Nombres deverbales con sufijos aumentativos
El caso de –ón
This paper focuses on deverbal nominalizations with the suffix –ón in modern Spanish, bearing in mind their morphological, syntactic and semantic properties. The suffix –ón gives rise to three types of nominalizations, according to the event structure of the verbal base: resultant object nominalization (rozón), resultant state nominalization (apagón) and punctual action (empujón). These nominalizations do not inherit the event structure of the verb, so they have few verbal properties. All nominalizations with –ón are countable (even nominalizations built on atelic verb, such as acelerón), and all of them exhibit the same meaning related to the sudden and brusque development of the action. In this sense, the suffix –ón fixes the syntactic and semantic content of the nominalization, so that this suffix is semantically specified and it is opposed to other nominalising suffixes because it denotes punctual actions or results reached once the action is developed suddenly and with brusqueness.
Keywords: derivational morphology, nominalization, event nominal, result nominal, Spanish suffix –
This article is currently available as a sample article.
Published online: 08 December 2017
Anscombre, J. C.
Bisetto, A. & C. Melloni
(2007): Result nominals: a lexical semantic investigation, en: Booij, G., et al. (eds.): On-line Proceedings of the Fifth Mediterranean Morphology Meeting, pp. 393–412. (http://mmm.lingue.unibo.it)
Fernández Ramírez, S.
Hout, A. van[ p. 227 ]
Jaque, M. & J. Martín García
(2012): Configurational constraints on non-eventive nominalizations in Spanish. Nordlyd, 39/1, pp. 113–140. (http://septentrio.uit.no/index.php/nordlyd/article/viewFile/2290/2127)
Martín García, J.
Picallo, M. C.
Tejera, M. J.