17016532
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JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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RLLT 9 Eb
15
9789027267689
06
10.1075/rllt.9
13
2015035623
00
EA
E107
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RLLT
02
1574-552X
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9.00
01
02
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
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01
JB code
jbe-all
01
02
Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles)
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01
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jbe-2016
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02
2016 collection (147 titles)
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02
2016 collection
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01
Romance Linguistics 2013
Selected papers from the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), New York, 17-19 April, 2013
Romance Linguistics 2013: Selected papers from the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), New York, 17-19 April, 2013
1
B01
01
JB code
937242394
Christina Tortora
Tortora, Christina
Christina
Tortora
City University of New York (College of Staten Island and The Graduate Center)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/937242394
2
B01
01
JB code
326242395
Marcel Dikken
Dikken, Marcel
Marcel
Dikken
Eötvös Loránd University & Hungarian Academy of Sciences
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/326242395
3
B01
01
JB code
615242396
Ignacio L. Montoya
Montoya, Ignacio L.
Ignacio L.
Montoya
City University of New York (The Graduate Center)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/615242396
4
B01
01
JB code
356242397
Teresa O'Neill
O'Neill, Teresa
Teresa
O'Neill
City University of New York (The Graduate Center)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/356242397
01
eng
11
437
03
03
xix
03
00
418
03
01
23
440/.045
03
2013
PC11
04
Romance languages--Congresses.
10
LAN009000
12
CF/2AD
24
JB code
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
01
06
02
00
This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics.
03
00
This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics.
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03
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rllt.9.001int
06
10.1075/rllt.9.001int
vii
xx
14
Article
1
01
04
Introduction
Introduction
1
A01
01
JB code
704254643
Christina Tortora
Tortora, Christina
Christina
Tortora
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/704254643
2
A01
01
JB code
17254680
Marcel Dikken
Dikken, Marcel
Marcel
Dikken
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/17254680
3
A01
01
JB code
928254645
Ignacio L. Montoya
Montoya, Ignacio L.
Ignacio L.
Montoya
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928254645
4
A01
01
JB code
134254646
Teresa O'Neill
O'Neill, Teresa
Teresa
O'Neill
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/134254646
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.01alb
06
10.1075/rllt.9.01alb
1
20
20
Article
2
01
04
Root gerunds in Old Romanian
Root gerunds in Old Romanian
1
A01
01
JB code
654254647
Gabriela Alboiu
Alboiu, Gabriela
Gabriela
Alboiu
York University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/654254647
2
A01
01
JB code
820254648
Virginia Hill
Hill, Virginia
Virginia
Hill
University of New Brunswick
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/820254648
01
eng
30
00
Gerund verbs generate root clauses in Old Romanian (OR), but not in Modern Romanian (MR). We argue that the root clause phenomenon arises from the presence of a null Assertion Operator in OR, which has been lost in MR. This Operator originates from the mapping of discourse features to syntax, but involves a marked option for feature checking (i.e., pragmatic versus syntactic), so it is easier for it to disappear in the process of language acquisition.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.02art
06
10.1075/rllt.9.02art
21
38
18
Article
3
01
04
Old French possessives and ellipsis
Old French possessives and ellipsis
1
A01
01
JB code
451254649
Deborah Arteaga
Arteaga, Deborah
Deborah
Arteaga
University of Nevada
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/451254649
2
A01
01
JB code
528254650
Julia Herschensohn
Herschensohn, Julia
Julia
Herschensohn
University of Washington
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/528254650
01
eng
30
00
Sáez (2011), to account for Spanish definite articles in ellipsis contexts, such as mi libro y el [e] de Juan ‘my book and that of John’, proposes the Stress Condition on Remnants (SCR), which disallows unstressed syntactic elements to be anaphoric, while allowing definite articles to license empty categories. The focus of our paper is Old French (OF) possessive constructions and their elliptical expressions, such as le mien livre ‘my book’ and le [e] de Jean ‘that of Jean’. OF had a more extensive inventory of possessive constructions than Modern French (MF): lexical genitives, prenominal possessives, and lexical and possessive ellipsis constructions. Adopting Arteaga & Herschensohn’s (2010, 2013) proposal for lexical genitives, Sáez’s (2011) SCR, and Lobeck’s (1995) conditions on ellipsis, we argue that two major diachronic changes led to a difference in licensing of possessives from OF to MF: one, the erosion of morphological marking that led to a loss of the OF two case system, reducing feature strength to license ellipsis (Lobeck 1995), and two, the fact that definite articles became clitics and Phase Heads and thus became subject to the SCR as the prenominal nP domain (Carstens 2003) became a clitic zone prohibiting prenominal stressed possessives.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.03bau
06
10.1075/rllt.9.03bau
39
58
20
Article
4
01
04
The
generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality
The generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality
1
A01
01
JB code
33254651
Joseph Bauman
Bauman, Joseph
Joseph
Bauman
Pennsylvania State University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/33254651
2
A01
01
JB code
352254652
Rena Torres Cacoullos
Torres Cacoullos, Rena
Rena
Torres Cacoullos
Pennsylvania State University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/352254652
01
eng
30
00
This study traces two shifts in the distribution of the Spanish preposition para ‘for, in order to’: first, a drop in its allative uses and second, its replacement of the older preposition por ‘for’ with purposive infinitives. These distributional changes of the innovative para—across its own contexts of occurrence as well as in its variation with the older por—demonstrate the crosslinguistic allative-to-purposive grammaticalization path. Frequent co-occurrence of the source elements, por and a, foments their coalescence, reflected in changes in the orthographic/phonological form of the fused preposition as it loses structural analyzability. Semantic compositionality, whereby there was a discernable semantic contribution of the allative a component, is also lost as early prepositional objects designating persons decline. We find this account of the rise of para, based on gradual loss of analyzability and compositionality, to be more compatible with the quantitative patterns and insightful than an opaque and implicitly abrupt notion of reanalysis.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.04cas
06
10.1075/rllt.9.04cas
59
78
20
Article
5
01
04
On capacities and their epistemic extensions
On capacities and their epistemic extensions
1
A01
01
JB code
523254653
Elena Castroviejo Miró
Castroviejo Miró, Elena
Elena
Castroviejo Miró
Instituto de Lengua, Literatura y Antropología (ILLA-CSIC)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/523254653
2
A01
01
JB code
661254654
Isabel Oltra-Massuet
Oltra-Massuet, Isabel
Isabel
Oltra-Massuet
Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Campus Catalunya
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/661254654
01
eng
30
00
The purpose of this paper is twofold; first, we aim to provide a series of tests that identify Spanish ser capaz ‘be capable’ (henceforth SC) as an ambiguous modal, just like English must or can. Specifically, we observe that SC has not only an abilitative flavor, but also an epistemic one. Second, we want to propose an analysis for SC that can account for this ambiguity and that is in accordance with current theories of modality such as Cinque (1999), Kratzer (1981, 1991), and Hacquard (2009, 2010). In a nutshell, we argue that SC can occupy two different positions, a low one below AspP, which corresponds to the abilitative interpretation, and a high one, above AspP, which translates as the epistemic reading. Concerning the semantics, we claim that SC denotes a slight possibility; i.e., the propositional argument is true in at least one world, but it is always true in the non-ordinary worlds.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.05fue
06
10.1075/rllt.9.05fue
79
98
20
Article
6
01
04
Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches
Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches
1
A01
01
JB code
180254655
Raquel Fernández Fuertes
Fernández Fuertes, Raquel
Raquel
Fernández Fuertes
Universidad de Valladolid
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/180254655
2
A01
01
JB code
273254656
Juana M. Liceras
Liceras, Juana M.
Juana M.
