17016532 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 9 Eb 15 9789027267689 06 10.1075/rllt.9 13 2015035623 00 EA E107 10 01 JB code RLLT 02 1574-552X 02 9.00 01 02 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 11 01 JB code jbe-all 01 02 Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles) 11 01 JB code jbe-2016 01 02 2016 collection (147 titles) 05 02 2016 collection 01 01 Romance Linguistics 2013 Selected papers from the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), New York, 17-19 April, 2013 Romance Linguistics 2013: Selected papers from the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), New York, 17-19 April, 2013 1 B01 01 JB code 937242394 Christina Tortora Tortora, Christina Christina Tortora City University of New York (College of Staten Island and The Graduate Center) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/937242394 2 B01 01 JB code 326242395 Marcel Dikken Dikken, Marcel Marcel Dikken Eötvös Loránd University & Hungarian Academy of Sciences 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/326242395 3 B01 01 JB code 615242396 Ignacio L. Montoya Montoya, Ignacio L. Ignacio L. Montoya City University of New York (The Graduate Center) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/615242396 4 B01 01 JB code 356242397 Teresa O'Neill O'Neill, Teresa Teresa O'Neill City University of New York (The Graduate Center) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/356242397 01 eng 11 437 03 03 xix 03 00 418 03 01 23 440/.045 03 2013 PC11 04 Romance languages--Congresses. 10 LAN009000 12 CF/2AD 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics. 03 00 This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.9.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027203892.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027203892.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/rllt.9.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/rllt.9.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/rllt.9.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.9.hb.png 01 01 JB code rllt.9.001int 06 10.1075/rllt.9.001int vii xx 14 Article 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 1 A01 01 JB code 704254643 Christina Tortora Tortora, Christina Christina Tortora 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/704254643 2 A01 01 JB code 17254680 Marcel Dikken Dikken, Marcel Marcel Dikken 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/17254680 3 A01 01 JB code 928254645 Ignacio L. Montoya Montoya, Ignacio L. Ignacio L. Montoya 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928254645 4 A01 01 JB code 134254646 Teresa O'Neill O'Neill, Teresa Teresa O'Neill 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/134254646 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.9.01alb 06 10.1075/rllt.9.01alb 1 20 20 Article 2 01 04 Root gerunds in Old Romanian Root gerunds in Old Romanian 1 A01 01 JB code 654254647 Gabriela Alboiu Alboiu, Gabriela Gabriela Alboiu York University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/654254647 2 A01 01 JB code 820254648 Virginia Hill Hill, Virginia Virginia Hill University of New Brunswick 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/820254648 01 eng 30 00 Gerund verbs generate root clauses in Old Romanian (OR), but not in Modern Romanian (MR). We argue that the root clause phenomenon arises from the presence of a null Assertion Operator in OR, which has been lost in MR. This Operator originates from the mapping of discourse features to syntax, but involves a marked option for feature checking (i.e., pragmatic versus syntactic), so it is easier for it to disappear in the process of language acquisition. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.02art 06 10.1075/rllt.9.02art 21 38 18 Article 3 01 04 Old French possessives and ellipsis Old French possessives and ellipsis 1 A01 01 JB code 451254649 Deborah Arteaga Arteaga, Deborah Deborah Arteaga University of Nevada 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/451254649 2 A01 01 JB code 528254650 Julia Herschensohn Herschensohn, Julia Julia Herschensohn University of Washington 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/528254650 01 eng 30 00 Sáez (2011), to account for Spanish definite articles in ellipsis contexts, such as mi libro y el [e] de Juan ‘my book and that of John’, proposes the Stress Condition on Remnants (SCR), which disallows unstressed syntactic elements to be anaphoric, while allowing definite articles to license empty categories. The focus of our paper is Old French (OF) possessive constructions and their elliptical expressions, such as le mien livre ‘my book’ and le [e] de Jean ‘that of Jean’. OF had a more extensive inventory of possessive constructions than Modern French (MF): lexical genitives, prenominal possessives, and lexical and possessive ellipsis constructions. Adopting Arteaga & Herschensohn’s (2010, 2013) proposal for lexical genitives, Sáez’s (2011) SCR, and Lobeck’s (1995) conditions on ellipsis, we argue that two major diachronic changes led to a difference in licensing of possessives from OF to MF: one, the erosion of morphological marking that led to a loss of the OF two case system, reducing feature strength to license ellipsis (Lobeck 1995), and two, the fact that definite articles became clitics and Phase Heads and thus became subject to the SCR as the prenominal nP domain (Carstens 2003) became a clitic zone prohibiting prenominal stressed possessives. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.03bau 06 10.1075/rllt.9.03bau 39 58 20 Article 4 01 04 The generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality The generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality 1 A01 01 JB code 33254651 Joseph Bauman Bauman, Joseph Joseph Bauman Pennsylvania State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/33254651 2 A01 01 JB code 352254652 Rena Torres Cacoullos Torres Cacoullos, Rena Rena Torres Cacoullos Pennsylvania State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/352254652 01 eng 30 00 This study traces two shifts in the distribution of the Spanish preposition para ‘for, in order to’: first, a drop in its allative uses and second, its replacement of the older preposition por ‘for’ with purposive infinitives. These distributional changes of the innovative para—across its own contexts of occurrence as well as in its variation with the older por—demonstrate the crosslinguistic allative-to-purposive grammaticalization path. Frequent co-occurrence of the source elements, por and a, foments their coalescence, reflected in changes in the orthographic/phonological form of the fused preposition as it loses structural analyzability. Semantic compositionality, whereby there was a discernable semantic contribution of the allative a component, is also lost as early prepositional objects designating persons decline. We find this account of the rise of para, based on gradual loss of analyzability and compositionality, to be more compatible with the quantitative patterns and insightful than an opaque and implicitly abrupt notion of reanalysis. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.04cas 06 10.1075/rllt.9.04cas 59 78 20 Article 5 01 04 On capacities and their epistemic extensions On capacities and their epistemic extensions 1 A01 01 JB code 523254653 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró Instituto de Lengua, Literatura y Antropología (ILLA-CSIC) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/523254653 2 A01 01 JB code 661254654 Isabel Oltra-Massuet Oltra-Massuet, Isabel Isabel Oltra-Massuet Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Campus Catalunya 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/661254654 01 eng 30 00 The purpose of this paper is twofold; first, we aim to provide a series of tests that identify Spanish ser capaz ‘be capable’ (henceforth SC) as an ambiguous modal, just like English must or can. Specifically, we observe that SC has not only an abilitative flavor, but also an epistemic one. Second, we want to propose an analysis for SC that can account for this ambiguity and that is in accordance with current theories of modality such as Cinque (1999), Kratzer (1981, 1991), and Hacquard (2009, 2010). In a nutshell, we argue that SC can occupy two different positions, a low one below AspP, which corresponds to the abilitative interpretation, and a high one, above AspP, which translates as the epistemic reading. Concerning the semantics, we claim that SC denotes a slight possibility; i.e., the propositional argument is true in at least one world, but it is always true in the non-ordinary worlds. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.05fue 06 10.1075/rllt.9.05fue 79 98 20 Article 6 01 04 Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches 1 A01 01 JB code 180254655 Raquel Fernández Fuertes Fernández Fuertes, Raquel Raquel Fernández Fuertes Universidad de Valladolid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/180254655 2 A01 01 JB code 273254656 Juana M. Liceras Liceras, Juana M. Juana M. Liceras University of Ottawa and Universidad Nebrija 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/273254656 3 A01 01 JB code 599254657 Anahí Alba de la Fuente Alba de la Fuente, Anahí Anahí Alba de la Fuente Université de Montréal 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/599254657 01 eng 30 00 Previous code-switching literature argues that no switch takes place between a pronoun and a verb, while Determiner Phrases (DPs) do code-switch. This paper uses code-switching acceptability judgment data elicited from three groups of English–Spanish bilinguals (2L1 children, L2 English children and L2 English adults) to test: (i) van Gelderen & MacSwan’s (2008) PF disjunction theorem intended to account for the DP/pronoun divide; and (ii) an agreement version of the analogical criterion (Liceras et al. 2008) which is based on Pesetsky & Torrego’s (2001) double-feature valuation mechanism intended to account for the different status of third person versus first and second person pronominal subjects. We show that the PF disjunction theorem is clearly rooted in the mind of the bilingual and that the Spanish dominant bilinguals can ‘relax’ its requirements to value person agreement features as predicted by the double-feature valuation mechanism. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.06gio 06 10.1075/rllt.9.06gio 99 118 20 Article 7 01 04 Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases 1 A01 01 JB code 701254658 Alessandra Giorgi Giorgi, Alessandra Alessandra Giorgi Dept. of Linguistics, Ca’ Bembo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/701254658 01 eng 30 00 Epistemic adverbs in Italian (e.g., probabilmente ‘probably’) can appear in several positions. Cinque (1999) proposed that they always occupy the same position above IP and that the various orders are derived via movement of the other phrases around them. In this paper I consider contrasts between sentences where these adverbs are associated with a “normal intonation” and those where they are associated with a parenthetical (comma) intonation. To provide an account for the distribution of parenthetical adverbs, I appeal to Giorgi (2011, to appear). I consider parentheticals as syntactically integrated structures, rejecting adjunction and adopting the cartographic approach, based on Kayne’s (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom. As for the non-parenthetical occurrences, I propose that there are two basic positions for these adverbs, one for each phase: above v*P and above IP (Cinque’s position). The existence of a low left periphery above v*P agrees has also been recently hypothesized for other phenomena in Old (Poletto, 2006 and to appear) and Modern Italian (Belletti, 2004). 01 01 JB code rllt.9.07giu 06 10.1075/rllt.9.07giu 119 138 20 Article 8 01 04 Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents 1 A01 01 JB code 348254659 Ion Giurgea Giurgea, Ion Ion Giurgea The ‘Iorgu Iordan - Alexandru Rosetti’ Institute of Linguistics of the Romanian Academy, Bucharest 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/348254659 01 eng 30 00 I propose an account for the absence of agreement on tough-words in Romanian tough- constructions (TCs). I argue that absence of agreement cannot be explained by an A-bar movement derivation, because Romanian TCs involve A-movement, the non-finite complement having passive properties. I also argue against an adverb analysis of Romanian tough-words and against a subject analysis of the clausal argument of the tough-word. I propose a novel analysis, which is supported by West Germanic data: non-agreeing TCs are multi-headed constituents, in which the adjective is the internal head, selecting the supine CP, and the supine C is the external head. Since the adjective is not the external head, it cannot take part in agreement relations involving the [Adjective+Supine] constituent. I provide a technical implementation of the notion of multi-headed constituents which relies on Citko’s (2008) flexible label projection: in this case, it is the label of the complement that projects (an instance of Project-Goal). Finally, I discuss the correlation between the availability of multi-headed TCs and the morphological (in)distinctness between adjectives and adverbs. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.08gum 06 10.1075/rllt.9.08gum 139 158 20 Article 9 01 04 Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction 1 A01 01 JB code 886254660 Silvia Gumiel-Molina Gumiel-Molina, Silvia Silvia Gumiel-Molina Universidad de Alcalá 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/886254660 2 A01 01 JB code 928254661 Norberto Moreno-Quibén Moreno-Quibén, Norberto Norberto Moreno-Quibén Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928254661 3 A01 01 JB code 229254662 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Universidad de Alcalá and Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/229254662 01 eng 30 00 This study accounts for the unacceptability of individual-level gradable adjectives as (depictive) secondary predicates on the basis of two factors: (a) the semantics of gradable adjectives—specifically the way their comparison classes are formed in the syntax, giving rise to the difference between relative/absolute adjectives; (b) the pragmatic inference of temporal persistence that characterizes IL predicates. Absolute adjectives are evaluated with respect to a comparison class composed of counterparts (stages) of an individual, so that the property they express must be interpreted as subject to variation. Therefore, the inference of temporal persistence which seems to be at the basis of the individual-level character of predicates does not arise, giving rise to the stage-level interpretation that absolute adjectives receive. The inference of temporal persistence arises by default in the case of relative adjectives since in the comparison class selected by these adjectives there are no stages (of an individual) instantiating different degrees of the property but just different individuals manifesting different degrees of it. The inference of temporal persistence associated with relative adjectives makes the simultaneity constraint required by secondary predication contexts (McNally 1994) trivial and uninformative. As a consequence, only absolute adjectives are allowed in this syntactic environment. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.09ihs 06 10.1075/rllt.9.09ihs 159 176 18 Article 10 01 04 Gender agreement with animate nouns in French Gender agreement with animate nouns in French 1 A01 01 JB code 748254663 Tabea Ihsane Ihsane, Tabea Tabea Ihsane Département de Linguistique, Faculté des Lettres, Université de Genève 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/748254663 2 A01 01 JB code 798254664 Petra Sleeman Sleeman, Petra Petra Sleeman Department of Linguistics, University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/798254664 01 eng 30 00 Grammatical gender and semantic gender do not always go hand in hand. In French such mismatches can be observed outside the strict DP. To account for such phenomena and for gender more generally, we propose that gender is expressed in two positions within DP: on N as an uninterpretable feature accounting for grammatical gender and on the head of a Gender Phrase as a feature accounting for semantic gender. To account for the mismatches we discuss, we propose that the gender of the nouns involved is unspecified inside DP and that it can be specified in D later in the derivation.We further show that inside the strict DP, grammatical gender agreement between Gen and NP is stricter than in the ‘looser’ DP (partitive), which is in turn stricter than the agreeing/referring relation with elements outside DP, reflecting Corbett’s agreement hierarchy, to which we add a partitive position. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.10jac 06 10.1075/rllt.9.10jac 177 194 18 Article 11 01 04 French loanwords in Korean French loanwords in Korean 01 04 Modeling lexical knowledge in OT Modeling lexical knowledge in OT 1 A01 01 JB code 462254665 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs Radboud University, Department of Romance languages and cultures 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/462254665 01 eng 30 00 This paper discusses the Korean adaptation of French word-final coronal plosives. They are adapted, just as the English ones, with or without vowel insertion. In the latter case they are treated as ending in underlying /s/. Replacement of word-final coronal plosives by underlying /s/ is also active in the native phonology. We will critically discuss a number of previous proposals and argue that they are unable to describe the two aspects in a uniform way. We propose to model frequency and lexical knowledge in the form of a markedness hierarchy which accounts for both loanword adaptation of final coronal plosives as underlying /s/ and for the analogical pressure within the native phonology. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.11kat 06 10.1075/rllt.9.11kat 195 212 18 Article 12 01 04 Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 989254666 Mary Aizawa Kato Kato, Mary Aizawa Mary Aizawa Kato State University of Campinas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/989254666 01 eng 30 00 This article analyzes affirmative polar replies in Brazilian and European Portuguese (BP/EP), which may consist of just the inflected verb or some polar item. These polar replies have been analyzed as instances of null subjects and VP-Ellipsis. This analysis is untenable for BP, as this variety has been losing categorical null referential subjects since the 19th century. The analysis that will be pursued here, for both BP and EP, is an adaptation of the one proposed in Holmberg (2001) for Finnish, according to which, in simple affirmative answers, which consists of just the inflected verb, the verb moves to a pre-sentential position, followed by Remnant TP-Ellipsis. But BP also differs from Finnish when more complex answers are at stake. With regard to the position and optionality of the affirmative polar item sim (yes), a comparison will be made with Japanese, a language identical to BP with regard to affirmative PRs. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.12lab 06 10.1075/rllt.9.12lab 213 232 20 Article 13 01 04 Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French 1 A01 01 JB code 144254667 Marie Labelle Labelle, Marie Marie Labelle Universite du Quebec a Montreal 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/144254667 01 eng 30 00 This paper is a study of over 1100 Old and Middle French sentences in which a participle has been fronted to the left of an auxiliary, in what appears at first sight to be a Stylistic Fronting construction. These sentences were extracted from the MCVF parsed corpus of Old and Middle French. The first part of the article examines the size of the fronted element. It is shown that the fronted element may contain a single head, or it may be a full VP or a partial VP. It is argued that (remnant) VP movement accounts for the set of examples. In the second part of the paper, it is shown that the fronted constituent does not target a single position. In some cases, it occupies an IP-scrambling position between the subject in its canonical position and the finite verb; in a smaller number of cases, it is scrambled to the left of the subject. The fronted constituent is also attested within the left periphery, generally in Spec,FinP, but when the participle is contrastive or otherwise focalized, it could be analyzed a occupying Spec,FocP. The French facts are discussed in a cross-linguistic perspective. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.13lip 06 10.1075/rllt.9.13lip 233 256 24 Article 14 01 04 "Toned-up" Spanish “Toned-up” Spanish 01 04 Stress --> pitch --> tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea Stress → pitch → tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea 1 A01 01 JB code 676254668 John M. Lipski Lipski, John M. John M. Lipski The Pennsylvania State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/676254668 01 eng 30 00 In Equatorial Guinea Spanish is in contact with lexical tone languages of the Bantu family. The present study, based on field data, compares naturalistic Guinean Spanish with the Spanish of from Madrid, the dialect zone that served as primary input for the formation of Guinean Spanish. A preliminary analysis reveals partial convergence of a pitch accent system and lexically specified phonological tones. Guinean Spanish maintains one stress per word culminativity but expands obligatoriness by realizing a pitch accent on every syllable lexically marked for stress. The rate at which pitch accents occur is compared with the distribution of High tones in the two most prominent Guinean languages (Bubi and Fang), and it is suggested that Guineans’ incomplete suppression of natively acquired F0 patterns may be facilitated by the metrical structure of Spanish, which provides for regularly occurring pitch accents whose maximum potential density is similar to that of H tones in Bubi and Fang. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.14lop 06 10.1075/rllt.9.14lop 257 276 20 Article 15 01 04 On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 324254669 Ruth E.V. Lopes Lopes, Ruth E.V. Ruth E.V. Lopes University of Campinas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/324254669 2 A01 01 JB code 386254670 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino University of Campinas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/386254670 01 eng 30 00 Brazilian Portuguese (BP) is known to license anaphoric null objects (ANO), that is, null objects with a linguistic antecedent. It also licenses VP ellipsis (VPE), with auxiliaries, modals and main verbs, the latter a case of V-stranding VPE (V-VPE), the one with which we will be concerned. Although ANOs and V-VPE may have identical surface strings in BP, we propose that they do not have the same structure. To achieve that we examine the properties of the ANOs and compare them to V-VPE, arguing the first are cases of DP ellipsis. We present evidence for an analysis of the ANO as a base-generated empty phrase-marker that will be reconstructed in LF. We also propose that ANOs and VPE are licensed by a lexicalized aspectual head, as a consequence of the loss of generalized verb movement in BP. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.15maz 06 10.1075/rllt.9.15maz 277 300 24 Article 16 01 04 Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 568254671 Natalia Mazzaro Mazzaro, Natalia Natalia Mazzaro University of Texas at El Paso 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/568254671 2 A01 01 JB code 858254672 Alejandro Cuza Cuza, Alejandro Alejandro Cuza Purdue University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/858254672 3 A01 01 JB code 911254673 Laura Colantoni Colantoni, Laura Laura Colantoni University of Toronto 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/911254673 01 eng 30 00 This study explores the perception of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in two groups of Spanish-English bilingual speakers: heritage speakers and long-term immigrants. We test the discrimination of Spanish stops and mid and high vowels via an AX discrimination task with natural stimuli consisting of real Spanish words. Overall, results revealed no significant differences between heritage speakers and long-term immigrants in their discrimination of Spanish stops and vowels. Both groups were more accurate in their discrimination of vowels than of consonants. As for the discrimination of stops, positional and place effects were observed; i.e. a higher proportion of errors was found in word-initial position and with dorsals. We argue that contact with English does not necessarily affect the discrimination of the Spanish contrasts. Implications of these results for maturational approaches to final L2 attainment are discussed. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.16oth 06 10.1075/rllt.9.16oth 301 319 19 Article 17 01 04 The linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals The linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals 01 04 A critique of "incomplete acquisition" A critique of “incomplete acquisition” 1 A01 01 JB code 606254674 Ricardo Otheguy Otheguy, Ricardo Ricardo Otheguy Graduate Center CUNY 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/606254674 01 eng 30 00 This paper discusses the native linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals born of immigrant, refugee, expatriate, or otherwise dislocated parents, concentrating on the grammars of second-generation Hispanics in the U.S. Scholarly opinion has gravitated toward the position that the Spanish of these speakers reflects a process of incomplete acquisition. This paper invites examination of the alternative view, namely: what we observe in second-generation bilingual Latinos is not errors, as they are frequently described in the literature, but rather points of divergence between their Spanish and that of the previous generation, due to normal intergenerational language change accelerated by conditions of language contact. The notion of incomplete acquisition rests on an incorrect view of child language acquisition as a process of perfect reproduction of parental grammars. But the process is one where children engage in grammar construction through hypothesis testing. Consequently, all next-generation grammars end up somewhat different from parental ones, paving the way for language change. The grammars of U.S.-born Latinos are thus, like all next-generation grammars, different, not incomplete. Examining the use of subjunctives for a brief illustration, grammarians regularly note variability in cases like Quizás venga (subjunctive) ~ Quizás viene (indicative) but obligatoriness in Quiero que lo llames (subjunctive), with the indicative alternative occurring seldom or never, and analyzable as ungrammatical, *Quiero que lo llamas (indicative). Second generation bilinguals have extended variability, so that for them the latter is usable, and analyzable as grammatical, a fact that disables these bilinguals from successful participation in experiments centered on somebody else’s grammaticality judgments, leading to conclusions of incompleteness. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.17pes 06 10.1075/rllt.9.17pes 321 339 19 Article 18 01 04 The X0 syntax of "dative" clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance The X0 syntax of “dative” clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance 1 A01 01 JB code 121254675 Diego Pescarini Pescarini, Diego Diego Pescarini Universität Zürich 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/121254675 01 eng 30 00 This contribution focuses on the morphosyntax of third person dative clitics in Gallo-Romance. The first part addresses the morphology of clitic elements: in GalloRomance, third person datives can be expressed by an etymological form li(s) deriving from Lat illi(s) or by various kinds of non-etymological formatives, e.g. sg. lui, y, lou; pl. leur, yz, lous, lous-y, les-y, etc. I hypothesize that the above forms lexicalize different portions of the same functional hierarchy. The second part of the chapter focuses on the behaviour of third person dative clitics when combined with another third person clitic. In this context, (Gallo-)Romance varieties exhibit a number of irregularities and two possible orders: accusative > datives (as in both old and modern French), or dative > accusative (as in many French vernaculars). Moreover, in both medieval and present-day dialects, the accusative clitic is frequently dropped when clustered with a third person dative clitic. I wonder about a possible correlation between the morphology of the dative clitic and the make-up of clitic combinations. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.18ree 06 10.1075/rllt.9.18ree 341 360 20 Article 19 01 04 Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control 1 A01 01 JB code 528254676 Lisa A. Reed Reed, Lisa A. Lisa A. Reed The Pennsylvania State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/528254676 01 eng 30 00 This article sheds new light on the structure and meaning of sentences containing the French modal verbs devoir and falloir, as well as on the syntax and semantics of Control generally. Well-known and previously unnoticed empirical facts are examined that support the author’s novel contention that falloir and devoir are syntactically and semantically ambiguous. These data are also argued to offer indirect support for the analysis of Control clauses recently developed in Reed (2014: Ch. 6 and 7), according to which there is a theoretical primitive (pro) and it is associated with a “minimal” feature bundle consisting of just [−expletive] and [+N] syntactic features, with a separate, post-syntactic Theory of Control determining its understood phi-features. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.19rep 06 10.1075/rllt.9.19rep 361 378 18 Article 20 01 04 The phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages The phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages 1 A01 01 JB code 48254677 Lori Repetti Repetti, Lori Lori Repetti Department of Linguistics, Stony Brook University (SUNY) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/48254677 01 eng 30 00 In many Romance varieties, the verb in imperative verb + (postverbal) pronoun phrases retains primary stress: Italian/Spanish: [kómpra]/[kómpra-melo] ‘buy!’/‘buy me it!’. However, in others varieties, stress in these phrases may be realized on a different syllable: [kompra-meló], [kompra-mélo], [kompra-mélozo]. In this paper, I address questions that have puzzled linguists for some time: Why is there a stress shift when enclitic pronouns are added to the imperative verb? How is the position of the stressed syllable determined? I propose that many factors are involved, including morpho-syntactic factors (the presence of a weak or a clitic pronoun, which are prosodized differently), phonological processes (the mapping of syntactic to prosodic structure), and phonetic processes (tonal association to metrically prominent syllables). 01 01 JB code rllt.9.20ros 06 10.1075/rllt.9.20ros 379 397 19 Article 21 01 04 From N to particle From N to particle 01 04 Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy 1 A01 01 JB code 719254678 Silvia Rossi Rossi, Silvia Silvia Rossi University of Padua 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/719254678 01 eng 30 00 The paper addresses the distribution of preposition-drop with the noun casa ‘home’ in the spatial adpositions of some Northern Italian varieties. It is shown that in these varieties P-less home behaves syntactically as a locative adverb, which under specific circumstances, becomes a particle. It is suggested that P-less home is not a special noun but a proper member of the category P generated in a specific projection in the fine-grained PP (Cinque 2010), hosting viewpoint modifiers of the silent head PLACE. The adverb vs. particle nature of P-less home derives from motivated movements inside and outside the PP triggered by a directional context. The same analysis is extended to Modern (and Old) English home. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.21sal 06 10.1075/rllt.9.21sal 399 413 15 Article 22 01 04 Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax 1 A01 01 JB code 60254679 Mario Saltarelli Saltarelli, Mario Mario Saltarelli 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/60254679 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.9.22ind 06 10.1075/rllt.9.22ind 415 418 4 Article 23 01 04 Index Index 01 eng 01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.9 Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20160203 C 2016 John Benjamins D 2016 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027203892 WORLD 09 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 https://jbe-platform.com 29 https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027267689 21 01 00 Unqualified price 02 110.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 02 92.00 GBP GB 01 00 Unqualified price 02 165.00 USD 232016831 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 9 GE 15 9789027267689 06 10.1075/rllt.9 13 2015035623 00 EA E133 10 01 JB code RLLT 02 JB code 1574-552X 02 9.00 01 02 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 01 01 Romance Linguistics 2013 Romance Linguistics 2013 1 B01 01 JB code 937242394 Christina Tortora Tortora, Christina Christina Tortora City University of New York (College of Staten Island and The Graduate Center) 2 B01 01 JB code 326242395 Marcel Dikken Dikken, Marcel Marcel Dikken Eötvös Loránd University & Hungarian Academy of Sciences 3 B01 01 JB code 615242396 Ignacio L. Montoya Montoya, Ignacio L. Ignacio L. Montoya City University of New York (The Graduate Center) 4 B01 01 JB code 356242397 Teresa O'Neill O'Neill, Teresa Teresa O'Neill City University of New York (The Graduate Center) 01 eng 11 437 03 03 xix 03 00 418 03 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 10 LAN009000 12 CF/2AD 01 06 02 00 This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics. 03 00 This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.9.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027203892.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027203892.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/rllt.9.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/rllt.9.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/rllt.9.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.9.hb.png 01 01 JB code rllt.9.001int 06 10.1075/rllt.9.001int vii xx 14 Article 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 1 A01 01 JB code 704254643 Christina Tortora Tortora, Christina Christina Tortora 2 A01 01 JB code 17254680 Marcel Dikken Dikken, Marcel Marcel Dikken 3 A01 01 JB code 928254645 Ignacio L. Montoya Montoya, Ignacio L. Ignacio L. Montoya 4 A01 01 JB code 134254646 Teresa O'Neill O'Neill, Teresa Teresa O'Neill 01 01 JB code rllt.9.01alb 06 10.1075/rllt.9.01alb 1 20 20 Article 2 01 04 Root gerunds in Old Romanian Root gerunds in Old Romanian 1 A01 01 JB code 654254647 Gabriela Alboiu Alboiu, Gabriela Gabriela Alboiu York University 2 A01 01 JB code 820254648 Virginia Hill Hill, Virginia Virginia Hill University of New Brunswick 01 01 JB code rllt.9.02art 06 10.1075/rllt.9.02art 21 38 18 Article 3 01 04 Old French possessives and ellipsis Old French possessives and ellipsis 1 A01 01 JB code 451254649 Deborah Arteaga Arteaga, Deborah Deborah Arteaga University of Nevada 2 A01 01 JB code 528254650 Julia Herschensohn Herschensohn, Julia Julia Herschensohn University of Washington 01 01 JB code rllt.9.03bau 06 10.1075/rllt.9.03bau 39 58 20 Article 4 01 04 The generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality The generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality 1 A01 01 JB code 33254651 Joseph Bauman Bauman, Joseph Joseph Bauman Pennsylvania State University 2 A01 01 JB code 352254652 Rena Torres Cacoullos Torres Cacoullos, Rena Rena Torres Cacoullos Pennsylvania State University 01 01 JB code rllt.9.04cas 06 10.1075/rllt.9.04cas 59 78 20 Article 5 01 04 On capacities and their epistemic extensions On capacities and their epistemic extensions 1 A01 01 JB code 523254653 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró Instituto de Lengua, Literatura y Antropología (ILLA-CSIC) 2 A01 01 JB code 661254654 Isabel Oltra-Massuet Oltra-Massuet, Isabel Isabel Oltra-Massuet Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Campus Catalunya 01 01 JB code rllt.9.05fue 06 10.1075/rllt.9.05fue 79 98 20 Article 6 01 04 Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches 1 A01 01 JB code 180254655 Raquel Fernández Fuertes Fernández Fuertes, Raquel Raquel Fernández Fuertes Universidad de Valladolid 2 A01 01 JB code 273254656 Juana M. Liceras Liceras, Juana M. Juana M. Liceras University of Ottawa and Universidad Nebrija 3 A01 01 JB code 599254657 Anahí Alba de la Fuente Alba de la Fuente, Anahí Anahí Alba de la Fuente Université de Montréal 01 01 JB code rllt.9.06gio 06 10.1075/rllt.9.06gio 99 118 20 Article 7 01 04 Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases 1 A01 01 JB code 701254658 Alessandra Giorgi Giorgi, Alessandra Alessandra Giorgi Dept. of Linguistics, Ca’ Bembo 01 01 JB code rllt.9.07giu 06 10.1075/rllt.9.07giu 119 138 20 Article 8 01 04 Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents 1 A01 01 JB code 348254659 Ion Giurgea Giurgea, Ion Ion Giurgea The ‘Iorgu Iordan - Alexandru Rosetti’ Institute of Linguistics of the Romanian Academy, Bucharest 01 01 JB code rllt.9.08gum 06 10.1075/rllt.9.08gum 139 158 20 Article 9 01 04 Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction 1 A01 01 JB code 886254660 Silvia Gumiel-Molina Gumiel-Molina, Silvia Silvia Gumiel-Molina Universidad de Alcalá 2 A01 01 JB code 928254661 Norberto Moreno-Quibén Moreno-Quibén, Norberto