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550010350 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code SLCS 131 Eb 15 9789027272287 06 10.1075/slcs.131 13 2012047024 DG 002 02 01 SLCS 02 0165-7763 Studies in Language Companion Series 131 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Argument Structure in Flux</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Naples-Capri Papers</Subtitle> 01 slcs.131 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.131 1 B01 Elly van Gelderen Gelderen, Elly van Elly van Gelderen Arizona State University 2 B01 Jóhanna Barðdal Barðdal, Jóhanna Jóhanna Barðdal University of Bergen 3 B01 Michela Cennamo Cennamo, Michela Michela Cennamo University of Naples Federico II 01 eng 586 viii 578 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The present volume is centered around five linguistic themes: argument structure and encoding strategies; argument structure and verb classes; unexpressed arguments; split intransitivity; and existential and presentational constructions. The articles also cover a variety of typologically different languages, and they offer new data from under-researched languages on the issues of event and argument structure. In some cases novel perspectives from widely discussed languages on highly debated topics are offered, also addressing more theoretical aspects concerning the predictability and derivation of linking. Several contributions apply current models of the lexicon–syntax interface to synchronic data. Other contributions focus on diachrony and are based on extensive use of corpora. Yet others, although empirically and theoretically grounded, privilege a methodological discussion, presenting analyses based on thorough and long-standing fieldwork. 05 This collection of papers covers a wide spectrum of linguistic phenomena connected with argument realization, both synchronically and diachronically. It features a mix of contributions by renowned specialists in the field, and by younger researchers, providing unconventional insights often achieved through new methodologies into one of the most discussed issues in modern linguistics. Silvia Luraghi, University of Pavia 05 This volume is an intellectually rich and authoritative inquiry into the many facets – syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic – of variation and change in argument realization and event structure. It it unique for the breadth of research, for the multiplicity of theoretical perspectives, and for the range of languages and linguistic domains represented. The volume will stand out for a long time as a standard reference not only for its primary linguistics readership but also for researchers in other cognitive and computational fields who wish to become better informed about the complexities of argument structure. Antonella Sorace, The University of Edinburgh 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/slcs.131.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027205988.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027205988.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/slcs.131.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/slcs.131.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/slcs.131.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/slcs.131.hb.png 10 01 JB code slcs.131.001int 1 12 12 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Argument structure in flux</TitleText> 1 A01 Jóhanna Barðdal Barðdal, Jóhanna Jóhanna Barðdal University of Bergen 2 A01 Michela Cennamo Cennamo, Michela Michela Cennamo University of Naples Federico II 10 01 JB code slcs.131.00sec1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Argument structure and encoding strategies</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.01ben 15 32 18 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Non-canonical subjects in clauses with noun predicates</TitleText> 1 A01 Marina Benedetti Benedetti, Marina Marina Benedetti University of Siena 01 The aim of this paper is to investigate Italian constructions like <i>Gli prese paura</i> &#8216;he got scared&#8217; (lit. &#8216;himDAT took fear&#8217;). Their crucial property is the combination of the light verb <i>prendere</i> with a dative experiencer which displays syntactic subject behaviour. The analysis, in the multistratal framework of Relational Grammar, leads to the assumption of impersonal &#8220;inversion&#8221; structures. Parallels, with lexical variation of the light verb, are found in other Romance languages. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.02for 33 52 20 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Differential agent marking in Hinuq</TitleText> 1 A01 Diana Forker Forker, Diana Diana Forker University of Bamberg 01 Hinuq, a Nakh-Daghestanian language, has four non-canonical agent constructions: the potential, the involuntary agent, the exterior force and the causative construction. The non-canonical agents in these constructions lack various agentive properties such as volition, sentience or perception, depending on the construction in question. They are always marked with one and the same spatial case, the AT-Essive. This paper compares semantic and syntactic properties of non-canonical agents with their canonical counterparts and tries to provide a unified analysis of all four types of non-canonical agents. Keywords: agentivity; involuntary agents; potential agents; causative constructions; Nakh-Daghestanian 10 01 JB code slcs.131.03kul 53 86 34 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Case variation and case alternation in Indo-European and