Liceras
University of Ottawa and Universidad Nebrija
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/273254656
3
A01
01
JB code
599254657
Anahí Alba de la Fuente
Alba de la Fuente, Anahí
Anahí
Alba de la Fuente
Université de Montréal
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/599254657
01
eng
30
00
Previous code-switching literature argues that no switch takes place between a pronoun and a verb, while Determiner Phrases (DPs) do code-switch. This paper uses code-switching acceptability judgment data elicited from three groups of English–Spanish bilinguals (2L1 children, L2 English children and L2 English adults) to test: (i) van Gelderen & MacSwan’s (2008) PF disjunction theorem intended to account for the DP/pronoun divide; and (ii) an agreement version of the analogical criterion (Liceras et al. 2008) which is based on Pesetsky & Torrego’s (2001) double-feature valuation mechanism intended to account for the different status of third person versus first and second person pronominal subjects. We show that the PF disjunction theorem is clearly rooted in the mind of the bilingual and that the Spanish dominant bilinguals can ‘relax’ its requirements to value person agreement features as predicted by the double-feature valuation mechanism.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.06gio
06
10.1075/rllt.9.06gio
99
118
20
Article
7
01
04
Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases
Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases
1
A01
01
JB code
701254658
Alessandra Giorgi
Giorgi, Alessandra
Alessandra
Giorgi
Dept. of Linguistics, Ca’ Bembo
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/701254658
01
eng
30
00
Epistemic adverbs in Italian (e.g., probabilmente ‘probably’) can appear in several positions. Cinque (1999) proposed that they always occupy the same position above IP and that the various orders are derived via movement of the other phrases around them. In this paper I consider contrasts between sentences where these adverbs are associated with a “normal intonation” and those where they are associated with a parenthetical (comma) intonation. To provide an account for the distribution of parenthetical adverbs, I appeal to Giorgi (2011, to appear). I consider parentheticals as syntactically integrated structures, rejecting adjunction and adopting the cartographic approach, based on Kayne’s (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom. As for the non-parenthetical occurrences, I propose that there are two basic positions for these adverbs, one for each phase: above v*P and above IP (Cinque’s position). The existence of a low left periphery above v*P agrees has also been recently hypothesized for other phenomena in Old (Poletto, 2006 and to appear) and Modern Italian (Belletti, 2004).
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.07giu
06
10.1075/rllt.9.07giu
119
138
20
Article
8
01
04
Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents
Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents
1
A01
01
JB code
348254659
Ion Giurgea
Giurgea, Ion
Ion
Giurgea
The ‘Iorgu Iordan - Alexandru Rosetti’ Institute of Linguistics of the Romanian Academy, Bucharest
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/348254659
01
eng
30
00
I propose an account for the absence of agreement on tough-words in Romanian tough- constructions (TCs). I argue that absence of agreement cannot be explained by an A-bar movement derivation, because Romanian TCs involve A-movement, the non-finite complement having passive properties. I also argue against an adverb analysis of Romanian tough-words and against a subject analysis of the clausal argument of the tough-word. I propose a novel analysis, which is supported by West Germanic data: non-agreeing TCs are multi-headed constituents, in which the adjective is the internal head, selecting the supine CP, and the supine C is the external head. Since the adjective is not the external head, it cannot take part in agreement relations involving the [Adjective+Supine] constituent. I provide a technical implementation of the notion of multi-headed constituents which relies on Citko’s (2008) flexible label projection: in this case, it is the label of the complement that projects (an instance of Project-Goal). Finally, I discuss the correlation between the availability of multi-headed TCs and the morphological (in)distinctness between adjectives and adverbs.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.08gum
06
10.1075/rllt.9.08gum
139
158
20
Article
9
01
04
Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction
Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction
1
A01
01
JB code
886254660
Silvia Gumiel-Molina
Gumiel-Molina, Silvia
Silvia
Gumiel-Molina
Universidad de Alcalá
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/886254660
2
A01
01
JB code
928254661
Norberto Moreno-Quibén
Moreno-Quibén, Norberto
Norberto
Moreno-Quibén
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928254661
3
A01
01
JB code
229254662
Isabel Pérez-Jiménez
Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel
Isabel
Pérez-Jiménez
Universidad de Alcalá and Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/229254662
01
eng
30
00
This study accounts for the unacceptability of individual-level gradable adjectives as (depictive) secondary predicates on the basis of two factors: (a) the semantics of gradable adjectives—specifically the way their comparison classes are formed in the syntax, giving rise to the difference between relative/absolute adjectives; (b) the pragmatic inference of temporal persistence that characterizes IL predicates. Absolute adjectives are evaluated with respect to a comparison class composed of counterparts (stages) of an individual, so that the property they express must be interpreted as subject to variation. Therefore, the inference of temporal persistence which seems to be at the basis of the individual-level character of predicates does not arise, giving rise to the stage-level interpretation that absolute adjectives receive. The inference of temporal persistence arises by default in the case of relative adjectives since in the comparison class selected by these adjectives there are no stages (of an individual) instantiating different degrees of the property but just different individuals manifesting different degrees of it. The inference of temporal persistence associated with relative adjectives makes the simultaneity constraint required by secondary predication contexts (McNally 1994) trivial and uninformative. As a consequence, only absolute adjectives are allowed in this syntactic environment.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.09ihs
06
10.1075/rllt.9.09ihs
159
176
18
Article
10
01
04
Gender agreement with animate nouns in French
Gender agreement with animate nouns in French
1
A01
01
JB code
748254663
Tabea Ihsane
Ihsane, Tabea
Tabea
Ihsane
Département de Linguistique, Faculté des Lettres, Université de Genève
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/748254663
2
A01
01
JB code
798254664
Petra Sleeman
Sleeman, Petra
Petra
Sleeman
Department of Linguistics, University of Amsterdam
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/798254664
01
eng
30
00
Grammatical gender and semantic gender do not always go hand in hand. In French such mismatches can be observed outside the strict DP. To account for such phenomena and for gender more generally, we propose that gender is expressed in two positions within DP: on N as an uninterpretable feature accounting for grammatical gender and on the head of a Gender Phrase as a feature accounting for semantic gender. To account for the mismatches we discuss, we propose that the gender of the nouns involved is unspecified inside DP and that it can be specified in D later in the derivation.We further show that inside the strict DP, grammatical gender agreement between Gen and NP is stricter than in the ‘looser’ DP (partitive), which is in turn stricter than the agreeing/referring relation with elements outside DP, reflecting Corbett’s agreement hierarchy, to which we add a partitive position.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.10jac
06
10.1075/rllt.9.10jac
177
194
18
Article
11
01
04
French loanwords in Korean
French loanwords in Korean
01
04
Modeling lexical knowledge in OT
Modeling lexical knowledge in OT
1
A01
01
JB code
462254665
Haike Jacobs
Jacobs, Haike
Haike
Jacobs
Radboud University, Department of Romance languages and cultures
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/462254665
01
eng
30
00
This paper discusses the Korean adaptation of French word-final coronal plosives. They are adapted, just as the English ones, with or without vowel insertion. In the latter case they are treated as ending in underlying /s/. Replacement of word-final coronal plosives by underlying /s/ is also active in the native phonology. We will critically discuss a number of previous proposals and argue that they are unable to describe the two aspects in a uniform way. We propose to model frequency and lexical knowledge in the form of a markedness hierarchy which accounts for both loanword adaptation of final coronal plosives as underlying /s/ and for the analogical pressure within the native phonology.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.11kat
06
10.1075/rllt.9.11kat
195
212
18
Article
12
01
04
Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese
Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
989254666
Mary Aizawa Kato
Kato, Mary Aizawa
Mary Aizawa
Kato
State University of Campinas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/989254666
01
eng
30
00
This article analyzes affirmative polar replies in Brazilian and European Portuguese (BP/EP), which may consist of just the inflected verb or some polar item. These polar replies have been analyzed as instances of null subjects and VP-Ellipsis. This analysis is untenable for BP, as this variety has been losing categorical null referential subjects since the 19th century. The analysis that will be pursued here, for both BP and EP, is an adaptation of the one proposed in Holmberg (2001) for Finnish, according to which, in simple affirmative answers, which consists of just the inflected verb, the verb moves to a pre-sentential position, followed by Remnant TP-Ellipsis. But BP also differs from Finnish when more complex answers are at stake. With regard to the position and optionality of the affirmative polar item sim (yes), a comparison will be made with Japanese, a language identical to BP with regard to affirmative PRs.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.12lab
06
10.1075/rllt.9.12lab
213
232
20
Article
13
01
04
Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French
Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French
1
A01
01
JB code
144254667
Marie Labelle
Labelle, Marie
Marie
Labelle
Universite du Quebec a Montreal
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/144254667
01
eng
30
00
This paper is a study of over 1100 Old and Middle French sentences in which a participle has been fronted to the left of an auxiliary, in what appears at first sight to be a Stylistic Fronting construction. These sentences were extracted from the MCVF parsed corpus of Old and Middle French. The first part of the article examines the size of the fronted element. It is shown that the fronted element may contain a single head, or it may be a full VP or a partial VP. It is argued that (remnant) VP movement accounts for the set of examples. In the second part of the paper, it is shown that the fronted constituent does not target a single position. In some cases, it occupies an IP-scrambling position between the subject in its canonical position and the finite verb; in a smaller number of cases, it is scrambled to the left of the subject. The fronted constituent is also attested within the left periphery, generally in Spec,FinP, but when the participle is contrastive or otherwise focalized, it could be analyzed a occupying Spec,FocP. The French facts are discussed in a cross-linguistic perspective.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.13lip
06
10.1075/rllt.9.13lip
233
256
24
Article
14
01
04
"Toned-up" Spanish
“Toned-up” Spanish
01
04
Stress --> pitch --> tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea
Stress → pitch → tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea
1
A01
01
JB code
676254668
John M. Lipski
Lipski, John M.
