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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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RLLT 7 Eb
15
9789027268310
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10.1075/rllt.7
13
2015020118
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EA
E107
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RLLT
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1574-552X
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Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
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01
JB code
jbe-all
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02
Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles)
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01
JB code
jbe-2015-all
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02
Complete backlist (3,208 titles, 1967–2015)
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02
Complete backlist (1967–2015)
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01
JB code
jbe-2015-linguistics
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02
Subject collection: Linguistics (2,773 titles, 1967–2015)
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Linguistics (1967–2015)
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01
Romance Linguistics 2012
Selected papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Cedar City, Utah, 20-22 April 2012
Romance Linguistics 2012: Selected papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Cedar City, Utah, 20-22 April 2012
1
B01
01
JB code
773230239
Jason Smith
Smith, Jason
Jason
Smith
Southern Utah University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/773230239
2
B01
01
JB code
788230240
Tabea Ihsane
Ihsane, Tabea
Tabea
Ihsane
University of Geneva
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/788230240
01
eng
11
316
03
03
xii
03
00
304
03
01
23
440
03
2015
PC11
04
Romance languages--Congresses.
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LAN009000
12
CFK
24
JB code
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
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JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
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06
02
00
This volume contains a selection of papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (2012). The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches.
03
00
This volume contains a selection of nineteen peer-reviewed papers from the 42nd annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held at Southern Utah University in Cedar City, Utah, in 2012. The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in the areas of phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches, in connection to L1 and L2 acquisition, code-switching and psycholinguistics. Among the languages and varieties of Romance analyzed are French (Old, Modern, and Norman), Portuguese (Brazilian and Classical), and Spanish (Modern and Judeo-Spanish), but also Italo-Romance, Latin, and Romanian. In a comparative tradition, the discussions extend to languages outside Romance, such as dialects of Arabic, Germanic, and Palenquero creole. This collection of papers at the forefront of research contributes to our understanding of Romance languages, and to the influence of Romance linguistics, and will be of interest to scholars in Romance and general linguistics.
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rllt.7.001int
06
10.1075/rllt.7.001int
vii
xii
6
Article
1
01
04
Introduction
Introduction
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.s1
06
10.1075/rllt.7.s1
Section header
2
01
04
Experimental approaches
Experimental approaches
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.01hal
06
10.1075/rllt.7.01hal
3
16
14
Article
3
01
04
The
acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish
The acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish
01
04
Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity
Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity
1
A01
01
JB code
260243479
Becky Halloran
Halloran, Becky
Becky
Halloran
Indiana University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/260243479
2
A01
01
JB code
629243480
Jason Rothman
Rothman, Jason
Jason
Rothman
University of Reading & UiT Arctic University of Tromso
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/629243480
01
eng
03
00
This study examines the mental representation of clitic object pronouns in English L2 Spanish speakers of beginning, intermediate and advanced proficiencies. We present the results of a scalar grammaticality judgment task, which examines knowledge of clitic placement in both Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) verb constructions and non-ECM (finite and modal + infinitival) constructions. Our findings suggest that these advanced L2 learners have converged on the Spanish grammar, showing high sensitivity to the restrictions placed on clitic solidarity in ECM constructions coupled with acute knowledge of the distribution pattern of Spanish clitics in non-ECM environments. We argue that this pattern supports UG-accessibility approaches to adult L2 acquisition.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.02lop
06
10.1075/rllt.7.02lop
17
28
12
Article
4
01
04
Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese
Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese
01
04
Evidence from a comprehension study
Evidence from a comprehension study
1
A01
01
JB code
269243481
Ruth E.V. Lopes
Lopes, Ruth E.V.
Ruth E.V.
Lopes
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/269243481
01
eng
03
00
Do children recognize VP-ellipsis and know its identification restrictions when allowed the necessary conditions to offer a non-adult interpretation? We have applied a Truth Value Judgement Task (TVJT) consisting of three characters sentences: A who did something to B and C who also did something to B. Our null hypothesis sustains that the elided VP is not restricted by its antecedent. If that is true, we expect children’s grammar acquiring VP-ellipsis languages to be broader than the target. Thirty 4- to 6-year-old children were tested with one matching condition (the adult-like interpretation) and five mismatch ones, all false under the adult interpretation. Our results show that children perform at ceiling in the matching condition, but display an average of 26% of non-adult responses in the mismatching conditions. Our results also show that there is an age effect. The 4-year-olds accept 42% of the non-adult interpretations while this figure drops to 20.5% for the 5-year-olds and to 8% for the 6-year-olds.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.03pos
06
10.1075/rllt.7.03pos
29
42
14
Article
5
01
04
Code switching in the determiner phrase
Code switching in the determiner phrase
01
04
French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic
French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic
1
A01
01
JB code
95243482
Rebekah Post
Post, Rebekah
Rebekah
Post
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/95243482
01
eng
03
00
This study compares the predictions of the Functional Head Constraint (Belazi et al. 1994) and the Complement/Adjunct Distinction (Mahootian and Santorini 1996), each based in part on Arabic-French code-switching (CS), with native speaker judgments of switches within the determiner phrase (DP). While similar in some respects, the constraints offer contradictory predictions of certain syntactic realizations of CS involving the head of a phrase. Using an aural survey, the study examines native Tunisian and Moroccan dialect speakers’ authenticity ratings of 40 sentences that contain Arabic and French with a code-switch occurring in the DP. The results show significant differences between ratings by dialect and syntactic context of the switch. The findings suggest that the differences found in the proposed constraints may stem from distinct CS patterns employed by speakers of each dialect.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.04lip
06
10.1075/rllt.7.04lip
43
60
18
Article
6
01
04
How many "grammars" per "language"?
How many “grammars” per “language”?
01
04
Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero
Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero
1
A01
01
JB code
873243484
John M. Lipski
Lipski, John M.
John M.
Lipski
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/873243484
01
eng
03
00
The Palenquero creole language (spoken together with Spanish in San Basilio de Palenque, Colombia) exhibits a number of key grammatical features found in no variety of Spanish; mutual intelligibility between Spanish and Palenquero is quite low. It is not unreasonable to assume that Palenqueros psycholinguistically partition Spanish and Palenquero, that they are able to identify given configur-ations as belonging to either Spanish or Palenquero, and that utterances con-taining both quintessentially Palenquero and uniquely Spanish structures will be acknowledged as mixed. The present study is based on experiments conducted in San Basilio de Palenque, using stimuli extracted from natural speech samples, entirely in Spanish, entirely in Palenquero, and containing what might be con-sidered Spanish-LP morphosyntactic mixing. The overall results suggest that code-switching as commonly defined is not explicitly accepted by Palenqueros. They also demonstrate an asymmetry between perception and production: “grammars” and “languages” are not psycholinguistically coterminous for LP-Spanish bilinguals.