beyond</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A diachronic typological perspective</Subtitle> 1 A01 Leonid Kulikov Kulikov, Leonid Leonid Kulikov Ghent University 01 This paper deals with one of the aspects of the diachronic study of case, variation and competition of two or more cases in some particular function(s). The paper studies both formal parameters (markedness of case forms, interaction between declensional types) and functional features (overlapping of case semantics, semantic roles encoded, semantic specificity of cases) relevant for case competition. On the basis of evidence from languages with well-attested documented history, I outline possible approaches to the study of a tentative hierarchy of parameters that play an important role for the choice of case in the situation of competition and can be used to make plausible suggestions on the outcome of case competition. Keywords: case; case variation; case syncretism; paradigmatic pressure; analogy; markedness; substrate; Indo-European; Identifiability; Distinguishability; Primary Argument Immunity Principle 10 01 JB code slcs.131.04nol 87 116 30 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Constructional polysemy and argument realisation with the Irish GET verb</TitleText> 1 A01 Brian Nolan Nolan, Brian Brian Nolan Institute of Technology Blanchardstown Dublin 01 This paper reports on the nature of argument realisation in GET constructions in Irish with the verb <i>faigh</i> &#8216;get&#8217; and the challenges it poses for theories concerned with argument realisation, event structure and the syntax to semantics linking system. This construction licences both GET-recipient/possessive and GET-passive readings. In functional models of grammar we expect the verb to project an argument structure and semantics based on the verb&#8217;s lexical entry, but these seem to need a constructional perspective to explain the realisation of the verb&#8217;s arguments (Michaelis 2006, 2010). The construction exhibits constructional polysemy with two core senses (&#8216;HAVE&#8217; and &#8216;BECOME&#8217;) that do not appear to be predicted by the lexical semantics of the verb. This account places the processing workload on the linking system, which needs to be sensitive to the ontological status of the second nominal argument in the lexical entry for the <i>faigh</i> &#8216;get&#8217; verb. The lexical entry is underspecified for particular attributes including the nature of the predicate pred&#8217;. We present an account of this Irish GET verb and its constructions within a functional characterisation (Van Valin 2005, 2013). Additionally, we discuss the nature and internal architecture of constructions using evidence from the realisation of GET constructions in Irish. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.00sec2 Section header 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Argument structure and verb classes</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.05mcg 119 134 16 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Latin preverbs and verb argument structure</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">New insights from new methods</Subtitle> 1 A01 Barbara McGillivray McGillivray, Barbara Barbara McGillivray Oxford University Press 01 This paper presents a corpus-based study on the argument structure of Latin verbs that are prefixed with spatial preverbs. Preverbation involves prefixing verbs, and is therefore a morphological phenomenon; however, studying the argument structure of preverbed verbs is a good chance to explore the syntax-semantics and syntax-lexicon interfaces. Through a diachronic investigation of the interactions between the morpho-syntactic realisations of the arguments of preverbed verbs and their lexical-semantic properties, I aim at demonstrating the merits of an original, corpus-based quantitative approach. The results on preverbs partially support a more general trend from Latin synthetic case-based morpho-syntax to the analytic syntax of the Romance languages, although they also show that this trend is not unidirectional and linear. The source data for the analysis cover Early, Classical and Medieval Latin and are drawn from state-of-the-art computational resources for Latin. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.06mar 135 168 34 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Experiencing linking</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Psych verbs at the interface</Subtitle> 1 A01 Marijana Marelj Marelj, Marijana Marijana Marelj UiL OTS, Utrecht University 01 This paper deals with the theta-argument and case-theta linking challenges within the domain of Experiencer predicates. Taking English as a starting point, I discuss how Reinhart&#8217;s Theta System deals with this challenge. I then demonstrate how a group of German psych-verbs &#8211; argued in the literature to pose a problem for the UG linking procedures of the system &#8211; can be accounted for. Preserving the relevant findings about psych-verb semantics, I show how the linking of their arguments can be captured and than address the case-theta puzzle they allegedly instantiate. More generally, I show how the intuition that case is related to the lexical semantics of predicates can be formalized. I present the hypothesis that case is derivable from the lexical semantics of predicates and discuss some of its consequences and predictions. Keywords: varying mapping; the challenge of subj.experiencers; two-place causative psych verbs vs. two-place unaccusative psych verbs; DAT- and ACC-Experiencers; ECM-ACC vs. &#8220;transitive&#8221; ACC 