John M.
Lipski
The Pennsylvania State University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/676254668
01
eng
30
00
In Equatorial Guinea Spanish is in contact with lexical tone languages of the Bantu family. The present study, based on field data, compares naturalistic Guinean Spanish with the Spanish of from Madrid, the dialect zone that served as primary input for the formation of Guinean Spanish. A preliminary analysis reveals partial convergence of a pitch accent system and lexically specified phonological tones. Guinean Spanish maintains one stress per word culminativity but expands obligatoriness by realizing a pitch accent on every syllable lexically marked for stress. The rate at which pitch accents occur is compared with the distribution of High tones in the two most prominent Guinean languages (Bubi and Fang), and it is suggested that Guineans’ incomplete suppression of natively acquired F0 patterns may be facilitated by the metrical structure of Spanish, which provides for regularly occurring pitch accents whose maximum potential density is similar to that of H tones in Bubi and Fang.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.14lop
06
10.1075/rllt.9.14lop
257
276
20
Article
15
01
04
On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese
On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
324254669
Ruth E.V. Lopes
Lopes, Ruth E.V.
Ruth E.V.
Lopes
University of Campinas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/324254669
2
A01
01
JB code
386254670
Sonia M. L. Cyrino
Cyrino, Sonia M. L.
Sonia M. L.
Cyrino
University of Campinas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/386254670
01
eng
30
00
Brazilian Portuguese (BP) is known to license anaphoric null objects (ANO), that is, null objects with a linguistic antecedent. It also licenses VP ellipsis (VPE), with auxiliaries, modals and main verbs, the latter a case of V-stranding VPE (V-VPE), the one with which we will be concerned. Although ANOs and V-VPE may have identical surface strings in BP, we propose that they do not have the same structure. To achieve that we examine the properties of the ANOs and compare them to V-VPE, arguing the first are cases of DP ellipsis. We present evidence for an analysis of the ANO as a base-generated empty phrase-marker that will be reconstructed in LF. We also propose that ANOs and VPE are licensed by a lexicalized aspectual head, as a consequence of the loss of generalized verb movement in BP.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.15maz
06
10.1075/rllt.9.15maz
277
300
24
Article
16
01
04
Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish
Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
568254671
Natalia Mazzaro
Mazzaro, Natalia
Natalia
Mazzaro
University of Texas at El Paso
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/568254671
2
A01
01
JB code
858254672
Alejandro Cuza
Cuza, Alejandro
Alejandro
Cuza
Purdue University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/858254672
3
A01
01
JB code
911254673
Laura Colantoni
Colantoni, Laura
Laura
Colantoni
University of Toronto
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/911254673
01
eng
30
00
This study explores the perception of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in two groups of Spanish-English bilingual speakers: heritage speakers and long-term immigrants. We test the discrimination of Spanish stops and mid and high vowels via an AX discrimination task with natural stimuli consisting of real Spanish words. Overall, results revealed no significant differences between heritage speakers and long-term immigrants in their discrimination of Spanish stops and vowels. Both groups were more accurate in their discrimination of vowels than of consonants. As for the discrimination of stops, positional and place effects were observed; i.e. a higher proportion of errors was found in word-initial position and with dorsals. We argue that contact with English does not necessarily affect the discrimination of the Spanish contrasts. Implications of these results for maturational approaches to final L2 attainment are discussed.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.16oth
06
10.1075/rllt.9.16oth
301
319
19
Article
17
01
04
The
linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals
The linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals
01
04
A
critique of "incomplete acquisition"
A critique of “incomplete acquisition”
1
A01
01
JB code
606254674
Ricardo Otheguy
Otheguy, Ricardo
Ricardo
Otheguy
Graduate Center CUNY
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/606254674
01
eng
30
00
This paper discusses the native linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals born of immigrant, refugee, expatriate, or otherwise dislocated parents, concentrating on the grammars of second-generation Hispanics in the U.S. Scholarly opinion has gravitated toward the position that the Spanish of these speakers reflects a process of incomplete acquisition. This paper invites examination of the alternative view, namely: what we observe in second-generation bilingual Latinos is not errors, as they are frequently described in the literature, but rather points of divergence between their Spanish and that of the previous generation, due to normal intergenerational language change accelerated by conditions of language contact. The notion of incomplete acquisition rests on an incorrect view of child language acquisition as a process of perfect reproduction of parental grammars. But the process is one where children engage in grammar construction through hypothesis testing. Consequently, all next-generation grammars end up somewhat different from parental ones, paving the way for language change. The grammars of U.S.-born Latinos are thus, like all next-generation grammars, different, not incomplete. Examining the use of subjunctives for a brief illustration, grammarians regularly note variability in cases like Quizás venga (subjunctive) ~ Quizás viene (indicative) but obligatoriness in Quiero que lo llames (subjunctive), with the indicative alternative occurring seldom or never, and analyzable as ungrammatical, *Quiero que lo llamas (indicative). Second generation bilinguals have extended variability, so that for them the latter is usable, and analyzable as grammatical, a fact that disables these bilinguals from successful participation in experiments centered on somebody else’s grammaticality judgments, leading to conclusions of incompleteness.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.17pes
06
10.1075/rllt.9.17pes
321
339
19
Article
18
01
04
The
X0 syntax of "dative" clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance
The X0 syntax of “dative” clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance
1
A01
01
JB code
121254675
Diego Pescarini
Pescarini, Diego
Diego
Pescarini
Universität Zürich
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/121254675
01
eng
30
00
This contribution focuses on the morphosyntax of third person dative clitics in Gallo-Romance. The first part addresses the morphology of clitic elements: in GalloRomance, third person datives can be expressed by an etymological form li(s) deriving from Lat illi(s) or by various kinds of non-etymological formatives, e.g. sg. lui, y, lou; pl. leur, yz, lous, lous-y, les-y, etc. I hypothesize that the above forms lexicalize different portions of the same functional hierarchy. The second part of the chapter focuses on the behaviour of third person dative clitics when combined with another third person clitic. In this context, (Gallo-)Romance varieties exhibit a number of irregularities and two possible orders: accusative > datives (as in both old and modern French), or dative > accusative (as in many French vernaculars). Moreover, in both medieval and present-day dialects, the accusative clitic is frequently dropped when clustered with a third person dative clitic. I wonder about a possible correlation between the morphology of the dative clitic and the make-up of clitic combinations.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.18ree
06
10.1075/rllt.9.18ree
341
360
20
Article
19
01
04
Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control
Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control
1
A01
01
JB code
528254676
Lisa A. Reed
Reed, Lisa A.
Lisa A.
