-adult interpretations while this figure drops to 20.5% for the 5-year-olds and to 8% for the 6-year-olds. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.03pos 06 10.1075/rllt.7.03pos 29 42 14 Article 5 01 04 Code switching in the determiner phrase Code switching in the determiner phrase 01 04 French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic 1 A01 01 JB code 95243482 Rebekah Post Post, Rebekah Rebekah Post 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/95243482 01 eng 03 00 This study compares the predictions of the Functional Head Constraint (Belazi et al. 1994) and the Complement/Adjunct Distinction (Mahootian and Santorini 1996), each based in part on Arabic-French code-switching (CS), with native speaker judgments of switches within the determiner phrase (DP). While similar in some respects, the constraints offer contradictory predictions of certain syntactic realizations of CS involving the head of a phrase. Using an aural survey, the study examines native Tunisian and Moroccan dialect speakers’ authenticity ratings of 40 sentences that contain Arabic and French with a code-switch occurring in the DP. The results show significant differences between ratings by dialect and syntactic context of the switch. The findings suggest that the differences found in the proposed constraints may stem from distinct CS patterns employed by speakers of each dialect. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.04lip 06 10.1075/rllt.7.04lip 43 60 18 Article 6 01 04 How many "grammars" per "language"? How many “grammars” per “language”? 01 04 Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero 1 A01 01 JB code 873243484 John M. Lipski Lipski, John M. John M. Lipski 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/873243484 01 eng 03 00 The Palenquero creole language (spoken together with Spanish in San Basilio de Palenque, Colombia) exhibits a number of key grammatical features found in no variety of Spanish; mutual intelligibility between Spanish and Palenquero is quite low. It is not unreasonable to assume that Palenqueros psycholinguistically partition Spanish and Palenquero, that they are able to identify given configur-ations as belonging to either Spanish or Palenquero, and that utterances con-taining both quintessentially Palenquero and uniquely Spanish structures will be acknowledged as mixed. The present study is based on experiments conducted in San Basilio de Palenque, using stimuli extracted from natural speech samples, entirely in Spanish, entirely in Palenquero, and containing what might be con-sidered Spanish-LP morphosyntactic mixing. The overall results suggest that code-switching as commonly defined is not explicitly accepted by Palenqueros. They also demonstrate an asymmetry between perception and production: “grammars” and “languages” are not psycholinguistically coterminous for LP-Spanish bilinguals. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s2 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s2 Section header 7 01 04 Phonology Phonology 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.7.05sho 06 10.1075/rllt.7.05sho 63 76 14 Article 8 01 04 Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels 1 A01 01 JB code 698243487 Ryan Shosted Shosted, Ryan Ryan Shosted 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/698243487 01 eng 03 00 The assumption of minimal articulatory difference between members of nasal–oral vowel pairs deserves greater scrutiny. This study tests the hypothesis that members of nasal–oral vowel pairs share a common vocal tract configuration. Electromagnetic articulography is used to study the vertical position of the tongue and the labial aperture of nasal–oral vowel pairs produced by four speakers of Brazilian Portuguese. Significant differences were found for each vowel pair for at least one speaker, though considerable inter-speaker variation was evident. The most robust differences were tongue-body raising during the nasal vowels /ã/ and /ũ/. Because heavy nasalization tends to raise the perceived quality of low vowels, the lingual raising of /ã/ probably reinforces its nasality and contributes to the description of this vowel as [ɐ]. Because nasalization tends to lower the perceived quality of high vowels, the nasality of /ũ/ may be counteracted by the lingual raising gesture. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.06bra 06 10.1075/rllt.7.06bra 77 98 22 Article 9 01 04 Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology 1 A01 01 JB code 997243488 Travis G. Bradley Bradley, Travis G. Travis G. Bradley 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/997243488 01 eng 03 00 Judeo-Spanish (JS) presents a number of phonological processes involving secondary articulations. This paper establishes novel descriptive generalizations based on labialization and palatalization phenomena across different JS dialects. I show how these generalizations are part of a broader cross-linguistic typology of secondary articulation patterns, which would remain incomplete on the basis of non-Sephardic Spanish alone. I propose an analysis in Optimality Theory (OT) that accounts for this variation using the same universal constraints that are active in languages beyond Ibero-Romance. This paper demonstrates the utility of OT as an analytical framework for doing JS phonology and in turn highlights the importance of JS to phonological theory by bringing new generalizations and data to bear on the analysis of secondary articulations. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.07mon 06 10.1075/rllt.7.07mon 99 118 20 Article 10 01 04 Revisiting /R/-assimilation through schwa Revisiting /ʁ/-assimilation through schwa 01 04 The OT-CC perspective The OT-CC perspective 1 A01 01 JB code 402243489 Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil Montreuil, Jean-Pierre Y. Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/402243489 01 eng 03 00 This article revisits the facts underlying the assimilation of /ʁ/ to a preceding consonant in Lower Norman. This assimilation process, which requires the presence of an intervening lexical schwa, could not result from a simple interplay of markedness and faithfulness. The Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) framework argues that local evaluation models provide more robust generalizations than global evaluation models. The present work offers a complete treatment of /ʁ/ assimilation from an OT-CC perspective and extends the analysis beyond the original data of Northern Cotentinois to include assibilating varieties such as Island Norman. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.08jac 06 10.1075/rllt.7.08jac 119 132 14 Article 11 01 04 Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin 1 A01 01 JB code 288243491 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/288243491 01 eng 03 00 This paper discusses two Latin stress shift cases that are problematic for a metrically-conditioned syncope analysis using Harmonic Serialism. The first case receives a straightforward account by replacing the constraints Max-Pr (no stress removal) and Dep-Pr (no stress assignment) by the constraints Max-Ft (no foot removal) and Dep-Ft (no foot assignment). Inscriptive and textual evidence shows that the second case, hitherto dated as Pre-Classical Latin, occurs in Classical and Late Latin as well. Syncope and shift in this case cannot be analyzed as metrically-conditioned and will be analyzed as stress doublets, thereby rendering, like opaque syncope, stress opaque already in Classical Latin. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.09dal 06 10.1075/rllt.7.09dal 133 144 12 Article 12 01 04 The adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords The adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords 01 04 A tale of love and `ate A tale of love and ‘ate 1 A01 01 JB code 10243492 Amanda Dalola Dalola, Amanda Amanda Dalola 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/10243492 01 eng 03 00 Contact between Old French and three /h/-bearing varieties of Germanic (i.e. Frankish, Old East Scandinavian, Middle Dutch) transpired in present-day Normandy and Belgium from the early 8th to the late 14th century. During this period, an influx of Germanic loanwords entered Old French, restoring phonemic /h/. In this study, we assemble an exhaustive dataset of Old East Scandinavian and Middle Dutch loans containing /h/, track the different adaptation strategies into Old French and examine them in terms of current models of loanword phonology. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s3 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s3 Section header 13 01 04 Diachronic syntax Diachronic syntax 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.7.10art 06 10.1075/rllt.7.10art 147 170 24 Article 14 01 04 On the Old French subjunctive On the Old French subjunctive 1 A01 01 JB code 934243493 Deborah Arteaga Arteaga, Deborah Deborah Arteaga 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/934243493 01 eng 03 00 This chapter focuses on the syntax of the subjunctive in Old French (OF), comparing it to Modern French (MF). In MF, obviation effects occur between the subject of a volitional complement and the subject the embedded clause (Ruwet 1984): (1) *Je veux que je parte. *I want-1sg that I leave-1sg-subj ‘I want to leave.’ (2) Je veux partir. I want-1sg to.leave.’ Arteaga (1990) first discussed in a theoretical model the fact that Old French lacked obviation effects: (3) En talent oti qu’ili colpast lej chiefj in desire-m-sg-obl had-3sg that he cut-subj the head ‘Hei desired to cut off hisj head. In (3), the subjects of the main and subordinate clause are coreferential. It will be claimed (contra Arteaga 1990 and Martineau 1994) that obviation in OF, and its evolution into MF, can be explained, if we assume the following: The complementizer que was not required to introduce the subjunctive in OF; Complementizer Deletion triggers V2 word order in subjunctive contexts; and the uninterpretable irrealis feature of CForce is valued by that of Mood via Agree (San Martín 2007), which extends the binding domain for the subordinate clause. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.11pes 06 10.1075/rllt.7.11pes 171 184 14 Article 15 01 04 On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance 1 A01 01 JB code 523243494 Diego Pescarini Pescarini, Diego Diego Pescarini 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/523243494 01 eng 03 00 This contribution deals with the make-up of Italo-Romance clitic sequences. Building on Kayne (1994), I will argue that some clitic combinations are clusters in which one clitic is left-adjoined to the other, while others are split sequences formed by adjacent clitic heads. In particular, on the basis of morphological evidence, I will argue that clusters are formed via a process of root incorporation. Evidence supporting this view comes from both diachronic and synchronic data. Diachronically, I argue that the emergence of cluster configurations resulted in a change reversing the order of certain clitic combinations (roughly, from accusative > dative to dative > accusative). Synchronically, clusters differ from split combinations as the latter can be marginally separated. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.12ant 06 10.1075/rllt.7.12ant 185 198 14 Article 16 01 04 The structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese The structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 228243495 André Luis Antonelli Antonelli, André Luis André Luis Antonelli 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/228243495 01 eng 03 00 This chapter examines the structure of declarative complement sentences lacking the complementizer que in Classical Portuguese. The goal is to investigate whether such clauses manifest a CP-domain. We present a set of facts related to the position of subjects and adverbs showing that complementizerless clauses do display a left periphery layer, as a result of V-to-C movement. Following a split CP view (Rizzi 1997), we also propose that sentences without que are structures in which verb movement to the embedded C-system makes the peripheral heads Force and Fin to be projected syncretically, thus preventing the activation of discursive projections like TopP or FocP. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s4 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s4 Section header 17 01 04 Syntax Syntax 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.7.13cas 06 10.1075/rllt.7.13cas 201 214 14 Article 18 01 04 Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface 01 04 The case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish The case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 104243496 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró ILLA-CSIC 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/104243496 2 A01 01 JB code 783243497 Isabel Oltra-Massuet Oltra-Massuet, Isabel Isabel Oltra-Massuet URV, UAH 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/783243497 3 A01 01 JB code 7243498 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez UAH, ILLA-CSIC 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/7243498 01 eng 03 00 Spanish prepositional phrases headed by sin “without” with a bare noun complement (una habitación sin luz “a room without light”; un hombre sin corbata “a man without tie”) show interesting gradability properties: Degree modification is allowed if the N complement is a mass noun (una habitación muy sin luz “lit. a room very without light”; *un hombre muy sin corbata “lit. a man very without tie”). We claim that sin-PPs (sin-Preposition Phrases) hare syntactic and semantic properties with constructions involving light verbs that select for bare nouns. We argue that (a) a property-denoting bare NP pseudo-incorporates into a null verb have that is part of the syntactic-semantic structure of sin, and that (b) sin-PPs can be coerced into gradable properties as long as the bare noun is cumulative and homogeneous (divisive). Our proposal explains the differences between sin-(bare)-PPs and PPs headed by sin with a QP/DP complement, since in the latter there is neither coercion nor pseudo-incorporation. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.14cyr 06 10.1075/rllt.7.14cyr 215 228 14 Article 19 01 04 On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 716243499 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino UNICAMP 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/716243499 2 A01 01 JB code 218243500 M. Teresa Espinal Espinal, M. Teresa M. Teresa Espinal UAB 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/218243500 01 eng 03 00 Brazilian Portuguese (BrP) is different from other Romance languages in allowing bare nominals in argument position. In this paper we focus on the apparent differences between this language and other Romance languages, and on the structure that bare nominals have in this language. We argue basically for a Determiner Phrase (DP) analysis in which Number features are morphosyntactically specified on Determiners (as in French), i.e. on D, even if D is null. We show that BNs in this language may correspond to NPs and to DPs. As NPs, they are not specified for number and definiteness, can only occur as objects of a restricted class of predicates, and are interpreted as property-type expressions. As DPs, they have a null D that carries Number specification, introduce a discourse referent and are interpreted as entity-type expressions. We aim to show that BrP is neither a counterexample to the Universal DP Hypothesis nor to the Nominal Mapping Parameter. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.15atk 06 10.1075/rllt.7.15atk 229 244 16 Article 20 01 04 Gender features on n & the root Gender features on n & the root 01 04 An account of gender in French An account of gender in French 1 A01 01 JB code 804243501 Emily Atkinson Atkinson, Emily Emily Atkinson 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/804243501 01 eng 03 00 French presents a challenge to single feature gender analyses. For animate nouns natural sex is often realized instead of grammatical gender. Also, the sex and gender of epicene nouns – animates with fixed gender that allow no morphological representation of sex – can conflict. I argue for a two feature analysis, following Kramer’s (2009) proposal for Amharic: one feature on n that represents natural sex and another on the root that represents grammatical gender. Utilizing elements from Distributed Morphology (DM) including licensing conditions and a version of agree (Pesetsky & Torrego 2007), this analysis is shown to account for all of the problematic French data. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.16sle 06 10.1075/rllt.7.16sle 245 260 16 Article 21 01 04 Adjectivization of participles in Romance Adjectivization of participles in Romance 01 04 A gradual process? A gradual process? 1 A01 01 JB code 548243502 Petra Sleeman Sleeman, Petra Petra Sleeman University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/548243502 2 A01 01 JB code 706243503 Dana Niculescu Niculescu, Dana Dana Niculescu University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/706243503 01 eng 03 00 The well-known distinction between verbal participles and adjectival ones has been fine-grained in the last decades. Within the adjectival participles, Kratzer (1994) and Embick (2004), for German and English respectively, distinguish between stative and resultative participles. Sleeman (2011) distinguishes two types of verbal participles in Germanic. She argues that the postnominal verbal participle in Dutch and English is fully eventive, while the prenominal one is not fully adjectival, as has been claimed by Embick (2004), but to a lesser extent eventive. In this paper, we claim that Romance languages also display the four stages in the adjectivization process. We argue that, not only in Germanic, but also in Romance, the less fully eventive verbal participle does exist, on the basis of an analysis of the French passive participle in combination with the adverb très “very” and the Romanian present participle in modifier position preceded by cel, a type of definite article selecting an adjective. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.17arc 06 10.1075/rllt.7.17arc 261 274 14 Article 22 01 04 On the edge On the edge 01 04 Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 440243504 María J. Arche Arche, María J. María J. Arche University of Greenwich 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/440243504 2 A01 01 JB code 698243505 Rafael Marín Marín, Rafael Rafael Marín Université Lille 3 – CNRS (UMR 8163) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/698243505 01 eng 03 00 In this paper, we examine the components, the structure and the formation process of derived categories, by analyzing the properties of nouns derived from adjectives. We will discuss the event structure underlying them and argue that, although it is commonly assumed that deadjectival nouns denote qualities (wisdom, beauty) or states (sadness, perplexity), there is a group of deadjectival nominalizations (imprudence, cruelty) that refer to occurrences of events (Beauseroy 2009). We show that such occurrential nominalizations are possible only when derived from evaluative adjectives. This is due, we argue, to the fact that such adjectives can be predicated of events in addition to the sentient individual (Stowell 1991). Finally, we show that the existence of a structure of origin with the relevant properties does not guarantee the existence of the derived category, leaving what seem to be gaps in the universe of possible derivations. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.18mac 06 10.1075/rllt.7.18mac 275 288 14 Article 23 01 04 A case of multiple agree A case of multiple agree 01 04 Accusative, not dative, indirect object se Accusative, not dative, indirect object se 1 A01 01 JB code 306243506 Jonathan E. MacDonald MacDonald, Jonathan E. Jonathan E. MacDonald 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/306243506 01 eng 03 00 This paper attempts to explain why indirect objects and aspectual se in Spanish are ungrammatical in the periphrastic passive. The claim is that se is accusative and since accusative is not available in passive, these se are ungrammatical in passive. An appeal to parallel patterns by indirect object la of laísta dialects of Spain, which is overtly accusative, lends support to this approach. The technical account of accusative case on indirect object se relies on Multiple Agree with v. The Multiple Agree account generates concrete predictions regarding (non-) intervention effects with ethical, benefactive and alienable possessor datives. These predictions are tested and the results are positive, supplying support to the overall analysis. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.19egu 06 10.1075/rllt.7.19egu 289 301 13 Article 24 01 04 Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 928243507 Luis Eguren Eguren, Luis Luis Eguren Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928243507 2 A01 01 JB code 164243508 Alberto Pastor Pastor, Alberto Alberto Pastor Southern Methodist University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/164243508 01 eng 03 00 This paper studies nominal expressions including a measure phrase (MP) in Spanish. Corver’s (2009) Predicate Inversion analysis of similar patterns in other languages is critically reviewed, and an alternative proposal is presented within Den Dikken’s (2006) theory of predication, whereby the Spanish [MP + de + N] construction (tres metros de altura “lit. three meters of height”) has a “reverse” predication structure, whereas the [D + N + de + MP] pattern (una altura de tres metros “lit. a height of three meters”) is a case of “straight” predication. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.20ind 06 10.1075/rllt.7.20ind 303 304 2 Miscellaneous 25 01 04 Index of subjects and terms Index of subjects and terms 01 eng 01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.7 Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20150828 C 2015 John Benjamins D 2015 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027203878 WORLD 09 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 https://jbe-platform.com 29 https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027268310 21 01 00 Unqualified price 02 110.