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JB code
rllt.7.s2
06
10.1075/rllt.7.s2
Section header
7
01
04
Phonology
Phonology
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.05sho
06
10.1075/rllt.7.05sho
63
76
14
Article
8
01
04
Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels
Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels
1
A01
01
JB code
698243487
Ryan Shosted
Shosted, Ryan
Ryan
Shosted
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/698243487
01
eng
03
00
The assumption of minimal articulatory difference between members of nasal–oral vowel pairs deserves greater scrutiny. This study tests the hypothesis that members of nasal–oral vowel pairs share a common vocal tract configuration. Electromagnetic articulography is used to study the vertical position of the tongue and the labial aperture of nasal–oral vowel pairs produced by four speakers of Brazilian Portuguese. Significant differences were found for each vowel pair for at least one speaker, though considerable inter-speaker variation was evident. The most robust differences were tongue-body raising during the nasal vowels /ã/ and /ũ/. Because heavy nasalization tends to raise the perceived quality of low vowels, the lingual raising of /ã/ probably reinforces its nasality and contributes to the description of this vowel as [ɐ]. Because nasalization tends to lower the perceived quality of high vowels, the nasality of /ũ/ may be counteracted by the lingual raising gesture.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.06bra
06
10.1075/rllt.7.06bra
77
98
22
Article
9
01
04
Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology
Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology
1
A01
01
JB code
997243488
Travis G. Bradley
Bradley, Travis G.
Travis G.
Bradley
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/997243488
01
eng
03
00
Judeo-Spanish (JS) presents a number of phonological processes involving secondary articulations. This paper establishes novel descriptive generalizations based on labialization and palatalization phenomena across different JS dialects. I show how these generalizations are part of a broader cross-linguistic typology of secondary articulation patterns, which would remain incomplete on the basis of non-Sephardic Spanish alone. I propose an analysis in Optimality Theory (OT) that accounts for this variation using the same universal constraints that are active in languages beyond Ibero-Romance. This paper demonstrates the utility of OT as an analytical framework for doing JS phonology and in turn highlights the importance of JS to phonological theory by bringing new generalizations and data to bear on the analysis of secondary articulations.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.07mon
06
10.1075/rllt.7.07mon
99
118
20
Article
10
01
04
Revisiting /R/-assimilation through schwa
Revisiting /ʁ/-assimilation through schwa
01
04
The
OT-CC perspective
The OT-CC perspective
1
A01
01
JB code
402243489
Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil
Montreuil, Jean-Pierre Y.
Jean-Pierre Y.
Montreuil
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/402243489
01
eng
03
00
This article revisits the facts underlying the assimilation of /ʁ/ to a preceding consonant in Lower Norman. This assimilation process, which requires the presence of an intervening lexical schwa, could not result from a simple interplay of markedness and faithfulness. The Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) framework argues that local evaluation models provide more robust generalizations than global evaluation models. The present work offers a complete treatment of /ʁ/ assimilation from an OT-CC perspective and extends the analysis beyond the original data of Northern Cotentinois to include assibilating varieties such as Island Norman.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.08jac
06
10.1075/rllt.7.08jac
119
132
14
Article
11
01
04
Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin
Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin
1
A01
01
JB code
288243491
Haike Jacobs
Jacobs, Haike
Haike
Jacobs
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/288243491
01
eng
03
00
This paper discusses two Latin stress shift cases that are problematic for a metrically-conditioned syncope analysis using Harmonic Serialism. The first case receives a straightforward account by replacing the constraints Max-Pr (no stress removal) and Dep-Pr (no stress assignment) by the constraints Max-Ft (no foot removal) and Dep-Ft (no foot assignment). Inscriptive and textual evidence shows that the second case, hitherto dated as Pre-Classical Latin, occurs in Classical and Late Latin as well. Syncope and shift in this case cannot be analyzed as metrically-conditioned and will be analyzed as stress doublets, thereby rendering, like opaque syncope, stress opaque already in Classical Latin.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.09dal
06
10.1075/rllt.7.09dal
133
144
12
Article
12
01
04
The
adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords
The adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords
01
04
A
tale of love and `ate
A tale of love and ‘ate
1
A01
01
JB code
10243492
Amanda Dalola
Dalola, Amanda
Amanda
Dalola
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/10243492
01
eng
03
00
Contact between Old French and three /h/-bearing varieties of Germanic (i.e. Frankish, Old East Scandinavian, Middle Dutch) transpired in present-day Normandy and Belgium from the early 8th to the late 14th century. During this period, an influx of Germanic loanwords entered Old French, restoring phonemic /h/. In this study, we assemble an exhaustive dataset of Old East Scandinavian and Middle Dutch loans containing /h/, track the different adaptation strategies into Old French and examine them in terms of current models of loanword phonology.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.s3
06
10.1075/rllt.7.s3
Section header
13
01
04
Diachronic syntax
Diachronic syntax
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.10art
06
10.1075/rllt.7.10art
147
170
24
Article
14
01
04
On the Old French subjunctive
On the Old French subjunctive
1
A01
01
JB code
934243493
Deborah Arteaga
Arteaga, Deborah
Deborah
Arteaga
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/934243493
01
eng
03
00
This chapter focuses on the syntax of the subjunctive in Old French (OF), comparing it to Modern French (MF). In MF, obviation effects occur between the subject of a volitional complement and the subject the embedded clause (Ruwet 1984): (1) *Je veux que je parte. *I want-1sg that I leave-1sg-subj ‘I want to leave.’ (2) Je veux partir. I want-1sg to.leave.’ Arteaga (1990) first discussed in a theoretical model the fact that Old French lacked obviation effects: (3) En talent oti qu’ili colpast lej chiefj in desire-m-sg-obl had-3sg that he cut-subj the head ‘Hei desired to cut off hisj head. In (3), the subjects of the main and subordinate clause are coreferential. It will be claimed (contra Arteaga 1990 and Martineau 1994) that obviation in OF, and its evolution into MF, can be explained, if we assume the following: The complementizer que was not required to introduce the subjunctive in OF; Complementizer Deletion triggers V2 word order in subjunctive contexts; and the uninterpretable irrealis feature of CForce is valued by that of Mood via Agree (San Martín 2007), which extends the binding domain for the subordinate clause.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.11pes
06
10.1075/rllt.7.11pes
171
184
14
Article
15
01
04
On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance
On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance
1
A01
01
JB code
523243494
Diego Pescarini
Pescarini, Diego
Diego
Pescarini
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/523243494
01
eng
03
00
This contribution deals with the make-up of Italo-Romance clitic sequences. Building on Kayne (1994), I will argue that some clitic combinations are clusters in which one clitic is left-adjoined to the other, while others are split sequences formed by adjacent clitic heads. In particular, on the basis of morphological evidence, I will argue that clusters are formed via a process of root incorporation. Evidence supporting this view comes from both diachronic and synchronic data. Diachronically, I argue that the emergence of cluster configurations resulted in a change reversing the order of certain clitic combinations (roughly, from accusative > dative to dative > accusative). Synchronically, clusters differ from split combinations as the latter can be marginally separated.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.12ant