10 01 JB code slcs.131.07sie 169 200 32 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduce</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Encoding a non-prototypical three-participant event across Europe</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anna Siewierska Siewierska, Anna Anna Siewierska University of Lancaster 2 A01 Eva van Lier Lier, Eva van Eva van Lier University of Amsterdam 01 This paper investigates the lexical and morpho-syntactic strategies used in three branches of European languages (Slavic, Romance, and Germanic) to express a specific non-prototypical type of three-participant event: that of an agent introducing a human Theme to a human Recipient. Earlier cross-linguistic research has shown that there are formal restrictions on the expression of three-participant events with two human non-agents. While these studies differ in the functional explanations offered for the attested restrictions, they are alike in taking the prototypical give ditransitive as their point of departure, and in predicting no principled differences in the behaviour of lexical verbs and/or event types other than give. This paper investigates to what extent the patterns found in these studies are applicable to introduce verbs, which occur in combination with two human non-agents (much) more frequently than give verbs. We find, on the one hand, that similar restrictions indeed apply in specific cases. On the other hand, the range of attested morpho-syntactic variation is wider than previous studies have accounted for. This variation is due to the strong influence on argument structure of individual lexical verbs and verb classes, as well as the specific semantic properties of the event type under study. Keywords: three-participant constructions; prototypicality; animacy; person; argument realization 10 01 JB code slcs.131.08cuy 201 230 30 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the relationship between lexical aspect, verbal meaning, and (lexical) argument structure</TitleText> 1 A01 Gretel De Cuyper Cuyper, Gretel De Gretel De Cuyper University of Antwerp 01 This paper discusses to what extent the lexical aspectual nature of events is determined by verbal meaning, argument structure, or argument realisation patterns. It argues against the determination of lexical aspect by isolated verbs or by the verb and its argument(s). Instead, based on a lexical-syntactic approach, but integrating insights from Distributed Morphology, this proposal suggests that a minimal element of <i>lexical</i> argument structure, the inner lexical head, encodes all the information that is needed to identify the lexical aspectual nature of events. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.09cal 231 254 24 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Four Romanian verbs of occurring</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The effect of argument structure on verb meaning and use</Subtitle> 1 A01 Daniela Caluianu Caluianu, Daniela Daniela Caluianu Otaru University of Commerce, Japan 01 This article examines four verbs of occurring in Romanian focusing on the relation between argument structure and verb meaning, the effect of verb meaning on argument selection and the consequences of these syntactic and semantic factors on use. In terms of argument structure, the verbs range from intransitive to transitive. The study revealed the following tendency: an increase in the complexity of the argument structure correlates with a corresponding increase in the semantic complexity of the verb together with a decrease in the semantic contribution of the arguments. An analysis of online data suggests that the syntactically and semantically more complex verbs have acquired specific pragmatic functions. Keywords: transitivity; existential verbs; event arguments; argument realization; expletive clitic object; information structure 10 01 JB code slcs.131.00sec3 Section header 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Unexpressed arguments</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.10faa 257 284 28 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The pro cycle</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">pro cycle</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund CSMN/University of Oslo 01 The argument in this paper is based on the premise that null subjects are pronouns with no phonological substance, called <i>pro</i>, which may receive case and theta-role. Null subject languages may differ as to the referential properties of <i>pro</i>, in some languages <i>pro</i> may have specific reference, in others only generic or expletive reference, and again in others there is no <i>pro</i> at all. In some languages <i>pro</i> may also function as a complement. <i>Pro</i> is found in languages with or without rich verb agreement. There is thus no direct correlation between <i>pro</i> and subject-verb agreement. Many of the languages with obligatory subject (e.g. Scandinavian, English, French) have developed from earlier stages with null subjects. This can be described as a loss of <i>pro</i> from the lexicon of those languages. This loss can in turn be explained as caused by a lack of sufficient input data during acquisition; at a certain stage the necessary cues for a phonologically empty item is insufficient, and <i>pro</i> is lost from the language. This would also account for the apparent unidirectionality of the loss of null subjects. However, there are cases of null subjects as an innovation (e.g. contemporary colloquial French). Furthermore, since <i>pro</i> is such a widespread phenomenon