Reed
The Pennsylvania State University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/528254676
01
eng
30
00
This article sheds new light on the structure and meaning of sentences containing the French modal verbs devoir and falloir, as well as on the syntax and semantics of Control generally. Well-known and previously unnoticed empirical facts are examined that support the author’s novel contention that falloir and devoir are syntactically and semantically ambiguous. These data are also argued to offer indirect support for the analysis of Control clauses recently developed in Reed (2014: Ch. 6 and 7), according to which there is a theoretical primitive (pro) and it is associated with a “minimal” feature bundle consisting of just [−expletive] and [+N] syntactic features, with a separate, post-syntactic Theory of Control determining its understood phi-features.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.19rep
06
10.1075/rllt.9.19rep
361
378
18
Article
20
01
04
The
phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages
The phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages
1
A01
01
JB code
48254677
Lori Repetti
Repetti, Lori
Lori
Repetti
Department of Linguistics, Stony Brook University (SUNY)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/48254677
01
eng
30
00
In many Romance varieties, the verb in imperative verb + (postverbal) pronoun phrases retains primary stress: Italian/Spanish: [kómpra]/[kómpra-melo] ‘buy!’/‘buy me it!’. However, in others varieties, stress in these phrases may be realized on a different syllable: [kompra-meló], [kompra-mélo], [kompra-mélozo]. In this paper, I address questions that have puzzled linguists for some time: Why is there a stress shift when enclitic pronouns are added to the imperative verb? How is the position of the stressed syllable determined? I propose that many factors are involved, including morpho-syntactic factors (the presence of a weak or a clitic pronoun, which are prosodized differently), phonological processes (the mapping of syntactic to prosodic structure), and phonetic processes (tonal association to metrically prominent syllables).
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.20ros
06
10.1075/rllt.9.20ros
379
397
19
Article
21
01
04
From N to particle
From N to particle
01
04
Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy
Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy
1
A01
01
JB code
719254678
Silvia Rossi
Rossi, Silvia
Silvia
Rossi
University of Padua
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/719254678
01
eng
30
00
The paper addresses the distribution of preposition-drop with the noun casa ‘home’ in the spatial adpositions of some Northern Italian varieties. It is shown that in these varieties P-less home behaves syntactically as a locative adverb, which under specific circumstances, becomes a particle. It is suggested that P-less home is not a special noun but a proper member of the category P generated in a specific projection in the fine-grained PP (Cinque 2010), hosting viewpoint modifiers of the silent head PLACE. The adverb vs. particle nature of P-less home derives from motivated movements inside and outside the PP triggered by a directional context. The same analysis is extended to Modern (and Old) English home.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.21sal
06
10.1075/rllt.9.21sal
399
413
15
Article
22
01
04
Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax
Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax
1
A01
01
JB code
60254679
Mario Saltarelli
Saltarelli, Mario
Mario
Saltarelli
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/60254679
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.22ind
06
10.1075/rllt.9.22ind
415
418
4
Article
23
01
04
Index
Index
01
eng
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.9
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
00
20160203
C
2016
John Benjamins
D
2016
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027203892
WORLD
09
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
https://jbe-platform.com
29
https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027267689
21
01
00
Unqualified price
02
110.00
EUR
01
00
Unqualified price
02
92.00
GBP
GB
01
00
Unqualified price
02
165.00
USD
232016831
03
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
RLLT 9 GE
15
9789027267689
06
10.1075/rllt.9
13
2015035623
00
EA
E133
10
01
JB code
RLLT
02
JB code
1574-552X
02
9.00
01
02
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
01
01
Romance Linguistics 2013
Romance Linguistics 2013
1
B01
01
JB code
937242394
Christina Tortora
Tortora, Christina
Christina
Tortora
City University of New York (College of Staten Island and The Graduate Center)
2
B01
01
JB code
326242395
Marcel Dikken
Dikken, Marcel
Marcel
Dikken
Eötvös Loránd University & Hungarian Academy of Sciences
3
B01
01
JB code
615242396
Ignacio L. Montoya
Montoya, Ignacio L.
Ignacio L.
Montoya
City University of New York (The Graduate Center)
4
B01
01
JB code
356242397
Teresa O'Neill
O'Neill, Teresa
Teresa
O'Neill
City University of New York (The Graduate Center)
01
eng
11
437
03
03
xix
03
00
418
03
24
JB code
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
10
LAN009000
12
CF/2AD
01
06
02
00
This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics.
03
00
This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics.
01
00
03
01
01
D503
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/rllt.9.png
01
01
D502
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027203892.jpg
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D504
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01
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D503
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02
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03
01
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D503
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03
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03
01
01
D503
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/rllt.9.hb.png
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.001int
06
10.1075/rllt.9.001int
vii
xx
14
Article
1
01
04
Introduction
Introduction
1
A01
01
JB code
704254643
Christina Tortora
Tortora, Christina
Christina
Tortora
2
A01
01
JB code
17254680
Marcel Dikken
Dikken, Marcel
Marcel
Dikken
3
A01
01
JB code
928254645
Ignacio L. Montoya
Montoya, Ignacio L.
Ignacio L.
Montoya
4
A01
01
JB code
134254646
Teresa O'Neill
O'Neill, Teresa
Teresa
O'Neill
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.01alb
06
10.1075/rllt.9.01alb
1
20
20
Article
2
01
04
Root gerunds in Old Romanian
Root gerunds in Old Romanian
1
A01
01
JB code
654254647
Gabriela Alboiu
Alboiu, Gabriela
Gabriela
Alboiu
York University
2
A01
01
JB code
820254648
Virginia Hill
Hill, Virginia
Virginia
Hill
University of New Brunswick
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.02art
06
10.1075/rllt.9.02art
21
38
18
Article
3
01
04
Old French possessives and ellipsis
Old French possessives and ellipsis
1
A01
01
JB code
451254649
Deborah Arteaga
Arteaga, Deborah
Deborah
Arteaga
University of Nevada
2
A01
01
JB code
528254650
Julia Herschensohn
Herschensohn, Julia
Julia
Herschensohn
University of Washington
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.03bau
06
10.1075/rllt.9.03bau
39
58
20
Article
4
01
04
The
generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality
The generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality
1
A01
01
JB code
33254651
Joseph Bauman
Bauman, Joseph
Joseph
Bauman
Pennsylvania State University
2
A01
01
JB code
352254652
Rena Torres Cacoullos
Torres Cacoullos, Rena
Rena
Torres Cacoullos
Pennsylvania State University
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.04cas
06
10.1075/rllt.9.04cas
59
78
20
Article
5
01
04
On capacities and their epistemic extensions
On capacities and their epistemic extensions
1
A01
01
JB code
523254653
Elena Castroviejo Miró
Castroviejo Miró, Elena
Elena
Castroviejo Miró
Instituto de Lengua, Literatura y Antropología (ILLA-CSIC)
2
A01
01
JB code
661254654
Isabel Oltra-Massuet
Oltra-Massuet, Isabel
Isabel
Oltra-Massuet
Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Campus Catalunya
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.05fue
06
10.1075/rllt.9.05fue
79
98
20
Article
6
01
04
Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches
Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches
1
A01
01
JB code
180254655
Raquel Fernández Fuertes
Fernández Fuertes, Raquel
Raquel
Fernández Fuertes
Universidad de Valladolid
2
A01
01
JB code
273254656
Juana M. Liceras
Liceras, Juana M.
Juana M.