06
10.1075/rllt.7.12ant
185
198
14
Article
16
01
04
The
structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese
The structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
228243495
André Luis Antonelli
Antonelli, André Luis
André Luis
Antonelli
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/228243495
01
eng
03
00
This chapter examines the structure of declarative complement sentences lacking the complementizer que in Classical Portuguese. The goal is to investigate whether such clauses manifest a CP-domain. We present a set of facts related to the position of subjects and adverbs showing that complementizerless clauses do display a left periphery layer, as a result of V-to-C movement. Following a split CP view (Rizzi 1997), we also propose that sentences without que are structures in which verb movement to the embedded C-system makes the peripheral heads Force and Fin to be projected syncretically, thus preventing the activation of discursive projections like TopP or FocP.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.s4
06
10.1075/rllt.7.s4
Section header
17
01
04
Syntax
Syntax
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.13cas
06
10.1075/rllt.7.13cas
201
214
14
Article
18
01
04
Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface
Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface
01
04
The
case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish
The case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
104243496
Elena Castroviejo Miró
Castroviejo Miró, Elena
Elena
Castroviejo Miró
ILLA-CSIC
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/104243496
2
A01
01
JB code
783243497
Isabel Oltra-Massuet
Oltra-Massuet, Isabel
Isabel
Oltra-Massuet
URV, UAH
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/783243497
3
A01
01
JB code
7243498
Isabel Pérez-Jiménez
Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel
Isabel
Pérez-Jiménez
UAH, ILLA-CSIC
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/7243498
01
eng
03
00
Spanish prepositional phrases headed by sin “without” with a bare noun complement (una habitación sin luz “a room without light”; un hombre sin corbata “a man without tie”) show interesting gradability properties: Degree modification is allowed if the N complement is a mass noun (una habitación muy sin luz “lit. a room very without light”; *un hombre muy sin corbata “lit. a man very without tie”). We claim that sin-PPs (sin-Preposition Phrases) hare syntactic and semantic properties with constructions involving light verbs that select for bare nouns. We argue that (a) a property-denoting bare NP pseudo-incorporates into a null verb have that is part of the syntactic-semantic structure of sin, and that (b) sin-PPs can be coerced into gradable properties as long as the bare noun is cumulative and homogeneous (divisive). Our proposal explains the differences between sin-(bare)-PPs and PPs headed by sin with a QP/DP complement, since in the latter there is neither coercion nor pseudo-incorporation.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.14cyr
06
10.1075/rllt.7.14cyr
215
228
14
Article
19
01
04
On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese
On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
716243499
Sonia M. L. Cyrino
Cyrino, Sonia M. L.
Sonia M. L.
Cyrino
UNICAMP
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/716243499
2
A01
01
JB code
218243500
M. Teresa Espinal
Espinal, M. Teresa
M. Teresa
Espinal
UAB
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/218243500
01
eng
03
00
Brazilian Portuguese (BrP) is different from other Romance languages in allowing bare nominals in argument position. In this paper we focus on the apparent differences between this language and other Romance languages, and on the structure that bare nominals have in this language. We argue basically for a Determiner Phrase (DP) analysis in which Number features are morphosyntactically specified on Determiners (as in French), i.e. on D, even if D is null. We show that BNs in this language may correspond to NPs and to DPs. As NPs, they are not specified for number and definiteness, can only occur as objects of a restricted class of predicates, and are interpreted as property-type expressions. As DPs, they have a null D that carries Number specification, introduce a discourse referent and are interpreted as entity-type expressions. We aim to show that BrP is neither a counterexample to the Universal DP Hypothesis nor to the Nominal Mapping Parameter.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.15atk
06
10.1075/rllt.7.15atk
229
244
16
Article
20
01
04
Gender features on n & the root
Gender features on n & the root
01
04
An
account of gender in French
An account of gender in French
1
A01
01
JB code
804243501
Emily Atkinson
Atkinson, Emily
Emily
Atkinson
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/804243501
01
eng
03
00
French presents a challenge to single feature gender analyses. For animate nouns natural sex is often realized instead of grammatical gender. Also, the sex and gender of epicene nouns – animates with fixed gender that allow no morphological representation of sex – can conflict. I argue for a two feature analysis, following Kramer’s (2009) proposal for Amharic: one feature on n that represents natural sex and another on the root that represents grammatical gender. Utilizing elements from Distributed Morphology (DM) including licensing conditions and a version of agree (Pesetsky & Torrego 2007), this analysis is shown to account for all of the problematic French data.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.16sle
06
10.1075/rllt.7.16sle
245
260
16
Article
21
01
04
Adjectivization of participles in Romance
Adjectivization of participles in Romance
01
04
A
gradual process?
A gradual process?
1
A01
01
JB code
548243502
Petra Sleeman
Sleeman, Petra
Petra
Sleeman
University of Amsterdam
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/548243502
2
A01
01
JB code
706243503
Dana Niculescu
Niculescu, Dana
Dana
Niculescu
University of Amsterdam
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/706243503
01
eng
03
00
The well-known distinction between verbal participles and adjectival ones has been fine-grained in the last decades. Within the adjectival participles, Kratzer (1994) and Embick (2004), for German and English respectively, distinguish between stative and resultative participles. Sleeman (2011) distinguishes two types of verbal participles in Germanic. She argues that the postnominal verbal participle in Dutch and English is fully eventive, while the prenominal one is not fully adjectival, as has been claimed by Embick (2004), but to a lesser extent eventive. In this paper, we claim that Romance languages also display the four stages in the adjectivization process. We argue that, not only in Germanic, but also in Romance, the less fully eventive verbal participle does exist, on the basis of an analysis of the French passive participle in combination with the adverb très “very” and the Romanian present participle in modifier position preceded by cel, a type of definite article selecting an adjective.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.17arc
06
10.1075/rllt.7.17arc
261
274
14
Article
22
01
04
On the edge
On the edge
01
04
Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish
Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
440243504
María J. Arche
Arche, María J.
María J.
Arche
University of Greenwich
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/440243504
2
A01
01
JB code
698243505
Rafael Marín
Marín, Rafael
Rafael
Marín
Université Lille 3 – CNRS (UMR 8163)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/698243505
01
eng
03
00
In this paper, we examine the components, the structure and the formation process of derived categories, by analyzing the properties of nouns derived from adjectives. We will discuss the event structure underlying them and argue that, although it is commonly assumed that deadjectival nouns denote qualities (wisdom, beauty) or states (sadness, perplexity), there is a group of deadjectival nominalizations (imprudence, cruelty) that refer to occurrences of events (Beauseroy 2009). We show that such occurrential nominalizations are possible only when derived from evaluative adjectives. This is due, we argue, to the fact that such adjectives can be predicated of events in addition to the sentient individual (Stowell 1991). Finally, we show that the existence of a structure of origin with the relevant properties does not guarantee the existence of the derived category, leaving what seem to be gaps in the universe of possible derivations.