cross-linguistically, there must be causes why it still exists after more than 100,000 years of language development, and why it originated in the first place. The paper will end by some attempts to explain such facts. Keywords: null subject; null object; empty categories; syntactic change; Scandinavian languages; Romance languages; Latin; Greek 10 01 JB code slcs.131.11cyr 285 306 22 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Argument promotion and SE-constructions in Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino University of Campinas 01 Middle <i>se</i> constructions have been considered as non-active morphology, showing the same effect as passive <i>se</i> constructions, namely, internal argument promotion. The presence of <i>se</i> indicates that a property is attributed to the &#8220;subject&#8221; of the sentence, which is the underlying internal argument. The aim of this paper is to discuss some constructions in Brazilian Portuguese that have the internal argument in subject position. The analysis is able to explain why the argument in surface subject position in these sentences is always [-animate], the construction is restricted to certain verbs, and that the sentences have certain aspectual properties. The paper indicates that there is a diachronic development that relates these sentences to the loss of middle <i>se</i> constructions in BP. Keywords: argument promotion; middle SE constructions; generative grammar; Brazilian Portuguese; syntactic change 10 01 JB code slcs.131.12lav 307 342 36 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Unaccusativity and the diachrony of null and cognate objects in Greek</TitleText> 1 A01 Nikolaos Lavidas Lavidas, Nikolaos Nikolaos Lavidas Aristotle University of Thessaloniki 01 In the present paper, we show that in contrast to the diachronic instability that unergatives and transitives present with regard to null and cognate objects, alternating unaccusative verbs constantly appear to meet more restrictions in null and cognate object constructions than the other verbal classes. The restrictions of the null objects with alternating unaccusatives hold irrespective of the structure and the voice morphology of the alternating unaccusatives: alternating unaccusative verbs can be found in causative constructions with null objects only of the most freely used type of null objects (generic null objects); the other verbal classes can appear with deictic null objects in Modern and Ancient Greek or even with referential null objects in Ancient Greek. Cognate objects in Ancient Greek show both argumental and adverbial characteristics: unergatives in Ancient Greek can take cognate objects of argumental or adverbial character, but unaccusatives only take adverbial cognate accusatives. The common complex (causative) template of alternating unaccusatives (in both causative and anticausative uses) can be observed as the cause of the obligatory presence of the patient argument in causative uses of alternating unaccusatives, while the dependence of atelic/telic interpretation in Ancient Greek (especially in Homeric Greek) on an aktionsart/situation type aspect can explain the differences found between the Ancient and the Modern Greek cognate constructions. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.00sec4 Section header 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part IV. Split intransitivity</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.13doy 345 372 28 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Split intransitivity in Irish and the syntax-semantics interface</TitleText> 1 A01 Aidan Doyle Doyle, Aidan Aidan Doyle University College Cork 01 This paper considers the notion of split intransitivity as evidenced in the behaviour of perfects in Irish. It is claimed that this language exhibits a distinction between kinds of perfect which roughly corresponds to that between <i>have</i> and <i>be</i> perfects in other languages. However, the choice of perfect is initially somewhat puzzling, and a high degree of variability is found. In response to this, it is attempted to discover if the choice of perfect in Irish is dependent on such semantic factors as agentivity and telicity. The next part of the paper takes the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy of Sorace (2000) and adapts it to the Irish data. Two semantic groups in particular are investigated: change-of-location verbs and change-of-state verbs. The findings of our examination strongly suggest that semantic factors play a major role in determining the kind of perfect chosen for intransitive verbs, but that one ought to think more in terms of trends in the behaviour of individual verbs, rather than absolute, unvarying rules. The paper tries to come to terms with a typologically unusual body of data. It is hoped that the analysis of this presented below will increase our understanding of the syntax-semantics interface as manifested in split intransitivity. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.14nap 373 404 32 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Semantic constraints on the Latin impersonal passive</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">On telicity and agentivity</Subtitle> 1 A01 Maria Napoli Napoli, Maria Maria Napoli 01 This paper focuses on a specific type of impersonal construction in Latin, the so-called <i>impersonal passive</i>, which is based on the third person singular of the passive voice. Using a corpus-based analysis of the Latin data, I will investigate the introduction of a prepositional agentive phrase in impersonal passives, which, although rare, represents a challenge to the functional-typological view of this construction as an <i>agent defocusing strategy</i>. It will be shown that this characterization only partially accounts for the Latin data, since subject demotion is possible also when the agent is highly topical, i.e. definite, referential and human. It will be further suggested that the scalar approach to split intransitivity put forward in Sorace (2000) may throw new light onto the parameters determining the distribution of agentive phrases in Latin; in particular, it will be demonstrated that agentivity acts as the main constraint on the presence/absence of a syntactic agent in the Latin impersonal passive. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.15die 405 434 30 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Auxiliary selection in German</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Constructional gradience with perfect formation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elke Diedrichsen Diedrichsen, Elke Elke Diedrichsen University of Vechta* and Googly European Headquarters, Dublin 01 The phenomenon of variance in auxiliary selection with haben and sein for perfect formation is very well known from a number of languages, and it is widely discussed. Recent models assume that sets of ranked criteria act as the semantic basis for auxiliary selection. Sorace&#8217;s hierarchical model (Sorace 2000), for example, is set to predict tendencies in auxiliary selection across languages. My approach will introduce three semantic criteria for perfect auxiliary selection in German. The criteria lead to a new version of Sorace&#8217;s model. It will be shown that findings concerning the diachronic development of haben and sein perfect support the general idea of gradience in the emergence of constructions. Keywords: German; auxiliary selection; auxiliary selection hierarchy; gradience; perfect; unaccusativity 10 01 JB code slcs.131.16ros 435 458 24 Article 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Tornar and volver</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The interplay of frequency and semantics in compound tense auxiliary selection in Medieval and Classical Spanish</Subtitle> 1 A01 Malte Rosemeyer Rosemeyer, Malte Malte Rosemeyer Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg 01 This paper examines how the interplay of frequency and semantics may have influenced the directionality of the change of the compound tense auxiliary system in Spanish, taking the near-synonymous verbs <i>tornar</i> and <i>volver</i> (&#8216;to return&#8217;) in the 16th century as examples. There is a significant contrast in the auxiliary selection of the two verbs that can be explained by taking into account the differences in semantic usage of the two verbs, as well as frequency effects. On the one hand, the higher degree of motional usage of <i>volver</i> leads to the more frequent selection of <i>ser</i>. On the other hand, the higher usage frequency of <i>volver</i> led to a conservation of the usage of the <i>ser</i>-auxiliary with this verb. In consequence, the chapter argues for a joint influence of semantic usage and frequency effects on the development of auxiliary selection in Spanish. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.00sec5 Section header 22 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part V. Existential and presentational constructions</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.17cre 461 476 16 Article 23 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Control and the evolution of possessive and existential constructions</TitleText> 1 A01 Denis Creissels Creissels, Denis Denis Creissels University of Lyon 01 This paper examines aspects of the evolution of possessive and existential constructions that shed interesting light on the affinities between possession and the notions underlying existential predication, comitative predication and transitive predication. The unity of the notion of possession follows from the notion of personal sphere of an individual, but the relationships between an individual and the elements of his/her personal sphere are very diverse, and sometimes ambiguous, with respect to the control exerted by the possessor. Consequently, whatever the source of a predicative construction expressing possession (existential, comitative, or transitive), its extension to the whole domain of possession implies extension to situations that differ from those encoded by the source construction in terms of control, which favors further evolutions. This explains why many languages have constructions expressing predicative possession that are fully aligned with none of the constructions that can be their historical source. Keywords: possession; existence; comitative; transitivity 10 01 JB code slcs.131.18gae 477 510 34 Article 24 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Existential constructions</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A semasiological perspective</Subtitle> 1 A01 Livio Gaeta Gaeta, Livio Livio Gaeta Università di Napoli “Federico II” 01 Existential constructions are normally defined as sentences in which some entity is associated with some location giving rise to the so-called locative paradigm which also involves the locative and the possessive construction (cf. Freeze 2001). In spite of the apparent simplicity of this approach, the assumption of an allegedly universal locative paradigm leaves unaccounted a broad variety of languages in which existential constructions cannot be straightforwardly related to the locative onomasiological format. In these languages, existential constructions arise as a consequence of complex grammaticalization changes, which start from different source constructions. In this paper, a semasiological perspective is adopted, which aims at sketching a brief typology of the possible source constructions giving rise to existential constructions.