Norberto Moreno-Quibén Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas 3 A01 01 JB code 229254662 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Universidad de Alcalá and Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas 01 01 JB code rllt.9.09ihs 06 10.1075/rllt.9.09ihs 159 176 18 Article 10 01 04 Gender agreement with animate nouns in French Gender agreement with animate nouns in French 1 A01 01 JB code 748254663 Tabea Ihsane Ihsane, Tabea Tabea Ihsane Département de Linguistique, Faculté des Lettres, Université de Genève 2 A01 01 JB code 798254664 Petra Sleeman Sleeman, Petra Petra Sleeman Department of Linguistics, University of Amsterdam 01 01 JB code rllt.9.10jac 06 10.1075/rllt.9.10jac 177 194 18 Article 11 01 04 French loanwords in Korean French loanwords in Korean 01 04 Modeling lexical knowledge in OT Modeling lexical knowledge in OT 1 A01 01 JB code 462254665 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs Radboud University, Department of Romance languages and cultures 01 01 JB code rllt.9.11kat 06 10.1075/rllt.9.11kat 195 212 18 Article 12 01 04 Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 989254666 Mary Aizawa Kato Kato, Mary Aizawa Mary Aizawa Kato State University of Campinas 01 01 JB code rllt.9.12lab 06 10.1075/rllt.9.12lab 213 232 20 Article 13 01 04 Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French 1 A01 01 JB code 144254667 Marie Labelle Labelle, Marie Marie Labelle Universite du Quebec a Montreal 01 01 JB code rllt.9.13lip 06 10.1075/rllt.9.13lip 233 256 24 Article 14 01 04 "Toned-up" Spanish “Toned-up” Spanish 01 04 Stress --> pitch --> tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea Stress → pitch → tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea 1 A01 01 JB code 676254668 John M. Lipski Lipski, John M. John M. Lipski The Pennsylvania State University 01 01 JB code rllt.9.14lop 06 10.1075/rllt.9.14lop 257 276 20 Article 15 01 04 On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 324254669 Ruth E.V. Lopes Lopes, Ruth E.V. Ruth E.V. Lopes University of Campinas 2 A01 01 JB code 386254670 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino University of Campinas 01 01 JB code rllt.9.15maz 06 10.1075/rllt.9.15maz 277 300 24 Article 16 01 04 Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 568254671 Natalia Mazzaro Mazzaro, Natalia Natalia Mazzaro University of Texas at El Paso 2 A01 01 JB code 858254672 Alejandro Cuza Cuza, Alejandro Alejandro Cuza Purdue University 3 A01 01 JB code 911254673 Laura Colantoni Colantoni, Laura Laura Colantoni University of Toronto 01 01 JB code rllt.9.16oth 06 10.1075/rllt.9.16oth 301 319 19 Article 17 01 04 The linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals The linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals 01 04 A critique of "incomplete acquisition" A critique of “incomplete acquisition” 1 A01 01 JB code 606254674 Ricardo Otheguy Otheguy, Ricardo Ricardo Otheguy Graduate Center CUNY 01 01 JB code rllt.9.17pes 06 10.1075/rllt.9.17pes 321 339 19 Article 18 01 04 The X0 syntax of "dative" clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance The X0 syntax of “dative” clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance 1 A01 01 JB code 121254675 Diego Pescarini Pescarini, Diego Diego Pescarini Universität Zürich 01 01 JB code rllt.9.18ree 06 10.1075/rllt.9.18ree 341 360 20 Article 19 01 04 Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control 1 A01 01 JB code 528254676 Lisa A. Reed Reed, Lisa A. Lisa A. Reed The Pennsylvania State University 01 01 JB code rllt.9.19rep 06 10.1075/rllt.9.19rep 361 378 18 Article 20 01 04 The phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages The phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages 1 A01 01 JB code 48254677 Lori Repetti Repetti, Lori Lori Repetti Department of Linguistics, Stony Brook University (SUNY) 01 01 JB code rllt.9.20ros 06 10.1075/rllt.9.20ros 379 397 19 Article 21 01 04 From N to particle From N to particle 01 04 Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy 1 A01 01 JB code 719254678 Silvia Rossi Rossi, Silvia Silvia Rossi University of Padua 01 01 JB code rllt.9.21sal 06 10.1075/rllt.9.21sal 399 413 15 Article 22 01 04 Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax 1 A01 01 JB code 60254679 Mario Saltarelli Saltarelli, Mario Mario Saltarelli 01 01 JB code rllt.9.22ind 06 10.1075/rllt.9.22ind 415 418 4 Article 23 01 04 Index Index 01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20160203 C 2016 John Benjamins D 2016 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027203892 WORLD 03 01 JB 17 Google 03 https://play.google.com/store/books 21 01 00 Unqualified price 00 110.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 00 92.00 GBP 01 00 Unqualified price 00 165.00 USD 828016531 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code RLLT 9 Hb 15 9789027203892 06 10.1075/rllt.9 13 2015033754 00 BB 08 835 gr 10 01 JB code RLLT 02 1574-552X 02 9.00 01 02 Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 01 01 Romance Linguistics 2013 Selected papers from the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), New York, 17-19 April, 2013 Romance Linguistics 2013: Selected papers from the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), New York, 17-19 April, 2013 1 B01 01 JB code 937242394 Christina Tortora Tortora, Christina Christina Tortora City University of New York (College of Staten Island and The Graduate Center) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/937242394 2 B01 01 JB code 326242395 Marcel Dikken Dikken, Marcel Marcel Dikken Eötvös Loránd University & Hungarian Academy of Sciences 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/326242395 3 B01 01 JB code 615242396 Ignacio L. Montoya Montoya, Ignacio L. Ignacio L. Montoya City University of New York (The Graduate Center) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/615242396 4 B01 01 JB code 356242397 Teresa O'Neill O'Neill, Teresa Teresa O'Neill City University of New York (The Graduate Center) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/356242397 01 eng 11 437 03 03 xix 03 00 418 03 01 23 440/.045 03 2013 PC11 04 Romance languages--Congresses. 10 LAN009000 12 CF/2AD 24 JB code LIN.ROM Romance linguistics 24 JB code LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 01 06 02 00 This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics. 03 00 This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics. 01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.9.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027203892.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027203892.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/rllt.9.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/rllt.9.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/rllt.9.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.9.hb.png 01 01 JB code rllt.9.001int 06 10.1075/rllt.9.001int vii xx 14 Article 1 01 04 Introduction Introduction 1 A01 01 JB code 704254643 Christina Tortora Tortora, Christina Christina Tortora 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/704254643 2 A01 01 JB code 17254680 Marcel Dikken Dikken, Marcel Marcel Dikken 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/17254680 3 A01 01 JB code 928254645 Ignacio L. Montoya Montoya, Ignacio L. Ignacio L. Montoya 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928254645 4 A01 01 JB code 134254646 Teresa O'Neill O'Neill, Teresa Teresa O'Neill 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/134254646 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.9.01alb 06 10.1075/rllt.9.01alb 1 20 20 Article 2 01 04 Root gerunds in Old Romanian Root gerunds in Old Romanian 1 A01 01 JB code 654254647 Gabriela Alboiu Alboiu, Gabriela Gabriela Alboiu York University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/654254647 2 A01 01 JB code 820254648 Virginia Hill Hill, Virginia Virginia Hill University of New Brunswick 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/820254648 01 eng 30 00 Gerund verbs generate root clauses in Old Romanian (OR), but not in Modern Romanian (MR). We argue that the root clause phenomenon arises from the presence of a null Assertion Operator in OR, which has been lost in MR. This Operator originates from the mapping of discourse features to syntax, but involves a marked option for feature checking (i.e., pragmatic versus syntactic), so it is easier for it to disappear in the process of language acquisition. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.02art 06 10.1075/rllt.9.02art 21 38 18 Article 3 01 04 Old French possessives and ellipsis Old French possessives and ellipsis 1 A01 01 JB code 451254649 Deborah Arteaga Arteaga, Deborah Deborah Arteaga University of Nevada 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/451254649 2 A01 01 JB code 528254650 Julia Herschensohn Herschensohn, Julia Julia Herschensohn University of Washington 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/528254650 01 eng 30 00 Sáez (2011), to account for Spanish definite articles in ellipsis contexts, such as mi libro y el [e] de Juan ‘my book and that of John’, proposes the Stress Condition on Remnants (SCR), which disallows unstressed syntactic elements to be anaphoric, while allowing definite articles to license empty categories. The focus of our paper is Old French (OF) possessive constructions and their elliptical expressions, such as le mien livre ‘my book’ and le [e] de Jean ‘that of Jean’. OF had a more extensive inventory of possessive constructions than Modern French (MF): lexical genitives, prenominal possessives, and lexical and possessive ellipsis constructions. Adopting Arteaga & Herschensohn’s (2010, 2013) proposal for lexical genitives, Sáez’s (2011) SCR, and Lobeck’s (1995) conditions on ellipsis, we argue that two major diachronic changes led to a difference in licensing of possessives from OF to MF: one, the erosion of morphological marking that led to a loss of the OF two case system, reducing feature strength to license ellipsis (Lobeck 1995), and two, the fact that definite articles became clitics and Phase Heads and thus became subject to the SCR as the prenominal nP domain (Carstens 2003) became a clitic zone prohibiting prenominal stressed possessives. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.03bau 06 10.1075/rllt.9.03bau 39 58 20 Article 4 01 04 The generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality The generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality 1 A01 01 JB code 33254651 Joseph Bauman Bauman, Joseph Joseph Bauman Pennsylvania State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/33254651 2 A01 01 JB code 352254652 Rena Torres Cacoullos Torres Cacoullos, Rena Rena Torres Cacoullos Pennsylvania State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/352254652 01 eng 30 00 This study traces two shifts in the distribution of the Spanish preposition para ‘for, in order to’: first, a drop in its allative uses and second, its replacement of the older preposition por ‘for’ with purposive infinitives. These distributional changes of the innovative para—across its own contexts of occurrence as well as in its variation with the older por—demonstrate the crosslinguistic allative-to-purposive grammaticalization path. Frequent co-occurrence of the source elements, por and a, foments their coalescence, reflected in changes in the orthographic/phonological form of the fused preposition as it loses structural analyzability. Semantic compositionality, whereby there was a discernable semantic contribution of the allative a component, is also lost as early prepositional objects designating persons decline. We find this account of the rise of para, based on gradual loss of analyzability and compositionality, to be more compatible with the quantitative patterns and insightful than an opaque and implicitly abrupt notion of reanalysis. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.04cas 06 10.1075/rllt.9.04cas 59 78 20 Article 5 01 04 On capacities and their epistemic extensions On capacities and their epistemic extensions 1 A01 01 JB code 523254653 Elena Castroviejo Miró Castroviejo Miró, Elena Elena Castroviejo Miró Instituto de Lengua, Literatura y Antropología (ILLA-CSIC) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/523254653 2 A01 01 JB code 661254654 Isabel Oltra-Massuet Oltra-Massuet, Isabel Isabel Oltra-Massuet Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Campus Catalunya 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/661254654 01 eng 30 00 The purpose of this paper is twofold; first, we aim to provide a series of tests that identify Spanish ser capaz ‘be capable’ (henceforth SC) as an ambiguous modal, just like English must or can. Specifically, we observe that SC has not only an abilitative flavor, but also an epistemic one. Second, we want to propose an analysis for SC that can account for this ambiguity and that is in accordance with current theories of modality such as Cinque (1999), Kratzer (1981, 1991), and Hacquard (2009, 2010). In a nutshell, we argue that SC can occupy two different positions, a low one below AspP, which corresponds to the abilitative interpretation, and a high one, above AspP, which translates as the epistemic reading. Concerning the semantics, we claim that SC denotes a slight possibility; i.e., the propositional argument is true in at least one world, but it is always true in the non-ordinary worlds. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.05fue 06 10.1075/rllt.9.05fue 79 98 20 Article 6 01 04 Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches 1 A01 01 JB code 180254655 Raquel Fernández Fuertes Fernández Fuertes, Raquel Raquel Fernández Fuertes Universidad de Valladolid 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/180254655 2 A01 01 JB code 273254656 Juana M. Liceras Liceras, Juana M. Juana M. Liceras University of Ottawa and Universidad Nebrija 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/273254656 3 A01 01 JB code 599254657 Anahí Alba de la Fuente Alba de la Fuente, Anahí Anahí Alba de la Fuente Université de Montréal 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/599254657 01 eng 30 00 Previous code-switching literature argues that no switch takes place between a pronoun and a verb, while Determiner Phrases (DPs) do code-switch. This paper uses code-switching acceptability judgment data elicited from three groups of English–Spanish bilinguals (2L1 children, L2 English children and L2 English adults) to test: (i) van Gelderen & MacSwan’s (2008) PF disjunction theorem intended to account for the DP/pronoun divide; and (ii) an agreement version of the analogical criterion (Liceras et al. 2008) which is based on Pesetsky & Torrego’s (2001) double-feature valuation mechanism intended to account for the different status of third person versus first and second person pronominal subjects. We show that the PF disjunction theorem is clearly rooted in the mind of the bilingual and that the Spanish dominant bilinguals can ‘relax’ its requirements to value person agreement features as predicted by the double-feature valuation mechanism. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.06gio 06 10.1075/rllt.9.06gio 99 118 20 Article 7 01 04 Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases 1 A01 01 JB code 701254658 Alessandra Giorgi Giorgi, Alessandra Alessandra Giorgi Dept. of Linguistics, Ca’ Bembo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/701254658 01 eng 30 00 Epistemic adverbs in Italian (e.g., probabilmente ‘probably’) can appear in several positions. Cinque (1999) proposed that they always occupy the same position above IP and that the various orders are derived via movement of the other phrases around them. In this paper I consider contrasts between sentences where these adverbs are associated with a “normal intonation” and those where they are associated with a parenthetical (comma) intonation. To provide an account for the distribution of parenthetical adverbs, I appeal to Giorgi (2011, to appear). I consider parentheticals as syntactically integrated structures, rejecting adjunction and adopting the cartographic approach, based on Kayne’s (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom. As for the non-parenthetical occurrences, I propose that there are two basic positions for these adverbs, one for each phase: above v*P and above IP (Cinque’s position). The existence of a low left periphery above v*P agrees has also been recently hypothesized for other phenomena in Old (Poletto, 2006 and to appear) and Modern Italian (Belletti, 2004). 01 01 JB code rllt.9.07giu 06 10.1075/rllt.9.07giu 119 138 20 Article 8 01 04 Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents 1 A01 01 JB code 348254659 Ion Giurgea Giurgea, Ion Ion Giurgea The ‘Iorgu Iordan - Alexandru Rosetti’ Institute of Linguistics of the Romanian Academy, Bucharest 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/348254659 01 eng 30 00 I propose an account for the absence of agreement on tough-words in Romanian tough- constructions (TCs). I argue that absence of agreement cannot be explained by an A-bar movement derivation, because Romanian TCs involve A-movement, the non-finite complement having passive properties. I also argue against an adverb analysis of Romanian tough-words and against a subject analysis of the clausal argument of the tough-word. I propose a novel analysis, which is supported by West Germanic data: non-agreeing TCs are multi-headed constituents, in which the adjective is the internal head, selecting the supine CP, and the supine C is the external head. Since the adjective is not the external head, it cannot take part in agreement relations involving the [Adjective+Supine] constituent. I provide a technical implementation of the notion of multi-headed constituents which relies on Citko’s (2008) flexible label projection: in this case, it is the label of the complement that projects (an instance of Project-Goal). Finally, I discuss the correlation between the availability of multi-headed TCs and the morphological (in)distinctness between adjectives and adverbs. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.08gum 06 10.1075/rllt.9.08gum 139 158 20 Article 9 01 04 Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction 1 A01 01 JB code 886254660 Silvia Gumiel-Molina Gumiel-Molina, Silvia Silvia Gumiel-Molina Universidad de Alcalá 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/886254660 2 A01 01 JB code 928254661 Norberto Moreno-Quibén Moreno-Quibén, Norberto Norberto Moreno-Quibén Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928254661 3 A01 01 JB code 229254662 Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel Isabel Pérez-Jiménez Universidad de Alcalá and Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/229254662 01 eng 30 00 This study accounts for the unacceptability of individual-level gradable adjectives as (depictive) secondary predicates on the basis of two factors: (a) the semantics of gradable adjectives—specifically the way their comparison classes are formed in the syntax, giving rise to the difference between relative/absolute adjectives; (b) the pragmatic inference of temporal persistence that characterizes IL predicates. Absolute adjectives are evaluated with respect to a comparison class composed of counterparts (stages) of an individual, so that the property they express must be interpreted as subject to variation. Therefore, the inference of temporal persistence which seems to be at the basis of the individual-level character of predicates does not arise, giving rise to the stage-level interpretation that absolute adjectives receive. The inference of temporal persistence arises by default in the case of relative adjectives since in the comparison class selected by these adjectives there are no stages (of an individual) instantiating different degrees of the property but just different individuals manifesting different degrees of it. The inference of temporal persistence associated with relative adjectives makes the simultaneity constraint required by secondary predication contexts (McNally 1994) trivial and uninformative. As a consequence, only absolute adjectives are allowed in this syntactic environment. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.09ihs 06 10.1075/rllt.9.09ihs 159 176 18 Article 10 01 04 Gender agreement with animate nouns in French Gender agreement with animate nouns in French 1 A01 01 JB code 748254663 Tabea Ihsane Ihsane, Tabea Tabea Ihsane Département de Linguistique, Faculté des Lettres, Université de Genève 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/748254663 2 A01 01 JB code 798254664 Petra Sleeman Sleeman, Petra Petra Sleeman Department of Linguistics, University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/798254664 01 eng 30 00 Grammatical gender and semantic gender do not always go hand in hand. In French such mismatches can be observed outside the strict DP. To account for such phenomena and for gender more generally, we propose that gender is expressed in two positions within DP: on N as an uninterpretable feature accounting for grammatical gender and on the head of a Gender Phrase as a feature accounting for semantic gender. To account for the mismatches we discuss, we propose that the gender of the nouns involved is unspecified inside DP and that it can be specified in D later in the derivation.We further show that inside the strict DP, grammatical gender agreement between Gen and NP is stricter than in the ‘looser’ DP (partitive), which is in turn stricter than the agreeing/referring relation with elements outside DP, reflecting Corbett’s agreement hierarchy, to which we add a partitive position. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.10jac 06 10.1075/rllt.9.10jac 177 194 18 Article 11 01 04 French loanwords in Korean French loanwords in Korean 01 04 Modeling lexical knowledge in OT Modeling lexical knowledge in OT 1 A01 01 JB code 462254665 Haike Jacobs Jacobs, Haike Haike Jacobs Radboud University, Department of Romance languages and cultures 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/462254665 01 eng 30 00 This paper discusses the Korean adaptation of French word-final coronal plosives. They are adapted, just as the English ones, with or without vowel insertion. In the latter case they are treated as ending in underlying /s/. Replacement of word-final coronal plosives by underlying /s/ is also active in the native phonology. We will critically discuss a number of previous proposals and argue that they are unable to describe the two aspects in a uniform way. We propose to model frequency and lexical knowledge in the form of a markedness hierarchy which accounts for both loanword adaptation of final coronal plosives as underlying /s/ and for the analogical pressure within the native phonology. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.11kat 06 10.1075/rllt.9.11kat 195 212 18 Article 12 01 04 Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 989254666 Mary Aizawa Kato Kato, Mary Aizawa Mary Aizawa Kato State University of Campinas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/989254666 01 eng 30 00 This article analyzes affirmative polar replies in Brazilian and European Portuguese (BP/EP), which may consist of just the inflected verb or some polar item. These polar replies have been analyzed as instances of null subjects and VP-Ellipsis. This analysis is untenable for BP, as this variety has been losing categorical null referential subjects since the 19th century. The analysis that will be pursued here, for both BP and EP, is an adaptation of the one proposed in Holmberg (2001) for Finnish, according to which, in simple affirmative answers, which consists of just the inflected verb, the verb moves to a pre-sentential position, followed by Remnant TP-Ellipsis. But BP also differs from Finnish when more complex answers are at stake. With regard to the position and optionality of the affirmative polar item sim (yes), a comparison will be made with Japanese, a language identical to BP with regard to affirmative PRs. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.12lab 06 10.1075/rllt.9.12lab 213 232 20 Article 13 01 04 Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French 1 A01 01 JB code 144254667 Marie Labelle Labelle, Marie Marie Labelle Universite du Quebec a Montreal 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/144254667 01 eng 30 00 This paper is a study of over 1100 Old and Middle French sentences in which a participle has been fronted to the left of an auxiliary, in what appears at first sight to be a Stylistic Fronting construction. These sentences were extracted from the MCVF parsed corpus of Old and Middle French. The first part of the article examines the size of the fronted element. It is shown that the fronted element may contain a single head, or it may be a full VP or a partial VP. It is argued that (remnant) VP movement accounts for the set of examples. In the second part of the paper, it is shown that the fronted constituent does not target a single position. In some cases, it occupies an IP-scrambling position between the subject in its canonical position and the finite verb; in a smaller number of cases, it is scrambled to the left of the subject. The fronted constituent is also attested within the left periphery, generally in Spec,FinP, but when the participle is contrastive or otherwise focalized, it could be analyzed a occupying Spec,FocP. The French facts are discussed in a cross-linguistic perspective. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.13lip 06 10.1075/rllt.9.13lip 233 256 24 Article 14 01 04 "Toned-up" Spanish “Toned-up” Spanish 01 04 Stress --> pitch --> tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea Stress → pitch → tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea 1 A01 01 JB code 676254668 John M. Lipski Lipski, John M. John M. Lipski The Pennsylvania State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/676254668 01 eng 30 00 In Equatorial Guinea Spanish is in contact with lexical tone languages of the Bantu family. The present study, based on field data, compares naturalistic Guinean Spanish with the Spanish of from Madrid, the dialect zone that served as primary input for the formation of Guinean Spanish. A preliminary analysis reveals partial convergence of a pitch accent system and lexically specified phonological tones. Guinean Spanish maintains one stress per word culminativity but expands obligatoriness by realizing a pitch accent on every syllable lexically marked for stress. The rate at which pitch accents occur is compared with the distribution of High tones in the two most prominent Guinean languages (Bubi and Fang), and it is suggested that Guineans’ incomplete suppression of natively acquired F0 patterns may be facilitated by the metrical structure of Spanish, which provides for regularly occurring pitch accents whose maximum potential density is similar to that of H tones in Bubi and Fang. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.14lop 06 10.1075/rllt.9.14lop 257 276 20 Article 15 01 04 On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese 1 A01 01 JB code 324254669 Ruth E.V. Lopes Lopes, Ruth E.V. Ruth E.V. Lopes University of Campinas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/324254669 2 A01 01 JB code 386254670 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino University of Campinas 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/386254670 01 eng 30 00 Brazilian Portuguese (BP) is known to license anaphoric null objects (ANO), that is, null objects with a linguistic antecedent. It also licenses VP ellipsis (VPE), with auxiliaries, modals and main verbs, the latter a case of V-stranding VPE (V-VPE), the one with which we will be concerned. Although ANOs and V-VPE may have identical surface strings in BP, we propose that they do not have the same structure. To achieve that we examine the properties of the ANOs and compare them to V-VPE, arguing the first are cases of DP ellipsis. We present evidence for an analysis of the ANO as a base-generated empty phrase-marker that will be reconstructed in LF. We also propose that ANOs and VPE are licensed by a lexicalized aspectual head, as a consequence of the loss of generalized verb movement in BP. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.15maz 06 10.1075/rllt.9.15maz 277 300 24 Article 16 01 04 Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish 1 A01 01 JB code 568254671 Natalia Mazzaro Mazzaro, Natalia Natalia Mazzaro University of Texas at El Paso 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/568254671 2 A01 01 JB code 858254672 Alejandro Cuza Cuza, Alejandro Alejandro Cuza Purdue University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/858254672 3 A01 01 JB code 911254673 Laura Colantoni Colantoni, Laura Laura Colantoni University of Toronto 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/911254673 01 eng 30 00 This study explores the perception of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in two groups of Spanish-English bilingual speakers: heritage speakers and long-term immigrants. We test the discrimination of Spanish stops and mid and high vowels via an AX discrimination task with natural stimuli consisting of real Spanish words. Overall, results revealed no significant differences between heritage speakers and long-term immigrants in their discrimination of Spanish stops and vowels. Both groups were more accurate in their discrimination of vowels than of consonants. As for the discrimination of stops, positional and place effects were observed; i.e. a higher proportion of errors was found in word-initial position and with dorsals. We argue that contact with English does not necessarily affect the discrimination of the Spanish contrasts. Implications of these results for maturational approaches to final L2 attainment are discussed. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.16oth 06 10.1075/rllt.9.16oth 301 319 19 Article 17 01 04 The linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals The linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals 01 04 A critique of "incomplete acquisition" A critique of “incomplete acquisition” 1 A01 01 JB code 606254674 Ricardo Otheguy Otheguy, Ricardo Ricardo Otheguy Graduate Center CUNY 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/606254674 01 eng 30 00 This paper discusses the native linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals born of immigrant, refugee, expatriate, or otherwise dislocated parents, concentrating on the grammars of second-generation Hispanics in the U.S. Scholarly opinion has gravitated toward the position that the Spanish of these speakers reflects a process of incomplete acquisition. This paper invites examination of the alternative view, namely: what we observe in second-generation bilingual Latinos is not errors, as they are frequently described in the literature, but rather points of divergence between their Spanish and that of the previous generation, due to normal intergenerational language change accelerated by conditions of language contact. The notion of incomplete acquisition rests on an incorrect view of child language acquisition as a process of perfect reproduction of parental grammars. But the process is one where children engage in grammar construction through hypothesis testing. Consequently, all next-generation grammars end up somewhat different from parental ones, paving the way for language change. The grammars of U.S.-born Latinos are thus, like all next-generation grammars, different, not incomplete. Examining the use of subjunctives for a brief illustration, grammarians regularly note variability in cases like Quizás venga (subjunctive) ~ Quizás viene (indicative) but obligatoriness in Quiero que lo llames (subjunctive), with the indicative alternative occurring seldom or never, and analyzable as ungrammatical, *Quiero que lo llamas (indicative). Second generation bilinguals have extended variability, so that for them the latter is usable, and analyzable as grammatical, a fact that disables these bilinguals from successful participation in experiments centered on somebody else’s grammaticality judgments, leading to conclusions of incompleteness. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.17pes 06 10.1075/rllt.9.17pes 321 339 19 Article 18 01 04 The X0 syntax of "dative" clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance The X0 syntax of “dative” clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance 1 A01 01 JB code 121254675 Diego Pescarini Pescarini, Diego Diego Pescarini Universität Zürich 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/121254675 01 eng 30 00 This contribution focuses on the morphosyntax of third person dative clitics in Gallo-Romance. The first part addresses the morphology of clitic elements: in GalloRomance, third person datives can be expressed by an etymological form li(s) deriving from Lat illi(s) or by various kinds of non-etymological formatives, e.g. sg. lui, y, lou; pl. leur, yz, lous, lous-y, les-y, etc. I hypothesize that the above forms lexicalize different portions of the same functional hierarchy. The second part of the chapter focuses on the behaviour of third person dative clitics when combined with another third person clitic. In this context, (Gallo-)Romance varieties exhibit a number of irregularities and two possible orders: accusative > datives (as in both old and modern French), or dative > accusative (as in many French vernaculars). Moreover, in both medieval and present-day dialects, the accusative clitic is frequently dropped when clustered with a third person dative clitic. I wonder about a possible correlation between the morphology of the dative clitic and the make-up of clitic combinations. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.18ree 06 10.1075/rllt.9.18ree 341 360 20 Article 19 01 04 Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control 1 A01 01 JB code 528254676 Lisa A. Reed Reed, Lisa A. Lisa A. Reed The Pennsylvania State University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/528254676 01 eng 30 00 This article sheds new light on the structure and meaning of sentences containing the French modal verbs devoir and falloir, as well as on the syntax and semantics of Control generally. Well-known and previously unnoticed empirical facts are examined that support the author’s novel contention that falloir and devoir are syntactically and semantically ambiguous. These data are also argued to offer indirect support for the analysis of Control clauses recently developed in Reed (2014: Ch. 6 and 7), according to which there is a theoretical primitive (pro) and it is associated with a “minimal” feature bundle consisting of just [−expletive] and [+N] syntactic features, with a separate, post-syntactic Theory of Control determining its understood phi-features. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.19rep 06 10.1075/rllt.9.19rep 361 378 18 Article 20 01 04 The phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages The phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages 1 A01 01 JB code 48254677 Lori Repetti Repetti, Lori Lori Repetti Department of Linguistics, Stony Brook University (SUNY) 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/48254677 01 eng 30 00 In many Romance varieties, the verb in imperative verb + (postverbal) pronoun phrases retains primary stress: Italian/Spanish: [kómpra]/[kómpra-melo] ‘buy!’/‘buy me it!’. However, in others varieties, stress in these phrases may be realized on a different syllable: [kompra-meló], [kompra-mélo], [kompra-mélozo]. In this paper, I address questions that have puzzled linguists for some time: Why is there a stress shift when enclitic pronouns are added to the imperative verb? How is the position of the stressed syllable determined? I propose that many factors are involved, including morpho-syntactic factors (the presence of a weak or a clitic pronoun, which are prosodized differently), phonological processes (the mapping of syntactic to prosodic structure), and phonetic processes (tonal association to metrically prominent syllables). 01 01 JB code rllt.9.20ros 06 10.1075/rllt.9.20ros 379 397 19 Article 21 01 04 From N to particle From N to particle 01 04 Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy 1 A01 01 JB code 719254678 Silvia Rossi Rossi, Silvia Silvia Rossi University of Padua 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/719254678 01 eng 30 00 The paper addresses the distribution of preposition-drop with the noun casa ‘home’ in the spatial adpositions of some Northern Italian varieties. It is shown that in these varieties P-less home behaves syntactically as a locative adverb, which under specific circumstances, becomes a particle. It is suggested that P-less home is not a special noun but a proper member of the category P generated in a specific projection in the fine-grained PP (Cinque 2010), hosting viewpoint modifiers of the silent head PLACE. The adverb vs. particle nature of P-less home derives from motivated movements inside and outside the PP triggered by a directional context. The same analysis is extended to Modern (and Old) English home. 01 01 JB code rllt.9.21sal 06 10.1075/rllt.9.21sal 399 413 15 Article 22 01 04 Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax 1 A01 01 JB code 60254679 Mario Saltarelli Saltarelli, Mario Mario Saltarelli 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/60254679 01 eng 01 01 JB code rllt.9.22ind 06 10.1075/rllt.9.22ind 415 418 4 Article 23 01 04 Index Index 01 eng 01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.9 Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20160203 C 2016 John Benjamins D 2016 John Benjamins 02 WORLD WORLD US CA MX 09 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 21 48 16 01 00 Unqualified price 02 JB 1 02 110.00 EUR 02 00 Unqualified price 02 92.00 01 Z 0 GBP GB US CA MX 01 01 JB 2 John Benjamins Publishing Company +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 21 48 16 01 00 Unqualified price 02 JB 1 02 165.00 USD