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10.1075/rllt.7.18mac
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Article
23
01
04
A
case of multiple agree
A case of multiple agree
01
04
Accusative, not dative, indirect object se
Accusative, not dative, indirect object se
1
A01
01
JB code
306243506
Jonathan E. MacDonald
MacDonald, Jonathan E.
Jonathan E.
MacDonald
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/306243506
01
eng
03
00
This paper attempts to explain why indirect objects and aspectual se in Spanish are ungrammatical in the periphrastic passive. The claim is that se is accusative and since accusative is not available in passive, these se are ungrammatical in passive. An appeal to parallel patterns by indirect object la of laísta dialects of Spain, which is overtly accusative, lends support to this approach. The technical account of accusative case on indirect object se relies on Multiple Agree with v. The Multiple Agree account generates concrete predictions regarding (non-) intervention effects with ethical, benefactive and alienable possessor datives. These predictions are tested and the results are positive, supplying support to the overall analysis.
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10.1075/rllt.7.19egu
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301
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Article
24
01
04
Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish
Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
928243507
Luis Eguren
Eguren, Luis
Luis
Eguren
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928243507
2
A01
01
JB code
164243508
Alberto Pastor
Pastor, Alberto
Alberto
Pastor
Southern Methodist University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/164243508
01
eng
03
00
This paper studies nominal expressions including a measure phrase (MP) in Spanish. Corver’s (2009) Predicate Inversion analysis of similar patterns in other languages is critically reviewed, and an alternative proposal is presented within Den Dikken’s (2006) theory of predication, whereby the Spanish [MP + de + N] construction (tres metros de altura “lit. three meters of height”) has a “reverse” predication structure, whereas the [D + N + de + MP] pattern (una altura de tres metros “lit. a height of three meters”) is a case of “straight” predication.
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10.1075/rllt.7.20ind
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304
2
Miscellaneous
25
01
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Index of subjects and terms
Index of subjects and terms
01
eng
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
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JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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20150828
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John Benjamins
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9789027203878
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John Benjamins e-Platform
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249016593
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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9789027268310
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2015020118
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EA
E133
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Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
01
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Romance Linguistics 2012
Romance Linguistics 2012
1
B01
01
JB code
773230239
Jason Smith
Smith, Jason
Jason
Smith
Southern Utah University
2
B01
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JB code
788230240
Tabea Ihsane
Ihsane, Tabea
Tabea
Ihsane
University of Geneva
01
eng
11
316
03
03
xii
03
00
304
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LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
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Romance linguistics
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Syntax
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This volume contains a selection of papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (2012). The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches.
03
00
This volume contains a selection of nineteen peer-reviewed papers from the 42nd annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held at Southern Utah University in Cedar City, Utah, in 2012. The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in the areas of phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches, in connection to L1 and L2 acquisition, code-switching and psycholinguistics. Among the languages and varieties of Romance analyzed are French (Old, Modern, and Norman), Portuguese (Brazilian and Classical), and Spanish (Modern and Judeo-Spanish), but also Italo-Romance, Latin, and Romanian. In a comparative tradition, the discussions extend to languages outside Romance, such as dialects of Arabic, Germanic, and Palenquero creole. This collection of papers at the forefront of research contributes to our understanding of Romance languages, and to the influence of Romance linguistics, and will be of interest to scholars in Romance and general linguistics.
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Introduction
Introduction
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2
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Experimental approaches
Experimental approaches
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10.1075/rllt.7.01hal
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16
14
Article
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The
acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish
The acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish
01
04
Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity
Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity
1
A01
01
JB code
260243479
Becky Halloran
Halloran, Becky
Becky
Halloran
Indiana University
2
A01
01
JB code
629243480
Jason Rothman
Rothman, Jason
Jason
Rothman
University of Reading & UiT Arctic University of Tromso
01
01
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rllt.7.02lop
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10.1075/rllt.7.02lop
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28
12
Article
4
01
04
Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese
Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese
01
04
Evidence from a comprehension study
Evidence from a comprehension study
1
A01
01
JB code
269243481
Ruth E.V. Lopes
Lopes, Ruth E.V.
Ruth E.V.
Lopes
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.03pos
06
10.1075/rllt.7.03pos
29
42
14
Article
5
01
04
Code switching in the determiner phrase
Code switching in the determiner phrase
01
04
French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic
French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic
1
A01
01
JB code
95243482
Rebekah Post
Post, Rebekah
Rebekah
Post
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.04lip
06
10.1075/rllt.7.04lip
43
60
18
Article
6
01
04
How many "grammars" per "language"?
How many “grammars” per “language”?
01
04
Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero
Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero
1
A01
01
JB code
873243484
John M. Lipski
Lipski, John M.
John M.
Lipski
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.s2
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10.1075/rllt.7.s2
Section header
7
01
04
Phonology
Phonology
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.05sho
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10.1075/rllt.7.05sho
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76
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Article
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01
04
Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels
Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels
1
A01
01
JB code
698243487
Ryan Shosted
Shosted, Ryan
Ryan
Shosted
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.06bra
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10.1075/rllt.7.06bra
77
98
22
Article
9
01
04
Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology
Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology
1
A01
01
JB code
997243488
Travis G. Bradley
Bradley, Travis G.
Travis G.
Bradley
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.07mon
06
10.1075/rllt.7.07mon
99
118
20
Article
10
01
04
Revisiting /R/-assimilation through schwa
Revisiting /ʁ/-assimilation through schwa
01
04
The
OT-CC perspective
The OT-CC perspective
1
A01
01
JB code
402243489
Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil
Montreuil, Jean-Pierre Y.
Jean-Pierre Y.