Liceras
University of Ottawa and Universidad Nebrija
3
A01
01
JB code
599254657
Anahí Alba de la Fuente
Alba de la Fuente, Anahí
Anahí
Alba de la Fuente
Université de Montréal
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.06gio
06
10.1075/rllt.9.06gio
99
118
20
Article
7
01
04
Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases
Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases
1
A01
01
JB code
701254658
Alessandra Giorgi
Giorgi, Alessandra
Alessandra
Giorgi
Dept. of Linguistics, Ca’ Bembo
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.07giu
06
10.1075/rllt.9.07giu
119
138
20
Article
8
01
04
Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents
Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents
1
A01
01
JB code
348254659
Ion Giurgea
Giurgea, Ion
Ion
Giurgea
The ‘Iorgu Iordan - Alexandru Rosetti’ Institute of Linguistics of the Romanian Academy, Bucharest
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.08gum
06
10.1075/rllt.9.08gum
139
158
20
Article
9
01
04
Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction
Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction
1
A01
01
JB code
886254660
Silvia Gumiel-Molina
Gumiel-Molina, Silvia
Silvia
Gumiel-Molina
Universidad de Alcalá
2
A01
01
JB code
928254661
Norberto Moreno-Quibén
Moreno-Quibén, Norberto
Norberto
Moreno-Quibén
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas
3
A01
01
JB code
229254662
Isabel Pérez-Jiménez
Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel
Isabel
Pérez-Jiménez
Universidad de Alcalá and Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.09ihs
06
10.1075/rllt.9.09ihs
159
176
18
Article
10
01
04
Gender agreement with animate nouns in French
Gender agreement with animate nouns in French
1
A01
01
JB code
748254663
Tabea Ihsane
Ihsane, Tabea
Tabea
Ihsane
Département de Linguistique, Faculté des Lettres, Université de Genève
2
A01
01
JB code
798254664
Petra Sleeman
Sleeman, Petra
Petra
Sleeman
Department of Linguistics, University of Amsterdam
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.10jac
06
10.1075/rllt.9.10jac
177
194
18
Article
11
01
04
French loanwords in Korean
French loanwords in Korean
01
04
Modeling lexical knowledge in OT
Modeling lexical knowledge in OT
1
A01
01
JB code
462254665
Haike Jacobs
Jacobs, Haike
Haike
Jacobs
Radboud University, Department of Romance languages and cultures
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.11kat
06
10.1075/rllt.9.11kat
195
212
18
Article
12
01
04
Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese
Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
989254666
Mary Aizawa Kato
Kato, Mary Aizawa
Mary Aizawa
Kato
State University of Campinas
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.12lab
06
10.1075/rllt.9.12lab
213
232
20
Article
13
01
04
Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French
Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French
1
A01
01
JB code
144254667
Marie Labelle
Labelle, Marie
Marie
Labelle
Universite du Quebec a Montreal
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.13lip
06
10.1075/rllt.9.13lip
233
256
24
Article
14
01
04
"Toned-up" Spanish
“Toned-up” Spanish
01
04
Stress --> pitch --> tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea
Stress → pitch → tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea
1
A01
01
JB code
676254668
John M. Lipski
Lipski, John M.
John M.
Lipski
The Pennsylvania State University
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.14lop
06
10.1075/rllt.9.14lop
257
276
20
Article
15
01
04
On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese
On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
324254669
Ruth E.V. Lopes
Lopes, Ruth E.V.
Ruth E.V.
Lopes
University of Campinas
2
A01
01
JB code
386254670
Sonia M. L. Cyrino
Cyrino, Sonia M. L.
Sonia M. L.
Cyrino
University of Campinas
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.15maz
06
10.1075/rllt.9.15maz
277
300
24
Article
16
01
04
Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish
Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
568254671
Natalia Mazzaro
Mazzaro, Natalia
Natalia
Mazzaro
University of Texas at El Paso
2
A01
01
JB code
858254672
Alejandro Cuza
Cuza, Alejandro
Alejandro
Cuza
Purdue University
3
A01
01
JB code
911254673
Laura Colantoni
Colantoni, Laura
Laura
Colantoni
University of Toronto
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.16oth
06
10.1075/rllt.9.16oth
301
319
19
Article
17
01
04
The
linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals
The linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals
01
04
A
critique of "incomplete acquisition"
A critique of “incomplete acquisition”
1
A01
01
JB code
606254674
Ricardo Otheguy
Otheguy, Ricardo
Ricardo
Otheguy
Graduate Center CUNY
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.17pes
06
10.1075/rllt.9.17pes
321
339
19
Article
18
01
04
The
X0 syntax of "dative" clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance
The X0 syntax of “dative” clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance
1
A01
01
JB code
121254675
Diego Pescarini
Pescarini, Diego
Diego
Pescarini
Universität Zürich
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.18ree
06
10.1075/rllt.9.18ree
341
360
20
Article
19
01
04
Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control
Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control
1
A01
01
JB code
528254676
Lisa A. Reed
Reed, Lisa A.
Lisa A.
Reed
The Pennsylvania State University
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.19rep
06
10.1075/rllt.9.19rep
361
378
18
Article
20
01
04
The
phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages
The phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages
1
A01
01
JB code
48254677
Lori Repetti
Repetti, Lori
Lori
Repetti
Department of Linguistics, Stony Brook University (SUNY)
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.20ros
06
10.1075/rllt.9.20ros
379
397
19
Article
21
01
04
From N to particle
From N to particle
01
04
Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy
Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy
1
A01
01
JB code
719254678
Silvia Rossi
Rossi, Silvia
Silvia
Rossi
University of Padua
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.21sal
06
10.1075/rllt.9.21sal
399
413
15
Article
22
01
04
Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax
Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax
1
A01
01
JB code
60254679
Mario Saltarelli
Saltarelli, Mario
Mario
Saltarelli
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.22ind
06
10.1075/rllt.9.22ind
415
418
4
Article
23
01
04
Index
Index
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
00
20160203
C
2016
John Benjamins
D
2016
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027203892
WORLD
03
01
JB
17
Google
03
https://play.google.com/store/books
21
01
00
Unqualified price
00
110.00
EUR
01
00
Unqualified price
00
92.00
GBP
01
00
Unqualified price
00
165.00
USD
828016531
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JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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JB code
RLLT 9 Hb
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9789027203892
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10.1075/rllt.9
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2015033754
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835
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RLLT
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1574-552X
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Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory
01
01
Romance Linguistics 2013
Selected papers from the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), New York, 17-19 April, 2013
Romance Linguistics 2013: Selected papers from the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), New York, 17-19 April, 2013
1
B01
01
JB code
937242394
Christina Tortora
Tortora, Christina
Christina
Tortora
City University of New York (College of Staten Island and The Graduate Center)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/937242394
2
B01
01
JB code
326242395
Marcel Dikken
Dikken, Marcel
Marcel
Dikken
Eötvös Loránd University & Hungarian Academy of Sciences
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/326242395
3
B01
01
JB code
615242396
Ignacio L. Montoya
Montoya, Ignacio L.
Ignacio L.
Montoya
City University of New York (The Graduate Center)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/615242396
4
B01
01
JB code
356242397
Teresa O'Neill
O'Neill, Teresa
Teresa
O'Neill
City University of New York (The Graduate Center)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/356242397
01
eng
11
437
03
03
xix
03
00
418
03
01
23
440/.045
03
2013
PC11
04
Romance languages--Congresses.
10
LAN009000
12
CF/2AD
24
JB code
LIN.ROM
Romance linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
01
06
02
00
This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics.
03
00
This volume contains a selection of peer-reviewed articles first presented at the 43rd Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL), held in New York in 2013. The articles deal with various synchronic and diachronic aspects of Romance languages and dialects world-wide. They will be of interest to scholars in Romance and in general linguistics.
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03
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JB code
rllt.9.001int
06
10.1075/rllt.9.001int
vii
xx
14
Article
1
01
04
Introduction
Introduction
1
A01
01
JB code
704254643
Christina Tortora
Tortora, Christina
Christina
Tortora
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/704254643
2
A01
01
JB code
17254680
Marcel Dikken
Dikken, Marcel
Marcel
Dikken
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/17254680
3
A01
01
JB code
928254645
Ignacio L. Montoya
Montoya, Ignacio L.
Ignacio L.