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 02 92.00 GBP GB 01 00 Unqualified price 02 165.00 USD 249016593 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 7 GE 15 9789027268310 06 10.1075/rllt.7 13 2015020118 00 EA E133 10 01 JB code RLLT 02 JB code 1574-552X 02 7.00 01 02 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 01 01 Romance Linguistics 2012 Romance Linguistics 2012 1 B01 01 JB code 773230239 Jason Smith Smith, Jason Jason Smith Southern Utah University 2 B01 01 JB code 788230240 Tabea Ihsane Ihsane, Tabea Tabea Ihsane University of Geneva 01 eng 11 316 03 03 xii 03 00 304 03 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 10 LAN009000 12 CFK 01 06 02 00 This volume contains a selection of papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (2012). The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches. 03 00 This volume contains a selection of nineteen peer-reviewed papers from the 42nd annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held at Southern Utah University in Cedar City, Utah, in 2012. The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in the areas of phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches, in connection to L1 and L2 acquisition, code-switching and psycholinguistics. Among the languages and varieties of Romance analyzed are French (Old, Modern, and Norman), Portuguese (Brazilian and Classical), and Spanish (Modern and Judeo-Spanish), but also Italo-Romance, Latin, and Romanian. In a comparative tradition, the discussions extend to languages outside Romance, such as dialects of Arabic, Germanic, and Palenquero creole. This collection of papers at the forefront of research contributes to our understanding of Romance languages, and to the influence of Romance linguistics, and will be of interest to scholars in Romance and general linguistics. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.7.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027203878.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027203878.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/rllt.7.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/rllt.7.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/rllt.7.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.7.hb.png 01 01 JB code rllt.7.001int 06 10.1075/rllt.7.001int vii xii 6 Article 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s1 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s1 Section header 2 01 04 Experimental approaches Experimental approaches 01 01 JB code rllt.7.01hal 06 10.1075/rllt.7.01hal 3 16 14 Article 3 01 04 The acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish The acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish 01 04 Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity 1 A01 01 JB code 260243479 Becky Halloran Halloran, Becky Becky Halloran Indiana University 2 A01 01 JB code 629243480 Jason Rothman Rothman, Jason Jason Rothman University of Reading & UiT Arctic University of Tromso 01 01 JB code rllt.7.02lop 06 10.1075/rllt.7.02lop 17 28 12 Article 4 01 04 Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese 01 04 Evidence from a comprehension study Evidence from a comprehension study 1 A01 01 JB code 269243481 Ruth E.V. Lopes Lopes, Ruth E.V. Ruth E.V. Lopes 01 01 JB code rllt.7.03pos 06 10.1075/rllt.7.03pos 29 42 14 Article 5 01 04 Code switching in the determiner phrase Code switching in the determiner phrase 01 04 French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic 1 A01 01 JB code 95243482 Rebekah Post Post, Rebekah Rebekah Post 01 01 JB code rllt.7.04lip 06 10.1075/rllt.7.04lip 43 60 18 Article 6 01 04 How many "grammars" per "language"? How many “grammars” per “language”? 01 04 Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero 1 A01 01 JB code 873243484 John M. Lipski Lipski, John M. John M. Lipski 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s2 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s2 Section header 7 01 04 Phonology Phonology 01 01 JB code rllt.7.05sho 06 10.1075/rllt.7.05sho 63 76 14 Article 8 01 04 Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels 1 A01 01 JB code 698243487 Ryan Shosted Shosted, Ryan Ryan Shosted 01 01 JB code rllt.7.06bra 06 10.1075/rllt.7.06bra 77 98 22 Article 9 01 04 Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology 1 A01 01 JB code 997243488 Travis G. Bradley Bradley, Travis G. Travis G. Bradley 01 01 JB code rllt.7.07mon 06 10.1075/rllt.7.07mon 99 118 20 Article 10 01 04 Revisiting /R/-assimilation through schwa Revisiting /ʁ/-assimilation through schwa 01 04 The OT-CC perspective The OT-CC perspective 1 A01 01 JB code 402243489 Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil Montreuil, Jean-Pierre Y. Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil 01 01 JB code rllt.7.08jac 06 10.1075/rllt.7.08jac 119 132 14 Article 11 01 04 Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin 1 A01 01 JB code 288243491 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs 01 01 JB code rllt.7.09dal 06 10.1075/rllt.7.09dal 133 144 12 Article 12 01 04 The adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords The adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords 01 04 A tale of love and `ate A tale of love and ‘ate 1 A01 01 JB code 10243492 Amanda Dalola Dalola, Amanda Amanda Dalola 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s3 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s3 Section header 13 01 04 Diachronic syntax Diachronic syntax 01 01 JB code rllt.7.10art 06 10.1075/rllt.7.10art 147 170 24 Article 14 01 04 On the Old French subjunctive On the Old French subjunctive 1 A01 01 JB code 934243493 Deborah Arteaga Arteaga, Deborah Deborah Arteaga 01 01 JB code rllt.7.11pes 06 10.1075/rllt.7.11pes 171 184 14 Article 15 01 04 On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance 1 A01 01 JB code 523243494 Diego Pescarini Pescarini, Diego Diego Pescarini 01 01 JB code rllt.7.12ant 06 10.1075/rllt.7.12ant 185 198 14 Article 16 01 04 The structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese The structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 228243495 André Luis Antonelli Antonelli, André Luis André Luis Antonelli 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s4 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s4 Section header 17 01 04 Syntax Syntax 01 01 JB code rllt.7.13cas 06 10.1075/rllt.7.13cas 201 214 14 Article 18 01 04 Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface 01 04 The case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish The case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 104243496 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró ILLA-CSIC 2 A01 01 JB code 783243497 Isabel Oltra-Massuet Oltra-Massuet, Isabel Isabel Oltra-Massuet URV, UAH 3 A01 01 JB code 7243498 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez UAH, ILLA-CSIC 01 01 JB code rllt.7.14cyr 06 10.1075/rllt.7.14cyr 215 228 14 Article 19 01 04 On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 716243499 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino UNICAMP 2 A01 01 JB code 218243500 M. Teresa Espinal Espinal, M. Teresa M. Teresa Espinal UAB 01 01 JB code rllt.7.15atk 06 10.1075/rllt.7.15atk 229 244 16 Article 20 01 04 Gender features on n & the root Gender features on n & the root 01 04 An account of gender in French An account of gender in French 1 A01 01 JB code 804243501 Emily Atkinson Atkinson, Emily Emily Atkinson 01 01 JB code rllt.7.16sle 06 10.1075/rllt.7.16sle 245 260 16 Article 21 01 04 Adjectivization of participles in Romance Adjectivization of participles in Romance 01 04 A gradual process? A gradual process? 