Montreuil
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.08jac
06
10.1075/rllt.7.08jac
119
132
14
Article
11
01
04
Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin
Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin
1
A01
01
JB code
288243491
Haike Jacobs
Jacobs, Haike
Haike
Jacobs
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.09dal
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10.1075/rllt.7.09dal
133
144
12
Article
12
01
04
The
adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords
The adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords
01
04
A
tale of love and `ate
A tale of love and ‘ate
1
A01
01
JB code
10243492
Amanda Dalola
Dalola, Amanda
Amanda
Dalola
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.s3
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10.1075/rllt.7.s3
Section header
13
01
04
Diachronic syntax
Diachronic syntax
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.10art
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10.1075/rllt.7.10art
147
170
24
Article
14
01
04
On the Old French subjunctive
On the Old French subjunctive
1
A01
01
JB code
934243493
Deborah Arteaga
Arteaga, Deborah
Deborah
Arteaga
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.11pes
06
10.1075/rllt.7.11pes
171
184
14
Article
15
01
04
On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance
On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance
1
A01
01
JB code
523243494
Diego Pescarini
Pescarini, Diego
Diego
Pescarini
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.12ant
06
10.1075/rllt.7.12ant
185
198
14
Article
16
01
04
The
structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese
The structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
228243495
André Luis Antonelli
Antonelli, André Luis
André Luis
Antonelli
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.s4
06
10.1075/rllt.7.s4
Section header
17
01
04
Syntax
Syntax
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01
JB code
rllt.7.13cas
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10.1075/rllt.7.13cas
201
214
14
Article
18
01
04
Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface
Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface
01
04
The
case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish
The case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
104243496
Elena Castroviejo Miró
Castroviejo Miró, Elena
Elena
Castroviejo Miró
ILLA-CSIC
2
A01
01
JB code
783243497
Isabel Oltra-Massuet
Oltra-Massuet, Isabel
Isabel
Oltra-Massuet
URV, UAH
3
A01
01
JB code
7243498
Isabel Pérez-Jiménez
Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel
Isabel
Pérez-Jiménez
UAH, ILLA-CSIC
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.14cyr
06
10.1075/rllt.7.14cyr
215
228
14
Article
19
01
04
On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese
On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
716243499
Sonia M. L. Cyrino
Cyrino, Sonia M. L.
Sonia M. L.
Cyrino
UNICAMP
2
A01
01
JB code
218243500
M. Teresa Espinal
Espinal, M. Teresa
M. Teresa
Espinal
UAB
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.15atk
06
10.1075/rllt.7.15atk
229
244
16
Article
20
01
04
Gender features on n & the root
Gender features on n & the root
01
04
An
account of gender in French
An account of gender in French
1
A01
01
JB code
804243501
Emily Atkinson
Atkinson, Emily
Emily
Atkinson
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.16sle
06
10.1075/rllt.7.16sle
245
260
16
Article
21
01
04
Adjectivization of participles in Romance
Adjectivization of participles in Romance
01
04
A
gradual process?
A gradual process?
1
A01
01
JB code
548243502
Petra Sleeman
Sleeman, Petra
Petra
Sleeman
University of Amsterdam
2
A01
01
JB code
706243503
Dana Niculescu
Niculescu, Dana
Dana
Niculescu
University of Amsterdam
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.17arc
06
10.1075/rllt.7.17arc
261
274
14
Article
22
01
04
On the edge
On the edge
01
04
Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish
Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
440243504
María J. Arche
Arche, María J.
María J.
Arche
University of Greenwich
2
A01
01
JB code
698243505
Rafael Marín
Marín, Rafael
Rafael
Marín
Université Lille 3 – CNRS (UMR 8163)
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.18mac
06
10.1075/rllt.7.18mac
275
288
14
Article
23
01
04
A
case of multiple agree
A case of multiple agree
01
04
Accusative, not dative, indirect object se
Accusative, not dative, indirect object se
1
A01
01
JB code
306243506
Jonathan E. MacDonald
MacDonald, Jonathan E.
Jonathan E.
MacDonald
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.19egu
06
10.1075/rllt.7.19egu
289
301
13
Article
24
01
04
Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish
Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
928243507
Luis Eguren
Eguren, Luis
Luis
Eguren
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
2
A01
01
JB code
164243508
Alberto Pastor
Pastor, Alberto
Alberto
Pastor
Southern Methodist University
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.20ind
06
10.1075/rllt.7.20ind
303
304
2
Miscellaneous
25
01
04
Index of subjects and terms
Index of subjects and terms
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
00
20150828
C
2015
John Benjamins
D
2015
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027203878
WORLD
03
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Google
03
https://play.google.com/store/books
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Unqualified price
00
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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RLLT 7 Hb
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9789027203878
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10.1075/rllt.7
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2015016586
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BB
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RLLT
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1574-552X
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Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
01
01
Romance Linguistics 2012
Selected papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Cedar City, Utah, 20-22 April 2012
Romance Linguistics 2012: Selected papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), Cedar City, Utah, 20-22 April 2012
1
B01
01
JB code
773230239
Jason Smith
Smith, Jason
Jason
Smith
Southern Utah University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/773230239
2
B01
01
JB code
788230240
Tabea Ihsane
Ihsane, Tabea
Tabea
Ihsane
University of Geneva
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/788230240
01
eng
11
316
03
03
xii
03
00
304
03
01
23
440
03
2015
PC11
04
Romance languages--Congresses.
10
LAN009000
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CFK
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JB code
LIN.GENER
Generative linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
01
06
02
00
This volume contains a selection of papers from the 42nd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (2012). The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches.
03
00
This volume contains a selection of nineteen peer-reviewed papers from the 42nd annual Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL) held at Southern Utah University in Cedar City, Utah, in 2012. The contributions cover a wide range of current topics in the areas of phonetics, phonology, syntax, interfaces, and diachronic Romance linguistics, with an emphasis on experimental approaches, in connection to L1 and L2 acquisition, code-switching and psycholinguistics. Among the languages and varieties of Romance analyzed are French (Old, Modern, and Norman), Portuguese (Brazilian and Classical), and Spanish (Modern and Judeo-Spanish), but also Italo-Romance, Latin, and Romanian. In a comparative tradition, the discussions extend to languages outside Romance, such as dialects of Arabic, Germanic, and Palenquero creole. This collection of papers at the forefront of research contributes to our understanding of Romance languages, and to the influence of Romance linguistics, and will be of interest to scholars in Romance and general linguistics.
01
00
03
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D503
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rllt.7.001int
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vii
xii
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Article
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04
Introduction
Introduction
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.s1
06
10.1075/rllt.7.s1
Section header
2
01
04
Experimental approaches
Experimental approaches
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.01hal
06
10.1075/rllt.7.01hal
3
16
14
Article
3
01
04
The
acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish
The acquisition of clitics in L2 Spanish
01
04
Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity
Examining restrictions on clitic solidarity
1
A01
01
JB code
260243479
Becky Halloran
Halloran, Becky
Becky
Halloran
Indiana University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/260243479
2
A01
01
JB code
629243480
Jason Rothman
Rothman, Jason
Jason
Rothman
University of Reading & UiT Arctic University of Tromso
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/629243480
01
eng
03
00
This study examines the mental representation of clitic object pronouns in English L2 Spanish speakers of beginning, intermediate and advanced proficiencies. We present the results of a scalar grammaticality judgment task, which examines knowledge of clitic placement in both Exceptional Case Marking (ECM) verb constructions and non-ECM (finite and modal + infinitival) constructions. Our findings suggest that these advanced L2 learners have converged on the Spanish grammar, showing high sensitivity to the restrictions placed on clitic solidarity in ECM constructions coupled with acute knowledge of the distribution pattern of Spanish clitics in non-ECM environments. We argue that this pattern supports UG-accessibility approaches to adult L2 acquisition.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.02lop
06
10.1075/rllt.7.02lop
17
28
12
Article
4
01
04
Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese
Acquiring VP-ellipsis in Brazilian Portuguese
01
04
Evidence from a comprehension study
Evidence from a comprehension study
1
A01
01
JB code
269243481
Ruth E.V. Lopes
Lopes, Ruth E.V.