Montoya
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928254645
4
A01
01
JB code
134254646
Teresa O'Neill
O'Neill, Teresa
Teresa
O'Neill
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/134254646
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.01alb
06
10.1075/rllt.9.01alb
1
20
20
Article
2
01
04
Root gerunds in Old Romanian
Root gerunds in Old Romanian
1
A01
01
JB code
654254647
Gabriela Alboiu
Alboiu, Gabriela
Gabriela
Alboiu
York University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/654254647
2
A01
01
JB code
820254648
Virginia Hill
Hill, Virginia
Virginia
Hill
University of New Brunswick
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/820254648
01
eng
30
00
Gerund verbs generate root clauses in Old Romanian (OR), but not in Modern Romanian (MR). We argue that the root clause phenomenon arises from the presence of a null Assertion Operator in OR, which has been lost in MR. This Operator originates from the mapping of discourse features to syntax, but involves a marked option for feature checking (i.e., pragmatic versus syntactic), so it is easier for it to disappear in the process of language acquisition.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.02art
06
10.1075/rllt.9.02art
21
38
18
Article
3
01
04
Old French possessives and ellipsis
Old French possessives and ellipsis
1
A01
01
JB code
451254649
Deborah Arteaga
Arteaga, Deborah
Deborah
Arteaga
University of Nevada
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/451254649
2
A01
01
JB code
528254650
Julia Herschensohn
Herschensohn, Julia
Julia
Herschensohn
University of Washington
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/528254650
01
eng
30
00
Sáez (2011), to account for Spanish definite articles in ellipsis contexts, such as mi libro y el [e] de Juan ‘my book and that of John’, proposes the Stress Condition on Remnants (SCR), which disallows unstressed syntactic elements to be anaphoric, while allowing definite articles to license empty categories. The focus of our paper is Old French (OF) possessive constructions and their elliptical expressions, such as le mien livre ‘my book’ and le [e] de Jean ‘that of Jean’. OF had a more extensive inventory of possessive constructions than Modern French (MF): lexical genitives, prenominal possessives, and lexical and possessive ellipsis constructions. Adopting Arteaga & Herschensohn’s (2010, 2013) proposal for lexical genitives, Sáez’s (2011) SCR, and Lobeck’s (1995) conditions on ellipsis, we argue that two major diachronic changes led to a difference in licensing of possessives from OF to MF: one, the erosion of morphological marking that led to a loss of the OF two case system, reducing feature strength to license ellipsis (Lobeck 1995), and two, the fact that definite articles became clitics and Phase Heads and thus became subject to the SCR as the prenominal nP domain (Carstens 2003) became a clitic zone prohibiting prenominal stressed possessives.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.03bau
06
10.1075/rllt.9.03bau
39
58
20
Article
4
01
04
The
generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality
The generalization of preposition para via fusion and ensuing loss of compositionality
1
A01
01
JB code
33254651
Joseph Bauman
Bauman, Joseph
Joseph
Bauman
Pennsylvania State University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/33254651
2
A01
01
JB code
352254652
Rena Torres Cacoullos
Torres Cacoullos, Rena
Rena
Torres Cacoullos
Pennsylvania State University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/352254652
01
eng
30
00
This study traces two shifts in the distribution of the Spanish preposition para ‘for, in order to’: first, a drop in its allative uses and second, its replacement of the older preposition por ‘for’ with purposive infinitives. These distributional changes of the innovative para—across its own contexts of occurrence as well as in its variation with the older por—demonstrate the crosslinguistic allative-to-purposive grammaticalization path. Frequent co-occurrence of the source elements, por and a, foments their coalescence, reflected in changes in the orthographic/phonological form of the fused preposition as it loses structural analyzability. Semantic compositionality, whereby there was a discernable semantic contribution of the allative a component, is also lost as early prepositional objects designating persons decline. We find this account of the rise of para, based on gradual loss of analyzability and compositionality, to be more compatible with the quantitative patterns and insightful than an opaque and implicitly abrupt notion of reanalysis.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.04cas
06
10.1075/rllt.9.04cas
59
78
20
Article
5
01
04
On capacities and their epistemic extensions
On capacities and their epistemic extensions
1
A01
01
JB code
523254653
Elena Castroviejo Miró
Castroviejo Miró, Elena
Elena
Castroviejo Miró
Instituto de Lengua, Literatura y Antropología (ILLA-CSIC)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/523254653
2
A01
01
JB code
661254654
Isabel Oltra-Massuet
Oltra-Massuet, Isabel
Isabel
Oltra-Massuet
Universitat Rovira i Virgili, Campus Catalunya
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/661254654
01
eng
30
00
The purpose of this paper is twofold; first, we aim to provide a series of tests that identify Spanish ser capaz ‘be capable’ (henceforth SC) as an ambiguous modal, just like English must or can. Specifically, we observe that SC has not only an abilitative flavor, but also an epistemic one. Second, we want to propose an analysis for SC that can account for this ambiguity and that is in accordance with current theories of modality such as Cinque (1999), Kratzer (1981, 1991), and Hacquard (2009, 2010). In a nutshell, we argue that SC can occupy two different positions, a low one below AspP, which corresponds to the abilitative interpretation, and a high one, above AspP, which translates as the epistemic reading. Concerning the semantics, we claim that SC denotes a slight possibility; i.e., the propositional argument is true in at least one world, but it is always true in the non-ordinary worlds.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.05fue
06
10.1075/rllt.9.05fue
79
98
20
Article
6
01
04
Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches
Beyond the subject DP versus the subject pronoun divide in agreement switches
1
A01
01
JB code
180254655
Raquel Fernández Fuertes
Fernández Fuertes, Raquel
Raquel
Fernández Fuertes
Universidad de Valladolid
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/180254655
2
A01
01
JB code
273254656
Juana M. Liceras
Liceras, Juana M.
Juana M.
Liceras
University of Ottawa and Universidad Nebrija
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/273254656
3
A01
01
JB code
599254657
Anahí Alba de la Fuente
Alba de la Fuente, Anahí
Anahí
Alba de la Fuente
Université de Montréal
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/599254657
01
eng
30
00
Previous code-switching literature argues that no switch takes place between a pronoun and a verb, while Determiner Phrases (DPs) do code-switch. This paper uses code-switching acceptability judgment data elicited from three groups of English–Spanish bilinguals (2L1 children, L2 English children and L2 English adults) to test: (i) van Gelderen & MacSwan’s (2008) PF disjunction theorem intended to account for the DP/pronoun divide; and (ii) an agreement version of the analogical criterion (Liceras et al. 2008) which is based on Pesetsky & Torrego’s (2001) double-feature valuation mechanism intended to account for the different status of third person versus first and second person pronominal subjects. We show that the PF disjunction theorem is clearly rooted in the mind of the bilingual and that the Spanish dominant bilinguals can ‘relax’ its requirements to value person agreement features as predicted by the double-feature valuation mechanism.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.06gio
06
10.1075/rllt.9.06gio
99
118
20
Article
7
01
04
Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases
Epistemic adverbs, the prosody-syntax interface, and the theory of phases
1
A01
01
JB code
701254658
Alessandra Giorgi
Giorgi, Alessandra
Alessandra
Giorgi
Dept. of Linguistics, Ca’ Bembo
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/701254658
01
eng
30
00
Epistemic adverbs in Italian (e.g., probabilmente ‘probably’) can appear in several positions. Cinque (1999) proposed that they always occupy the same position above IP and that the various orders are derived via movement of the other phrases around them. In this paper I consider contrasts between sentences where these adverbs are associated with a “normal intonation” and those where they are associated with a parenthetical (comma) intonation. To provide an account for the distribution of parenthetical adverbs, I appeal to Giorgi (2011, to appear). I consider parentheticals as syntactically integrated structures, rejecting adjunction and adopting the cartographic approach, based on Kayne’s (1994) Linear Correspondence Axiom. As for the non-parenthetical occurrences, I propose that there are two basic positions for these adverbs, one for each phase: above v*P and above IP (Cinque’s position). The existence of a low left periphery above v*P agrees has also been recently hypothesized for other phenomena in Old (Poletto, 2006 and to appear) and Modern Italian (Belletti, 2004).