1 A01 01 JB code 548243502 Petra Sleeman Sleeman, Petra Petra Sleeman University of Amsterdam 2 A01 01 JB code 706243503 Dana Niculescu Niculescu, Dana Dana Niculescu University of Amsterdam 01 01 JB code rllt.7.17arc 06 10.1075/rllt.7.17arc 261 274 14 Article 22 01 04 On the edge On the edge 01 04 Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 440243504 María J. Arche Arche, María J. María J. Arche University of Greenwich 2 A01 01 JB code 698243505 Rafael Marín Marín, Rafael Rafael Marín Université Lille 3 – CNRS (UMR 8163) 01 01 JB code rllt.7.18mac 06 10.1075/rllt.7.18mac 275 288 14 Article 23 01 04 A case of multiple agree A case of multiple agree 01 04 Accusative, not dative, indirect object se Accusative, not dative, indirect object se 1 A01 01 JB code 306243506 Jonathan E. MacDonald MacDonald, Jonathan E. Jonathan E. MacDonald 01 01 JB code rllt.7.19egu 06 10.1075/rllt.7.19egu 289 301 13 Article 24 01 04 Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 928243507 Luis Eguren Eguren, Luis Luis Eguren Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 2 A01 01 JB code 164243508 Alberto Pastor Pastor, Alberto Alberto Pastor Southern Methodist University 01 01 JB code rllt.7.20ind 06 10.1075/rllt.7.20ind 303 304 2 Miscellaneous 25 01 04 Index of subjects and terms Index of subjects and terms 01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20150828 C 2015 John Benjamins D 2015 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027203878 WORLD 03 01 JB 17 Google 03 https://play.google.com/store/books 21 01 00 Unqualified price 00 110.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 00 92.00 GBP 01 00 Unqualified price 00 165.00 USD 847016100 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 7 Hb 15 9789027203878 06 10.1075/rllt.7 13 2015016586 00 BB 08 645 gr 10 01 JB code RLLT 02 1574-552X 02 7.00 01 02 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 01 01 Romance Linguistics 2012 Selected papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Cedar City, Utah, 20-22 April 2012 Romance Linguistics 2012: Selected papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Cedar City, Utah, 20-22 April 2012 1 B01 01 JB code 773230239 Jason Smith Smith, Jason Jason Smith Southern Utah University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/773230239 2 B01 01 JB code 788230240 Tabea Ihsane Ihsane, Tabea Tabea Ihsane University of Geneva 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/788230240 01 eng 11 316 03 03 xii 03 00 304 03 01 23 440 03 2015 PC11 04 Romance languages--Congresses. 10 LAN009000 12 CFK 24 JB code LIN.GENER Generative linguistics 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 This volume contains a selection of papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (2012). The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches. 03 00 This volume contains a selection of nineteen peer-reviewed papers from the 42nd annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held at Southern Utah University in Cedar City, Utah, in 2012. The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in the areas of phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches, in connection to L1 and L2 acquisition, code-switching and psycholinguistics. Among the languages and varieties of Romance analyzed are French (Old, Modern, and Norman), Portuguese (Brazilian and Classical), and Spanish (Modern and Judeo-Spanish), but also Italo-Romance, Latin, and Romanian. In a comparative tradition, the discussions extend to languages outside Romance, such as dialects of Arabic, Germanic, and Palenquero creole. This collection of papers at the forefront of research contributes to our understanding of Romance languages, and to the influence of Romance linguistics, and will be of interest to scholars in Romance and general linguistics. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.7.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027203878.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027203878.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/rllt.7.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/rllt.7.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/rllt.7.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.7.hb.png 01 01 JB code rllt.7.001int 06 10.1075/rllt.7.001int vii xii 6 Article 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s1 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s1 Section header 2 01 04 Experimental approaches Experimental approaches 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.7.01hal 06 10.1075/rllt.7.01hal 3 16 14 Article 3 01 04 The acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish The acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish 01 04 Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity 1 A01 01 JB code 260243479 Becky Halloran Halloran, Becky Becky Halloran Indiana University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/260243479 2 A01 01 JB code 629243480 Jason Rothman Rothman, Jason Jason Rothman University of Reading & UiT Arctic University of Tromso 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/629243480 01 eng 03 00 This study examines the mental representation of clitic object pronouns in English L2 Spanish speakers of beginning, intermediate and advanced proficiencies. We present the results of a scalar grammaticality judgment task, which examines knowledge of clitic placement in both Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) verb constructions and non-ECM (finite and modal + infinitival) constructions. Our findings suggest that these advanced L2 learners have converged on the Spanish grammar, showing high sensitivity to the restrictions placed on clitic solidarity in ECM constructions coupled with acute knowledge of the distribution pattern of Spanish clitics in non-ECM environments. We argue that this pattern supports UG-accessibility approaches to adult L2 acquisition. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.02lop 06 10.1075/rllt.7.02lop 17 28 12 Article 4 01 04 Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese 01 04 Evidence from a comprehension study Evidence from a comprehension study 1 A01 01 JB code 269243481 Ruth E.V. Lopes Lopes, Ruth E.V. Ruth E.V. Lopes 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/269243481 01 eng 03 00 Do children recognize VP-ellipsis and know its identification restrictions when allowed the necessary conditions to offer a non-adult interpretation? We have applied a Truth Value Judgement Task (TVJT) consisting of three characters sentences: A who did something to B and C who also did something to B. Our null hypothesis sustains that the elided VP is not restricted by its antecedent. If that is true, we expect children’s grammar acquiring VP-ellipsis languages to be broader than the target. Thirty 4- to 6-year-old children were tested with one matching condition (the adult-like interpretation) and five mismatch ones, all false under the adult interpretation. Our results show that children perform at ceiling in the matching condition, but display an average of 26% of non-adult responses in the mismatching conditions. Our results also show that there is an age effect. The 4-year-olds accept 42% of the non-adult interpretations while this figure drops to 20.5% for the 5-year-olds and to 8% for the 6-year-olds. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.03pos 06 10.1075/rllt.7.03pos 29 42 14 Article 5 01 04 Code switching in the determiner phrase Code switching in the determiner phrase 01 04 French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic 1 A01 01 JB code 95243482 Rebekah Post Post, Rebekah Rebekah Post 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/95243482 01 eng 03 00 This study compares the predictions of the Functional Head Constraint (Belazi et al. 1994) and the Complement/Adjunct Distinction (Mahootian and Santorini 1996), each based in part on Arabic-French code-switching (CS), with native speaker judgments of switches within the determiner phrase (DP). While similar in some respects, the constraints offer contradictory predictions of certain syntactic realizations of CS involving the head of a phrase. Using an aural survey, the study examines native Tunisian and Moroccan dialect speakers’ authenticity ratings of 40 sentences that contain Arabic and French with a code-switch occurring in the DP. The results show significant differences between ratings by dialect and syntactic context of the switch. The findings suggest that the differences found in the proposed constraints may stem from distinct CS patterns employed by speakers of each dialect. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.04lip 06 10.1075/rllt.7.04lip 43 60 18 Article 6 01 04 How many "grammars" per "language"? How many “grammars” per “language”? 01 04 Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero 1 A01 01 JB code 873243484 John M. Lipski Lipski, John M. John M. Lipski 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/873243484 01 eng 03 00 The Palenquero creole language (spoken together with Spanish in San Basilio de Palenque, Colombia) exhibits a number of key grammatical features found in no variety of Spanish; mutual intelligibility between Spanish and Palenquero is quite low. It is not unreasonable to assume that Palenqueros psycholinguistically partition Spanish and Palenquero, that they are able to identify given configur-ations as belonging to either Spanish or Palenquero, and that utterances con-taining both quintessentially Palenquero and uniquely Spanish structures will be acknowledged as mixed. The present study is based on experiments conducted in San Basilio de Palenque, using stimuli extracted from natural speech samples, entirely in Spanish, entirely in Palenquero, and containing what might be con-sidered Spanish-LP morphosyntactic mixing. The overall results suggest that code-switching as commonly defined is not explicitly accepted by Palenqueros. They also demonstrate an asymmetry between perception and production: “grammars” and “languages” are not psycholinguistically coterminous for LP-Spanish bilinguals. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s2 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s2 Section header 7 01 04 Phonology Phonology 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.7.05sho 06 10.1075/rllt.7.05sho 63 76 14 Article 8 01 04 Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels 1 A01 01 JB code 698243487 Ryan Shosted Shosted, Ryan Ryan Shosted 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/698243487 01 eng 03 00 The assumption of minimal articulatory difference between members of nasal–oral vowel pairs deserves greater scrutiny. This study tests the hypothesis that members of nasal–oral vowel pairs share a common vocal tract configuration. Electromagnetic articulography is used to study the vertical position of the tongue and the labial aperture of nasal–oral vowel pairs produced by four speakers of Brazilian Portuguese. Significant differences were found for each vowel pair for at least one speaker, though considerable inter-speaker variation was evident. The most robust differences were tongue-body raising during the nasal vowels /ã/ and /ũ/. Because heavy nasalization tends to raise the perceived quality of low vowels, the lingual raising of /ã/ probably reinforces its nasality and contributes to the description of this vowel as [ɐ]. Because nasalization tends to lower the perceived quality of high vowels, the nasality of /ũ/ may be counteracted by the lingual raising gesture. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.06bra 06 10.1075/rllt.7.06bra 77 98 22 Article 9 01 04 Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology 1 A01 01 JB code 997243488 Travis G. Bradley Bradley, Travis G. Travis G. Bradley 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/997243488 01 eng 03 00 Judeo-Spanish (JS) presents a number of phonological processes involving secondary articulations. This paper establishes novel descriptive generalizations based on labialization and palatalization phenomena across different JS dialects. I show how these generalizations are part of a broader cross-linguistic typology of secondary articulation patterns, which would remain incomplete on the basis of non-Sephardic Spanish alone. I propose an analysis in Optimality Theory (OT) that accounts for this variation using the same universal constraints that are active in languages beyond Ibero-Romance. This paper demonstrates the utility of OT as an analytical framework for doing JS phonology and in turn highlights the importance of JS to phonological theory by bringing new generalizations and data to bear on the analysis of secondary articulations. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.07mon 06 10.1075/rllt.7.07mon 99 118 20 Article 10 01 04 Revisiting /R/-assimilation through schwa Revisiting /ʁ/-assimilation through schwa 01 04 The OT-CC perspective The OT-CC perspective 1 A01 01 JB code 402243489 Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil Montreuil, Jean-Pierre Y. Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/402243489 01 eng 03 00 This article revisits the facts underlying the assimilation of /ʁ/ to a preceding consonant in Lower Norman. This assimilation process, which requires the presence of an intervening lexical schwa, could not result from a simple interplay of markedness and faithfulness. The Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) framework argues that local evaluation models provide more robust generalizations than global evaluation models. The present work offers a complete treatment of /ʁ/ assimilation from an OT-CC perspective and extends the analysis beyond the original data of Northern Cotentinois to include assibilating varieties such as Island Norman. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.08jac 06 10.1075/rllt.7.08jac 119 132 14 Article 11 01 04 Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin 1 A01 01 JB code 288243491 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/288243491 01 eng 03 00 This paper discusses two Latin stress shift cases that are problematic for a metrically-conditioned syncope analysis using Harmonic Serialism. The first case receives a straightforward account by replacing the constraints Max-Pr (no stress removal) and Dep-Pr (no stress assignment) by the constraints Max-Ft (no foot removal) and Dep-Ft (no foot assignment). Inscriptive and textual evidence shows that the second case, hitherto dated as Pre-Classical Latin, occurs in Classical and Late Latin as well. Syncope and shift in this case cannot be analyzed as metrically-conditioned and will be analyzed as stress doublets, thereby rendering, like opaque syncope, stress opaque already in Classical Latin. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.09dal 06 10.1075/rllt.7.09dal 133 144 12 Article 12 01 04 The adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords The adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords 01 04 A tale of love and `ate A tale of love and ‘ate 1 A01 01 JB code 10243492 Amanda Dalola Dalola, Amanda Amanda Dalola 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/10243492 01 eng 03 00 Contact between Old French and three /h/-bearing varieties of Germanic (i.e. Frankish, Old East Scandinavian, Middle Dutch) transpired in present-day Normandy and Belgium from the early 8th to the late 14th century. During this period, an influx of Germanic loanwords entered Old French, restoring phonemic /h/. In this study, we assemble an exhaustive dataset of Old East Scandinavian and Middle Dutch loans containing /h/, track the different adaptation strategies into Old French and examine them in terms of current models of loanword phonology. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s3 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s3 Section header 13 01 04 Diachronic syntax Diachronic syntax 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.7.10art 06 10.1075/rllt.7.10art 147 170 24 Article 14 01 04 On the Old French subjunctive On the Old French subjunctive 1 A01 01 JB code 934243493 Deborah Arteaga Arteaga, Deborah Deborah Arteaga 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/934243493 01 eng 03 00 This chapter focuses on the syntax of the subjunctive in Old French (OF), comparing it to Modern French (MF). In MF, obviation effects occur between the subject of a volitional complement and the subject the embedded clause (Ruwet 1984): (1) *Je veux que je parte. *I want-1sg that I leave-1sg-subj ‘I want to leave.’ (2) Je veux partir. I want-1sg to.leave.’ Arteaga (1990) first discussed in a theoretical model the fact that Old French lacked obviation effects: (3) En talent oti qu’ili colpast lej chiefj in desire-m-sg-obl had-3sg that he cut-subj the head ‘Hei desired to cut off hisj head. In (3), the subjects of the main and subordinate clause are coreferential. It will be claimed (contra Arteaga 1990 and Martineau 1994) that obviation in OF, and its evolution into MF, can be explained, if we assume the following: The complementizer que was not required to introduce the subjunctive in OF; Complementizer Deletion triggers V2 word order in subjunctive contexts; and the uninterpretable irrealis feature of CForce is valued by that of Mood via Agree (San Martín 2007), which extends the binding domain for the subordinate clause. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.11pes 06 10.1075/rllt.7.11pes 171 184 14 Article 15 01 04 On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance 1 A01 01 JB code 523243494 Diego Pescarini Pescarini, Diego Diego Pescarini 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/523243494 01 eng 03 00 This contribution deals with the make-up of Italo-Romance clitic sequences. Building on Kayne (1994), I will argue that some clitic combinations are clusters in which one clitic is left-adjoined to the other, while others are split sequences formed by adjacent clitic heads. In particular, on the basis of morphological evidence, I will argue that clusters are formed via a process of root incorporation. Evidence supporting this view comes from both diachronic and synchronic data. Diachronically, I argue that the emergence of cluster configurations resulted in a change reversing the order of certain clitic combinations (roughly, from accusative > dative to dative > accusative). Synchronically, clusters differ from split combinations as the latter can be marginally separated. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.12ant 06 10.1075/rllt.7.12ant 185 198 14 Article 16 01 04 The structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese The structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 228243495 André Luis Antonelli Antonelli, André Luis André Luis Antonelli 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/228243495 01 eng 03 00 This chapter examines the structure of declarative complement sentences lacking the complementizer que in Classical Portuguese. The goal is to investigate whether such clauses manifest a CP-domain. We present a set of facts related to the position of subjects and adverbs showing that complementizerless clauses do display a left periphery layer, as a result of V-to-C movement. Following a split CP view (Rizzi 1997), we also propose that sentences without que are structures in which verb movement to the embedded C-system makes the peripheral heads Force and Fin to be projected syncretically, thus preventing the activation of discursive projections like TopP or FocP. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.s4 06 10.1075/rllt.7.s4 Section header 17 01 04 Syntax Syntax 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.7.13cas 06 10.1075/rllt.7.13cas 201 214 14 Article 18 01 04 Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface 01 04 The case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish The case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 104243496 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró ILLA-CSIC 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/104243496 2 A01 01 JB code 783243497 Isabel Oltra-Massuet Oltra-Massuet, Isabel Isabel Oltra-Massuet URV, UAH 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/783243497 3 A01 01 JB code 7243498 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez UAH, ILLA-CSIC 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/7243498 01 eng 03 00 Spanish prepositional phrases headed by sin “without” with a bare noun complement (una habitación sin luz “a room without light”; un hombre sin corbata “a man without tie”) show interesting gradability properties: Degree modification is allowed if the N complement is a mass noun (una habitación muy sin luz “lit. a room very without light”; *un hombre muy sin corbata “lit. a man very without tie”). We claim that sin-PPs (sin-Preposition Phrases) hare syntactic and semantic properties with constructions involving light verbs that select for bare nouns. We argue that (a) a property-denoting bare NP pseudo-incorporates into a null verb have that is part of the syntactic-semantic structure of sin, and that (b) sin-PPs can be coerced into gradable properties as long as the bare noun is cumulative and homogeneous (divisive). Our proposal explains the differences between sin-(bare)-PPs and PPs headed by sin with a QP/DP complement, since in the latter there is neither coercion nor pseudo-incorporation. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.14cyr 06 10.1075/rllt.7.14cyr 215 228 14 Article 19 01 04 On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 716243499 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino UNICAMP 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/716243499 2 A01 01 JB code 218243500 M. Teresa Espinal Espinal, M. Teresa M. Teresa Espinal UAB 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/218243500 01 eng 03 00 Brazilian Portuguese (BrP) is different from other Romance languages in allowing bare nominals in argument position. In this paper we focus on the apparent differences between this language and other Romance languages, and on the structure that bare nominals have in this language. We argue basically for a Determiner Phrase (DP) analysis in which Number features are morphosyntactically specified on Determiners (as in French), i.e. on D, even if D is null. We show that BNs in this language may correspond to NPs and to DPs. As NPs, they are not specified for number and definiteness, can only occur as objects of a restricted class of predicates, and are interpreted as property-type expressions. As DPs, they have a null D that carries Number specification, introduce a discourse referent and are interpreted as entity-type expressions. We aim to show that BrP is neither a counterexample to the Universal DP Hypothesis nor to the Nominal Mapping Parameter. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.15atk 06 10.1075/rllt.7.15atk 229 244 16 Article 20 01 04 Gender features on n & the root Gender features on n & the root 01 04 An account of gender in French An account of gender in French 1 A01 01 JB code 804243501 Emily Atkinson Atkinson, Emily Emily Atkinson 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/804243501 01 eng 03 00 French presents a challenge to single feature gender analyses. For animate nouns natural sex is often realized instead of grammatical gender. Also, the sex and gender of epicene nouns – animates with fixed gender that allow no morphological representation of sex – can conflict. I argue for a two feature analysis, following Kramer’s (2009) proposal for Amharic: one feature on n that represents natural sex and another on the root that represents grammatical gender. Utilizing elements from Distributed Morphology (DM) including licensing conditions and a version of agree (Pesetsky & Torrego 2007), this analysis is shown to account for all of the problematic French data. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.16sle 06 10.1075/rllt.7.16sle 245 260 16 Article 21 01 04 Adjectivization of participles in Romance Adjectivization of participles in Romance 01 04 A gradual process? A gradual process? 1 A01 01 JB code 548243502 Petra Sleeman Sleeman, Petra Petra Sleeman University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/548243502 2 A01 01 JB code 706243503 Dana Niculescu Niculescu, Dana Dana Niculescu University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/706243503 01 eng 03 00 The well-known distinction between verbal participles and adjectival ones has been fine-grained in the last decades. Within the adjectival participles, Kratzer (1994) and Embick (2004), for German and English respectively, distinguish between stative and resultative participles. Sleeman (2011) distinguishes two types of verbal participles in Germanic. She argues that the postnominal verbal participle in Dutch and English is fully eventive, while the prenominal one is not fully adjectival, as has been claimed by Embick (2004), but to a lesser extent eventive. In this paper, we claim that Romance languages also display the four stages in the adjectivization process. We argue that, not only in Germanic, but also in Romance, the less fully eventive verbal participle does exist, on the basis of an analysis of the French passive participle in combination with the adverb très “very” and the Romanian present participle in modifier position preceded by cel, a type of definite article selecting an adjective. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.17arc 06 10.1075/rllt.7.17arc 261 274 14 Article 22 01 04 On the edge On the edge 01 04 Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 440243504 María J. Arche Arche, María J. María J. Arche University of Greenwich 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/440243504 2 A01 01 JB code 698243505 Rafael Marín Marín, Rafael Rafael Marín Université Lille 3 – CNRS (UMR 8163) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/698243505 01 eng 03 00 In this paper, we examine the components, the structure and the formation process of derived categories, by analyzing the properties of nouns derived from adjectives. We will discuss the event structure underlying them and argue that, although it is commonly assumed that deadjectival nouns denote qualities (wisdom, beauty) or states (sadness, perplexity), there is a group of deadjectival nominalizations (imprudence, cruelty) that refer to occurrences of events (Beauseroy 2009). We show that such occurrential nominalizations are possible only when derived from evaluative adjectives. This is due, we argue, to the fact that such adjectives can be predicated of events in addition to the sentient individual (Stowell 1991). Finally, we show that the existence of a structure of origin with the relevant properties does not guarantee the existence of the derived category, leaving what seem to be gaps in the universe of possible derivations. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.18mac 06 10.1075/rllt.7.18mac 275 288 14 Article 23 01 04 A case of multiple agree A case of multiple agree 01 04 Accusative, not dative, indirect object se Accusative, not dative, indirect object se 1 A01 01 JB code 306243506 Jonathan E. MacDonald MacDonald, Jonathan E. Jonathan E. MacDonald 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/306243506 01 eng 03 00 This paper attempts to explain why indirect objects and aspectual se in Spanish are ungrammatical in the periphrastic passive. The claim is that se is accusative and since accusative is not available in passive, these se are ungrammatical in passive. An appeal to parallel patterns by indirect object la of laísta dialects of Spain, which is overtly accusative, lends support to this approach. The technical account of accusative case on indirect object se relies on Multiple Agree with v. The Multiple Agree account generates concrete predictions regarding (non-) intervention effects with ethical, benefactive and alienable possessor datives. These predictions are tested and the results are positive, supplying support to the overall analysis. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.19egu 06 10.1075/rllt.7.19egu 289 301 13 Article 24 01 04 Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 928243507 Luis Eguren Eguren, Luis Luis Eguren Universidad Autónoma de Madrid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928243507 2 A01 01 JB code 164243508 Alberto Pastor Pastor, Alberto Alberto Pastor Southern Methodist University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/164243508 01 eng 03 00 This paper studies nominal expressions including a measure phrase (MP) in Spanish. Corver’s (2009) Predicate Inversion analysis of similar patterns in other languages is critically reviewed, and an alternative proposal is presented within Den Dikken’s (2006) theory of predication, whereby the Spanish [MP + de + N] construction (tres metros de altura “lit. three meters of height”) has a “reverse” predication structure, whereas the [D + N + de + MP] pattern (una altura de tres metros “lit. a height of three meters”) is a case of “straight” predication. 01 01 JB code rllt.7.20ind 06 10.1075/rllt.7.20ind 303 304 2 Miscellaneous 25 01 04 Index of subjects and terms Index of subjects and terms 01 eng 01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.7 Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20150828 C 2015 John Benjamins D 2015 John Benjamins 02 WORLD WORLD US CA MX 09 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 21 78 20 01 00 Unqualified price 02 JB 1 02 110.00 EUR 02 00 Unqualified price 02 92.00 01 Z 0 GBP GB US CA MX 01 01 JB 2 John Benjamins Publishing Company +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 21 78 20 01 00 Unqualified price 02 JB 1 02 165.00 USD