Ruth E.V.
Lopes
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/269243481
01
eng
03
00
Do children recognize VP-ellipsis and know its identification restrictions when allowed the necessary conditions to offer a non-adult interpretation? We have applied a Truth Value Judgement Task (TVJT) consisting of three characters sentences: A who did something to B and C who also did something to B. Our null hypothesis sustains that the elided VP is not restricted by its antecedent. If that is true, we expect children’s grammar acquiring VP-ellipsis languages to be broader than the target. Thirty 4- to 6-year-old children were tested with one matching condition (the adult-like interpretation) and five mismatch ones, all false under the adult interpretation. Our results show that children perform at ceiling in the matching condition, but display an average of 26% of non-adult responses in the mismatching conditions. Our results also show that there is an age effect. The 4-year-olds accept 42% of the non-adult interpretations while this figure drops to 20.5% for the 5-year-olds and to 8% for the 6-year-olds.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.03pos
06
10.1075/rllt.7.03pos
29
42
14
Article
5
01
04
Code switching in the determiner phrase
Code switching in the determiner phrase
01
04
French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic
French in contact with Tunisian and Moroccan Arabic
1
A01
01
JB code
95243482
Rebekah Post
Post, Rebekah
Rebekah
Post
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/95243482
01
eng
03
00
This study compares the predictions of the Functional Head Constraint (Belazi et al. 1994) and the Complement/Adjunct Distinction (Mahootian and Santorini 1996), each based in part on Arabic-French code-switching (CS), with native speaker judgments of switches within the determiner phrase (DP). While similar in some respects, the constraints offer contradictory predictions of certain syntactic realizations of CS involving the head of a phrase. Using an aural survey, the study examines native Tunisian and Moroccan dialect speakers’ authenticity ratings of 40 sentences that contain Arabic and French with a code-switch occurring in the DP. The results show significant differences between ratings by dialect and syntactic context of the switch. The findings suggest that the differences found in the proposed constraints may stem from distinct CS patterns employed by speakers of each dialect.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.04lip
06
10.1075/rllt.7.04lip
43
60
18
Article
6
01
04
How many "grammars" per "language"?
How many “grammars” per “language”?
01
04
Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero
Mapping the psycholinguistic boundaries between Spanish and Palenquero
1
A01
01
JB code
873243484
John M. Lipski
Lipski, John M.
John M.
Lipski
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/873243484
01
eng
03
00
The Palenquero creole language (spoken together with Spanish in San Basilio de Palenque, Colombia) exhibits a number of key grammatical features found in no variety of Spanish; mutual intelligibility between Spanish and Palenquero is quite low. It is not unreasonable to assume that Palenqueros psycholinguistically partition Spanish and Palenquero, that they are able to identify given configur-ations as belonging to either Spanish or Palenquero, and that utterances con-taining both quintessentially Palenquero and uniquely Spanish structures will be acknowledged as mixed. The present study is based on experiments conducted in San Basilio de Palenque, using stimuli extracted from natural speech samples, entirely in Spanish, entirely in Palenquero, and containing what might be con-sidered Spanish-LP morphosyntactic mixing. The overall results suggest that code-switching as commonly defined is not explicitly accepted by Palenqueros. They also demonstrate an asymmetry between perception and production: “grammars” and “languages” are not psycholinguistically coterminous for LP-Spanish bilinguals.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.s2
06
10.1075/rllt.7.s2
Section header
7
01
04
Phonology
Phonology
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.05sho
06
10.1075/rllt.7.05sho
63
76
14
Article
8
01
04
Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels
Nasal vowels are not [+NASAL] oral vowels
1
A01
01
JB code
698243487
Ryan Shosted
Shosted, Ryan
Ryan
Shosted
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/698243487
01
eng
03
00
The assumption of minimal articulatory difference between members of nasal–oral vowel pairs deserves greater scrutiny. This study tests the hypothesis that members of nasal–oral vowel pairs share a common vocal tract configuration. Electromagnetic articulography is used to study the vertical position of the tongue and the labial aperture of nasal–oral vowel pairs produced by four speakers of Brazilian Portuguese. Significant differences were found for each vowel pair for at least one speaker, though considerable inter-speaker variation was evident. The most robust differences were tongue-body raising during the nasal vowels /ã/ and /ũ/. Because heavy nasalization tends to raise the perceived quality of low vowels, the lingual raising of /ã/ probably reinforces its nasality and contributes to the description of this vowel as [ɐ]. Because nasalization tends to lower the perceived quality of high vowels, the nasality of /ũ/ may be counteracted by the lingual raising gesture.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.06bra
06
10.1075/rllt.7.06bra
77
98
22
Article
9
01
04
Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology
Labialization and palatalization in Judeo-Spanish phonology
1
A01
01
JB code
997243488
Travis G. Bradley
Bradley, Travis G.
Travis G.
Bradley
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/997243488
01
eng
03
00
Judeo-Spanish (JS) presents a number of phonological processes involving secondary articulations. This paper establishes novel descriptive generalizations based on labialization and palatalization phenomena across different JS dialects. I show how these generalizations are part of a broader cross-linguistic typology of secondary articulation patterns, which would remain incomplete on the basis of non-Sephardic Spanish alone. I propose an analysis in Optimality Theory (OT) that accounts for this variation using the same universal constraints that are active in languages beyond Ibero-Romance. This paper demonstrates the utility of OT as an analytical framework for doing JS phonology and in turn highlights the importance of JS to phonological theory by bringing new generalizations and data to bear on the analysis of secondary articulations.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.07mon
06
10.1075/rllt.7.07mon
99
118
20
Article
10
01
04
Revisiting /R/-assimilation through schwa
Revisiting /ʁ/-assimilation through schwa
01
04
The
OT-CC perspective
The OT-CC perspective
1
A01
01
JB code
402243489
Jean-Pierre Y. Montreuil
Montreuil, Jean-Pierre Y.
Jean-Pierre Y.