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.07giu
06
10.1075/rllt.9.07giu
119
138
20
Article
8
01
04
Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents
Romanian tough-constructions and multi-headed constituents
1
A01
01
JB code
348254659
Ion Giurgea
Giurgea, Ion
Ion
Giurgea
The ‘Iorgu Iordan - Alexandru Rosetti’ Institute of Linguistics of the Romanian Academy, Bucharest
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/348254659
01
eng
30
00
I propose an account for the absence of agreement on tough-words in Romanian tough- constructions (TCs). I argue that absence of agreement cannot be explained by an A-bar movement derivation, because Romanian TCs involve A-movement, the non-finite complement having passive properties. I also argue against an adverb analysis of Romanian tough-words and against a subject analysis of the clausal argument of the tough-word. I propose a novel analysis, which is supported by West Germanic data: non-agreeing TCs are multi-headed constituents, in which the adjective is the internal head, selecting the supine CP, and the supine C is the external head. Since the adjective is not the external head, it cannot take part in agreement relations involving the [Adjective+Supine] constituent. I provide a technical implementation of the notion of multi-headed constituents which relies on Citko’s (2008) flexible label projection: in this case, it is the label of the complement that projects (an instance of Project-Goal). Finally, I discuss the correlation between the availability of multi-headed TCs and the morphological (in)distinctness between adjectives and adverbs.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.08gum
06
10.1075/rllt.9.08gum
139
158
20
Article
9
01
04
Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction
Depictive secondary predicates in Spanish and the relative/absolute distinction
1
A01
01
JB code
886254660
Silvia Gumiel-Molina
Gumiel-Molina, Silvia
Silvia
Gumiel-Molina
Universidad de Alcalá
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/886254660
2
A01
01
JB code
928254661
Norberto Moreno-Quibén
Moreno-Quibén, Norberto
Norberto
Moreno-Quibén
Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/928254661
3
A01
01
JB code
229254662
Isabel Pérez-Jiménez
Pérez-Jiménez, Isabel
Isabel
Pérez-Jiménez
Universidad de Alcalá and Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/229254662
01
eng
30
00
This study accounts for the unacceptability of individual-level gradable adjectives as (depictive) secondary predicates on the basis of two factors: (a) the semantics of gradable adjectives—specifically the way their comparison classes are formed in the syntax, giving rise to the difference between relative/absolute adjectives; (b) the pragmatic inference of temporal persistence that characterizes IL predicates. Absolute adjectives are evaluated with respect to a comparison class composed of counterparts (stages) of an individual, so that the property they express must be interpreted as subject to variation. Therefore, the inference of temporal persistence which seems to be at the basis of the individual-level character of predicates does not arise, giving rise to the stage-level interpretation that absolute adjectives receive. The inference of temporal persistence arises by default in the case of relative adjectives since in the comparison class selected by these adjectives there are no stages (of an individual) instantiating different degrees of the property but just different individuals manifesting different degrees of it. The inference of temporal persistence associated with relative adjectives makes the simultaneity constraint required by secondary predication contexts (McNally 1994) trivial and uninformative. As a consequence, only absolute adjectives are allowed in this syntactic environment.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.09ihs
06
10.1075/rllt.9.09ihs
159
176
18
Article
10
01
04
Gender agreement with animate nouns in French
Gender agreement with animate nouns in French
1
A01
01
JB code
748254663
Tabea Ihsane
Ihsane, Tabea
Tabea
Ihsane
Département de Linguistique, Faculté des Lettres, Université de Genève
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/748254663
2
A01
01
JB code
798254664
Petra Sleeman
Sleeman, Petra
Petra
Sleeman
Department of Linguistics, University of Amsterdam
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/798254664
01
eng
30
00
Grammatical gender and semantic gender do not always go hand in hand. In French such mismatches can be observed outside the strict DP. To account for such phenomena and for gender more generally, we propose that gender is expressed in two positions within DP: on N as an uninterpretable feature accounting for grammatical gender and on the head of a Gender Phrase as a feature accounting for semantic gender. To account for the mismatches we discuss, we propose that the gender of the nouns involved is unspecified inside DP and that it can be specified in D later in the derivation.We further show that inside the strict DP, grammatical gender agreement between Gen and NP is stricter than in the ‘looser’ DP (partitive), which is in turn stricter than the agreeing/referring relation with elements outside DP, reflecting Corbett’s agreement hierarchy, to which we add a partitive position.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.10jac
06
10.1075/rllt.9.10jac
177
194
18
Article
11
01
04
French loanwords in Korean
French loanwords in Korean
01
04
Modeling lexical knowledge in OT
Modeling lexical knowledge in OT
1
A01
01
JB code
462254665
Haike Jacobs
Jacobs, Haike
Haike
Jacobs
Radboud University, Department of Romance languages and cultures
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/462254665
01
eng
30
00
This paper discusses the Korean adaptation of French word-final coronal plosives. They are adapted, just as the English ones, with or without vowel insertion. In the latter case they are treated as ending in underlying /s/. Replacement of word-final coronal plosives by underlying /s/ is also active in the native phonology. We will critically discuss a number of previous proposals and argue that they are unable to describe the two aspects in a uniform way. We propose to model frequency and lexical knowledge in the form of a markedness hierarchy which accounts for both loanword adaptation of final coronal plosives as underlying /s/ and for the analogical pressure within the native phonology.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.11kat
06
10.1075/rllt.9.11kat
195
212
18
Article
12
01
04
Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese
Affirmative polar replies in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
989254666
Mary Aizawa Kato
Kato, Mary Aizawa
Mary Aizawa
Kato
State University of Campinas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/989254666
01
eng
30
00
This article analyzes affirmative polar replies in Brazilian and European Portuguese (BP/EP), which may consist of just the inflected verb or some polar item. These polar replies have been analyzed as instances of null subjects and VP-Ellipsis. This analysis is untenable for BP, as this variety has been losing categorical null referential subjects since the 19th century. The analysis that will be pursued here, for both BP and EP, is an adaptation of the one proposed in Holmberg (2001) for Finnish, according to which, in simple affirmative answers, which consists of just the inflected verb, the verb moves to a pre-sentential position, followed by Remnant TP-Ellipsis. But BP also differs from Finnish when more complex answers are at stake. With regard to the position and optionality of the affirmative polar item sim (yes), a comparison will be made with Japanese, a language identical to BP with regard to affirmative PRs.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.12lab
06
10.1075/rllt.9.12lab
213
232
20
Article
13
01
04
Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French
Participle fronting and clause structure in Old and Middle French
1
A01
01
JB code
144254667
Marie Labelle
Labelle, Marie
Marie
Labelle
Universite du Quebec a Montreal
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/144254667
01
eng
30
00
This paper is a study of over 1100 Old and Middle French sentences in which a participle has been fronted to the left of an auxiliary, in what appears at first sight to be a Stylistic Fronting construction. These sentences were extracted from the MCVF parsed corpus of Old and Middle French. The first part of the article examines the size of the fronted element. It is shown that the fronted element may contain a single head, or it may be a full VP or a partial VP. It is argued that (remnant) VP movement accounts for the set of examples. In the second part of the paper, it is shown that the fronted constituent does not target a single position. In some cases, it occupies an IP-scrambling position between the subject in its canonical position and the finite verb; in a smaller number of cases, it is scrambled to the left of the subject. The fronted constituent is also attested within the left periphery, generally in Spec,FinP, but when the participle is contrastive or otherwise focalized, it could be analyzed a occupying Spec,FocP. The French facts are discussed in a cross-linguistic perspective.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.13lip
06
10.1075/rllt.9.13lip
233
256
24
Article
14
01
04
"Toned-up" Spanish
“Toned-up” Spanish
01
04
Stress --> pitch --> tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea
Stress → pitch → tone(?) in Equatorial Guinea
1
A01
01
JB code
676254668
John M. Lipski
Lipski, John M.
John M.
Lipski
The Pennsylvania State University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/676254668
01
eng
30
00
In Equatorial Guinea Spanish is in contact with lexical tone languages of the Bantu family. The present study, based on field data, compares naturalistic Guinean Spanish with the Spanish of from Madrid, the dialect zone that served as primary input for the formation of Guinean Spanish. A preliminary analysis reveals partial convergence of a pitch accent system and lexically specified phonological tones. Guinean Spanish maintains one stress per word culminativity but expands obligatoriness by realizing a pitch accent on every syllable lexically marked for stress. The rate at which pitch accents occur is compared with the distribution of High tones in the two most prominent Guinean languages (Bubi and Fang), and it is suggested that Guineans’ incomplete suppression of natively acquired F0 patterns may be facilitated by the metrical structure of Spanish, which provides for regularly occurring pitch accents whose maximum potential density is similar to that of H tones in Bubi and Fang.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.14lop
06
10.1075/rllt.9.14lop
257
276
20
Article
15
01
04
On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese
On null objects and ellipses in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
01
JB code
324254669
Ruth E.V. Lopes
Lopes, Ruth E.V.
Ruth E.V.
Lopes
University of Campinas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/324254669
2
A01
01
JB code
386254670
Sonia M. L. Cyrino
Cyrino, Sonia M. L.
Sonia M. L.