Montreuil
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/402243489
01
eng
03
00
This article revisits the facts underlying the assimilation of /ʁ/ to a preceding consonant in Lower Norman. This assimilation process, which requires the presence of an intervening lexical schwa, could not result from a simple interplay of markedness and faithfulness. The Optimality Theory with Candidate Chains (OT-CC) framework argues that local evaluation models provide more robust generalizations than global evaluation models. The present work offers a complete treatment of /ʁ/ assimilation from an OT-CC perspective and extends the analysis beyond the original data of Northern Cotentinois to include assibilating varieties such as Island Norman.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.08jac
06
10.1075/rllt.7.08jac
119
132
14
Article
11
01
04
Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin
Harmonic serialism and syncope and stress shift in Latin
1
A01
01
JB code
288243491
Haike Jacobs
Jacobs, Haike
Haike
Jacobs
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/288243491
01
eng
03
00
This paper discusses two Latin stress shift cases that are problematic for a metrically-conditioned syncope analysis using Harmonic Serialism. The first case receives a straightforward account by replacing the constraints Max-Pr (no stress removal) and Dep-Pr (no stress assignment) by the constraints Max-Ft (no foot removal) and Dep-Ft (no foot assignment). Inscriptive and textual evidence shows that the second case, hitherto dated as Pre-Classical Latin, occurs in Classical and Late Latin as well. Syncope and shift in this case cannot be analyzed as metrically-conditioned and will be analyzed as stress doublets, thereby rendering, like opaque syncope, stress opaque already in Classical Latin.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.09dal
06
10.1075/rllt.7.09dal
133
144
12
Article
12
01
04
The
adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords
The adaptation of /h/ in Old French loanwords
01
04
A
tale of love and `ate
A tale of love and ‘ate
1
A01
01
JB code
10243492
Amanda Dalola
Dalola, Amanda
Amanda
Dalola
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/10243492
01
eng
03
00
Contact between Old French and three /h/-bearing varieties of Germanic (i.e. Frankish, Old East Scandinavian, Middle Dutch) transpired in present-day Normandy and Belgium from the early 8th to the late 14th century. During this period, an influx of Germanic loanwords entered Old French, restoring phonemic /h/. In this study, we assemble an exhaustive dataset of Old East Scandinavian and Middle Dutch loans containing /h/, track the different adaptation strategies into Old French and examine them in terms of current models of loanword phonology.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.s3
06
10.1075/rllt.7.s3
Section header
13
01
04
Diachronic syntax
Diachronic syntax
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.10art
06
10.1075/rllt.7.10art
147
170
24
Article
14
01
04
On the Old French subjunctive
On the Old French subjunctive
1
A01
01
JB code
934243493
Deborah Arteaga
Arteaga, Deborah
Deborah
Arteaga
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/934243493
01
eng
03
00
This chapter focuses on the syntax of the subjunctive in Old French (OF), comparing it to Modern French (MF). In MF, obviation effects occur between the subject of a volitional complement and the subject the embedded clause (Ruwet 1984): (1) *Je veux que je parte. *I want-1sg that I leave-1sg-subj ‘I want to leave.’ (2) Je veux partir. I want-1sg to.leave.’ Arteaga (1990) first discussed in a theoretical model the fact that Old French lacked obviation effects: (3) En talent oti qu’ili colpast lej chiefj in desire-m-sg-obl had-3sg that he cut-subj the head ‘Hei desired to cut off hisj head. In (3), the subjects of the main and subordinate clause are coreferential. It will be claimed (contra Arteaga 1990 and Martineau 1994) that obviation in OF, and its evolution into MF, can be explained, if we assume the following: The complementizer que was not required to introduce the subjunctive in OF; Complementizer Deletion triggers V2 word order in subjunctive contexts; and the uninterpretable irrealis feature of CForce is valued by that of Mood via Agree (San Martín 2007), which extends the binding domain for the subordinate clause.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.11pes
06
10.1075/rllt.7.11pes
171
184
14
Article
15
01
04
On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance
On the emergence of two classes of clitic clusters in Italo-Romance
1
A01
01
JB code
523243494
Diego Pescarini
Pescarini, Diego
Diego
Pescarini
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/523243494
01
eng
03
00
This contribution deals with the make-up of Italo-Romance clitic sequences. Building on Kayne (1994), I will argue that some clitic combinations are clusters in which one clitic is left-adjoined to the other, while others are split sequences formed by adjacent clitic heads. In particular, on the basis of morphological evidence, I will argue that clusters are formed via a process of root incorporation. Evidence supporting this view comes from both diachronic and synchronic data. Diachronically, I argue that the emergence of cluster configurations resulted in a change reversing the order of certain clitic combinations (roughly, from accusative > dative to dative > accusative). Synchronically, clusters differ from split combinations as the latter can be marginally separated.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.12ant
06
10.1075/rllt.7.12ant
185
198
14
Article
16
01
04
The
structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese
The structure of complementizerless clauses in Classical Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
228243495
André Luis Antonelli
Antonelli, André Luis
André Luis
Antonelli
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/228243495
01
eng
03
00
This chapter examines the structure of declarative complement sentences lacking the complementizer que in Classical Portuguese. The goal is to investigate whether such clauses manifest a CP-domain. We present a set of facts related to the position of subjects and adverbs showing that complementizerless clauses do display a left periphery layer, as a result of V-to-C movement. Following a split CP view (Rizzi 1997), we also propose that sentences without que are structures in which verb movement to the embedded C-system makes the peripheral heads Force and Fin to be projected syncretically, thus preventing the activation of discursive projections like TopP or FocP.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.s4
06
10.1075/rllt.7.s4
Section header
17
01
04
Syntax
Syntax
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.13cas
06
10.1075/rllt.7.13cas
201
214
14
Article
18
01
04
Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface
Bare PPs and the syntax-semantics interface
01
04
The
case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish
The case of sin + bare nominal structures in Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
104243496
Elena Castroviejo Miró
Castroviejo Miró, Elena
Elena
Castroviejo Miró
ILLA-CSIC
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/104243496
2
A01
01
JB code
783243497
Isabel Oltra-Massuet
Oltra-Massuet, Isabel
Isabel
Oltra-Massuet
URV, UAH
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/783243497
3
A01
01
JB code
7243498
Isabel Pérez-Jiménez
Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel
Isabel
Pérez-Jiménez
UAH, ILLA-CSIC
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/7243498
01
eng
03
00
Spanish prepositional phrases headed by sin “without” with a bare noun complement (una habitación sin luz “a room without light”; un hombre sin corbata “a man without tie”) show interesting gradability properties: Degree modification is allowed if the N complement is a mass noun (una habitación muy sin luz “lit. a room very without light”; *un hombre muy sin corbata “lit. a man very without tie”). We claim that sin-PPs (sin-Preposition Phrases) hare syntactic and semantic properties with constructions involving light verbs that select for bare nouns. We argue that (a) a property-denoting bare NP pseudo-incorporates into a null verb have that is part of the syntactic-semantic structure of sin, and that (b) sin-PPs can be coerced into gradable properties as long as the bare noun is cumulative and homogeneous (divisive). Our proposal explains the differences between sin-(bare)-PPs and PPs headed by sin with a QP/DP complement, since in the latter there is neither coercion nor pseudo-incorporation.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.14cyr
06
10.1075/rllt.7.14cyr
215
228
14
Article
19
01
04
On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese
On the structure of bare nominals in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
716243499
Sonia M. L. Cyrino
Cyrino, Sonia M. L.
Sonia M. L.
Cyrino
UNICAMP
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/716243499
2
A01
01
JB code
218243500
M. Teresa Espinal
Espinal, M. Teresa
M. Teresa
Espinal
UAB
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/218243500
01
eng
03
00
Brazilian Portuguese (BrP) is different from other Romance languages in allowing bare nominals in argument position. In this paper we focus on the apparent differences between this language and other Romance languages, and on the structure that bare nominals have in this language. We argue basically for a Determiner Phrase (DP) analysis in which Number features are morphosyntactically specified on Determiners (as in French), i.e. on D, even if D is null. We show that BNs in this language may correspond to NPs and to DPs. As NPs, they are not specified for number and definiteness, can only occur as objects of a restricted class of predicates, and are interpreted as property-type expressions. As DPs, they have a null D that carries Number specification, introduce a discourse referent and are interpreted as entity-type expressions. We aim to show that BrP is neither a counterexample to the Universal DP Hypothesis nor to the Nominal Mapping Parameter.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.15atk
06
10.1075/rllt.7.15atk
229
244
16
Article
20
01
04
Gender features on n & the root
Gender features on n & the root
01
04
An
account of gender in French
An account of gender in French
1
A01
01
JB code
804243501
Emily Atkinson
Atkinson, Emily
Emily
Atkinson
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/804243501
01
eng
03
00
French presents a challenge to single feature gender analyses. For animate nouns natural sex is often realized instead of grammatical gender. Also, the sex and gender of epicene nouns – animates with fixed gender that allow no morphological representation of sex – can conflict. I argue for a two feature analysis, following Kramer’s (2009) proposal for Amharic: one feature on n that represents natural sex and another on the root that represents grammatical gender. Utilizing elements from Distributed Morphology (DM) including licensing conditions and a version of agree (Pesetsky & Torrego 2007), this analysis is shown to account for all of the problematic French data.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.16sle
06
10.1075/rllt.7.16sle
245
260
16
Article
21
01
04
Adjectivization of participles in Romance
Adjectivization of participles in Romance
01
04
A
gradual process?
A gradual process?
1
A01
01
JB code
548243502
Petra Sleeman
Sleeman, Petra
Petra
Sleeman
University of Amsterdam
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/548243502
2
A01
01
JB code
706243503
Dana Niculescu
Niculescu, Dana
Dana
Niculescu
University of Amsterdam
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/706243503
01
eng
03
00
The well-known distinction between verbal participles and adjectival ones has been fine-grained in the last decades. Within the adjectival participles, Kratzer (1994) and Embick (2004), for German and English respectively, distinguish between stative and resultative participles. Sleeman (2011) distinguishes two types of verbal participles in Germanic. She argues that the postnominal verbal participle in Dutch and English is fully eventive, while the prenominal one is not fully adjectival, as has been claimed by Embick (2004), but to a lesser extent eventive. In this paper, we claim that Romance languages also display the four stages in the adjectivization process. We argue that, not only in Germanic, but also in Romance, the less fully eventive verbal participle does exist, on the basis of an analysis of the French passive participle in combination with the adverb très “very” and the Romanian present participle in modifier position preceded by cel, a type of definite article selecting an adjective.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.17arc
06
10.1075/rllt.7.17arc
261
274
14
Article
22
01
04
On the edge
On the edge
01
04
Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish
Nominalizations from evaluative adjectives in Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
440243504
María J. Arche
Arche, María J.
María J.
Arche
University of Greenwich
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/440243504
2
A01
01
JB code
698243505
Rafael Marín
Marín, Rafael
Rafael
Marín
Université Lille 3 – CNRS (UMR 8163)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/698243505
01
eng
03
00
In this paper, we examine the components, the structure and the formation process of derived categories, by analyzing the properties of nouns derived from adjectives. We will discuss the event structure underlying them and argue that, although it is commonly assumed that deadjectival nouns denote qualities (wisdom, beauty) or states (sadness, perplexity), there is a group of deadjectival nominalizations (imprudence, cruelty) that refer to occurrences of events (Beauseroy 2009). We show that such occurrential nominalizations are possible only when derived from evaluative adjectives. This is due, we argue, to the fact that such adjectives can be predicated of events in addition to the sentient individual (Stowell 1991). Finally, we show that the existence of a structure of origin with the relevant properties does not guarantee the existence of the derived category, leaving what seem to be gaps in the universe of possible derivations.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.18mac
06
10.1075/rllt.7.18mac
275
288
14
Article
23
01
04
A
case of multiple agree
A case of multiple agree
01
04
Accusative, not dative, indirect object se
Accusative, not dative, indirect object se
1
A01
01
JB code
306243506
Jonathan E. MacDonald
MacDonald, Jonathan E.
Jonathan E.
MacDonald
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/306243506
01
eng
03
00
This paper attempts to explain why indirect objects and aspectual se in Spanish are ungrammatical in the periphrastic passive. The claim is that se is accusative and since accusative is not available in passive, these se are ungrammatical in passive. An appeal to parallel patterns by indirect object la of laísta dialects of Spain, which is overtly accusative, lends support to this approach. The technical account of accusative case on indirect object se relies on Multiple Agree with v. The Multiple Agree account generates concrete predictions regarding (non-) intervention effects with ethical, benefactive and alienable possessor datives. These predictions are tested and the results are positive, supplying support to the overall analysis.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.19egu
06
10.1075/rllt.7.19egu
289
301
13
Article
24
01
04
Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish
Measure phrases within the nominal domain in Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
928243507
Luis Eguren
Eguren, Luis
Luis
Eguren
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928243507
2
A01
01
JB code
164243508
Alberto Pastor
Pastor, Alberto
Alberto
Pastor
Southern Methodist University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/164243508
01
eng
03
00
This paper studies nominal expressions including a measure phrase (MP) in Spanish. Corver’s (2009) Predicate Inversion analysis of similar patterns in other languages is critically reviewed, and an alternative proposal is presented within Den Dikken’s (2006) theory of predication, whereby the Spanish [MP + de + N] construction (tres metros de altura “lit. three meters of height”) has a “reverse” predication structure, whereas the [D + N + de + MP] pattern (una altura de tres metros “lit. a height of three meters”) is a case of “straight” predication.
01
01
JB code
rllt.7.20ind
06
10.1075/rllt.7.20ind
303
304
2
Miscellaneous
25
01
04
Index of subjects and terms
Index of subjects and terms
01
eng
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.7
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
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20150828
C
2015
John Benjamins
D
2015
John Benjamins
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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https://benjamins.com
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GB
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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