Cyrino
University of Campinas
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/386254670
01
eng
30
00
Brazilian Portuguese (BP) is known to license anaphoric null objects (ANO), that is, null objects with a linguistic antecedent. It also licenses VP ellipsis (VPE), with auxiliaries, modals and main verbs, the latter a case of V-stranding VPE (V-VPE), the one with which we will be concerned. Although ANOs and V-VPE may have identical surface strings in BP, we propose that they do not have the same structure. To achieve that we examine the properties of the ANOs and compare them to V-VPE, arguing the first are cases of DP ellipsis. We present evidence for an analysis of the ANO as a base-generated empty phrase-marker that will be reconstructed in LF. We also propose that ANOs and VPE are licensed by a lexicalized aspectual head, as a consequence of the loss of generalized verb movement in BP.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.15maz
06
10.1075/rllt.9.15maz
277
300
24
Article
16
01
04
Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish
Age effects and the discrimination of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in heritage and native Spanish
1
A01
01
JB code
568254671
Natalia Mazzaro
Mazzaro, Natalia
Natalia
Mazzaro
University of Texas at El Paso
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/568254671
2
A01
01
JB code
858254672
Alejandro Cuza
Cuza, Alejandro
Alejandro
Cuza
Purdue University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/858254672
3
A01
01
JB code
911254673
Laura Colantoni
Colantoni, Laura
Laura
Colantoni
University of Toronto
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/911254673
01
eng
30
00
This study explores the perception of consonantal and vocalic contrasts in two groups of Spanish-English bilingual speakers: heritage speakers and long-term immigrants. We test the discrimination of Spanish stops and mid and high vowels via an AX discrimination task with natural stimuli consisting of real Spanish words. Overall, results revealed no significant differences between heritage speakers and long-term immigrants in their discrimination of Spanish stops and vowels. Both groups were more accurate in their discrimination of vowels than of consonants. As for the discrimination of stops, positional and place effects were observed; i.e. a higher proportion of errors was found in word-initial position and with dorsals. We argue that contact with English does not necessarily affect the discrimination of the Spanish contrasts. Implications of these results for maturational approaches to final L2 attainment are discussed.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.16oth
06
10.1075/rllt.9.16oth
301
319
19
Article
17
01
04
The
linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals
The linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals
01
04
A
critique of "incomplete acquisition"
A critique of “incomplete acquisition”
1
A01
01
JB code
606254674
Ricardo Otheguy
Otheguy, Ricardo
Ricardo
Otheguy
Graduate Center CUNY
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/606254674
01
eng
30
00
This paper discusses the native linguistic competence of second-generation bilinguals born of immigrant, refugee, expatriate, or otherwise dislocated parents, concentrating on the grammars of second-generation Hispanics in the U.S. Scholarly opinion has gravitated toward the position that the Spanish of these speakers reflects a process of incomplete acquisition. This paper invites examination of the alternative view, namely: what we observe in second-generation bilingual Latinos is not errors, as they are frequently described in the literature, but rather points of divergence between their Spanish and that of the previous generation, due to normal intergenerational language change accelerated by conditions of language contact. The notion of incomplete acquisition rests on an incorrect view of child language acquisition as a process of perfect reproduction of parental grammars. But the process is one where children engage in grammar construction through hypothesis testing. Consequently, all next-generation grammars end up somewhat different from parental ones, paving the way for language change. The grammars of U.S.-born Latinos are thus, like all next-generation grammars, different, not incomplete. Examining the use of subjunctives for a brief illustration, grammarians regularly note variability in cases like Quizás venga (subjunctive) ~ Quizás viene (indicative) but obligatoriness in Quiero que lo llames (subjunctive), with the indicative alternative occurring seldom or never, and analyzable as ungrammatical, *Quiero que lo llamas (indicative). Second generation bilinguals have extended variability, so that for them the latter is usable, and analyzable as grammatical, a fact that disables these bilinguals from successful participation in experiments centered on somebody else’s grammaticality judgments, leading to conclusions of incompleteness.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.17pes
06
10.1075/rllt.9.17pes
321
339
19
Article
18
01
04
The
X0 syntax of "dative" clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance
The X0 syntax of “dative” clitics and the make-up of clitic combinations in Gallo-Romance
1
A01
01
JB code
121254675
Diego Pescarini
Pescarini, Diego
Diego
Pescarini
Universität Zürich
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/121254675
01
eng
30
00
This contribution focuses on the morphosyntax of third person dative clitics in Gallo-Romance. The first part addresses the morphology of clitic elements: in GalloRomance, third person datives can be expressed by an etymological form li(s) deriving from Lat illi(s) or by various kinds of non-etymological formatives, e.g. sg. lui, y, lou; pl. leur, yz, lous, lous-y, les-y, etc. I hypothesize that the above forms lexicalize different portions of the same functional hierarchy. The second part of the chapter focuses on the behaviour of third person dative clitics when combined with another third person clitic. In this context, (Gallo-)Romance varieties exhibit a number of irregularities and two possible orders: accusative > datives (as in both old and modern French), or dative > accusative (as in many French vernaculars). Moreover, in both medieval and present-day dialects, the accusative clitic is frequently dropped when clustered with a third person dative clitic. I wonder about a possible correlation between the morphology of the dative clitic and the make-up of clitic combinations.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.18ree
06
10.1075/rllt.9.18ree
341
360
20
Article
19
01
04
Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control
Some notes on falloir, devoir, and the theory of control
1
A01
01
JB code
528254676
Lisa A. Reed
Reed, Lisa A.
Lisa A.
Reed
The Pennsylvania State University
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/528254676
01
eng
30
00
This article sheds new light on the structure and meaning of sentences containing the French modal verbs devoir and falloir, as well as on the syntax and semantics of Control generally. Well-known and previously unnoticed empirical facts are examined that support the author’s novel contention that falloir and devoir are syntactically and semantically ambiguous. These data are also argued to offer indirect support for the analysis of Control clauses recently developed in Reed (2014: Ch. 6 and 7), according to which there is a theoretical primitive (pro) and it is associated with a “minimal” feature bundle consisting of just [−expletive] and [+N] syntactic features, with a separate, post-syntactic Theory of Control determining its understood phi-features.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.19rep
06
10.1075/rllt.9.19rep
361
378
18
Article
20
01
04
The
phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages
The phonology of postverbal pronouns in Romance languages
1
A01
01
JB code
48254677
Lori Repetti
Repetti, Lori
Lori
Repetti
Department of Linguistics, Stony Brook University (SUNY)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/48254677
01
eng
30
00
In many Romance varieties, the verb in imperative verb + (postverbal) pronoun phrases retains primary stress: Italian/Spanish: [kómpra]/[kómpra-melo] ‘buy!’/‘buy me it!’. However, in others varieties, stress in these phrases may be realized on a different syllable: [kompra-meló], [kompra-mélo], [kompra-mélozo]. In this paper, I address questions that have puzzled linguists for some time: Why is there a stress shift when enclitic pronouns are added to the imperative verb? How is the position of the stressed syllable determined? I propose that many factors are involved, including morpho-syntactic factors (the presence of a weak or a clitic pronoun, which are prosodized differently), phonological processes (the mapping of syntactic to prosodic structure), and phonetic processes (tonal association to metrically prominent syllables).
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.20ros
06
10.1075/rllt.9.20ros
379
397
19
Article
21
01
04
From N to particle
From N to particle
01
04
Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy
Prepositionless home in the dialects of Northern Italy
1
A01
01
JB code
719254678
Silvia Rossi
Rossi, Silvia
Silvia
Rossi
University of Padua
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/719254678
01
eng
30
00
The paper addresses the distribution of preposition-drop with the noun casa ‘home’ in the spatial adpositions of some Northern Italian varieties. It is shown that in these varieties P-less home behaves syntactically as a locative adverb, which under specific circumstances, becomes a particle. It is suggested that P-less home is not a special noun but a proper member of the category P generated in a specific projection in the fine-grained PP (Cinque 2010), hosting viewpoint modifiers of the silent head PLACE. The adverb vs. particle nature of P-less home derives from motivated movements inside and outside the PP triggered by a directional context. The same analysis is extended to Modern (and Old) English home.
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.21sal
06
10.1075/rllt.9.21sal
399
413
15
Article
22
01
04
Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax
Marsican deixis and the nature of indexical syntax
1
A01
01
JB code
60254679
Mario Saltarelli
Saltarelli, Mario
Mario
Saltarelli
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/60254679
01
eng
01
01
JB code
rllt.9.22ind
06
10.1075/rllt.9.22ind
415
418
4
Article
23
01
04
Index
Index
01
eng
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
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JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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https://benjamins.com
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https://benjamins.com/catalog/rllt.9
Amsterdam
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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20160203
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2016
John Benjamins
D
2016
John Benjamins
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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bookorder@benjamins.nl
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https://benjamins.com
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92.00
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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