<i>Einen Gott, den es gibt, gibt es nicht.</i>&#8216;There is no God which exists&#8217;.(Dietrich Bonhoeffer, <i>Widerstand und Ergebung</i>) 10 01 JB code slcs.131.19par 511 548 38 Article 25 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Variation and change in the presentational constructions of north-western Italo-Romance varieties</TitleText> 1 A01 M. Mair Parry Parry, M. Mair M. Mair Parry University of Bristol 01 This paper examines variation and change in argument realization shown by the evolution of presentational, existential and event-reporting structures in the indigenous linguistic varieties of north-west Italy from the medieval period to the present. The common function of these constructions, namely the introduction of a new entity or situation into the world of discourse, both justifies their all being considered &#8216;presentational&#8217; and accounts for the fact that their realizations in the vernaculars and dialects examined are historically related. The diachronic analysis discusses changes affecting three key morphosyntactic domains: (i) presence and role of a locative clitic; (ii) word order (preverbal vs. postverbal nominal subject/pivot); (iii) subject/pivot &#8211; verb agreement patterns, which eventually lead to the grammaticalization of dedicated presentational structures. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.20cic 549 566 18 Article 26 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Argument realization and existential pro-forms in early Italo-Romance</TitleText> 1 A01 Francesco Maria Ciconte Ciconte, Francesco Maria Francesco Maria Ciconte 01 In this paper we claim that the emergence of the existential pro-form in early Italo-Romance is motivated by the overt marking of definiteness on the pivot. The available data from a relatively large corpus of early Italo-Romance texts dating from C13th to C16th suggest that the overt marking of definiteness, which differentiates Romance from its ancestor Latin, favours the establishment of an existential pattern where the encoding of non-canonical pivots (definite ones) is licensed only if a locative element occurs in the structure; this can be a locative phrase, a locative relative pronoun or, crucially, a pro-form. From having the status of locative licenser of definiteness, the pro-form is thereafter reanalysed as an obligatory marker of existentiality and is extended to all types of existential construction. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.21aut 567 572 6 Article 27 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Author index</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.22lan 573 578 6 Article 28 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Language and topic index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20130625 2013 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027205988 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 99.00 EUR R 01 00 83.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 149.00 USD S 77010349 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code SLCS 131 Hb 15 9789027205988 13 2012047024 BB 01 SLCS 02 0165-7763 Studies in Language Companion Series 131 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Argument Structure in Flux</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Naples-Capri Papers</Subtitle> 01 slcs.131 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.131 1 B01 Elly van Gelderen Gelderen, Elly van Elly van Gelderen Arizona State University 2 B01 Jóhanna Barðdal Barðdal, Jóhanna Jóhanna Barðdal University of Bergen 3 B01 Michela Cennamo Cennamo, Michela Michela Cennamo University of Naples Federico II 01 eng 586 viii 578 LAN009000 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 The present volume is centered around five linguistic themes: argument structure and encoding strategies; argument structure and verb classes; unexpressed arguments; split intransitivity; and existential and presentational constructions. The articles also cover a variety of typologically different languages, and they offer new data from under-researched languages on the issues of event and argument structure. In some cases novel perspectives from widely discussed languages on highly debated topics are offered, also addressing more theoretical aspects concerning the predictability and derivation of linking. Several contributions apply current models of the lexicon–syntax interface to synchronic data. Other contributions focus on diachrony and are based on extensive use of corpora. Yet others, although empirically and theoretically grounded, privilege a methodological discussion, presenting analyses based on thorough and long-standing fieldwork. 05 This collection of papers covers a wide spectrum of linguistic phenomena connected with argument realization, both synchronically and diachronically. It features a mix of contributions by renowned specialists in the field, and by younger researchers, providing unconventional insights often achieved through new methodologies into one of the most discussed issues in modern linguistics. Silvia Luraghi, University of Pavia 05 This volume is an intellectually rich and authoritative inquiry into the many facets – syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic – of variation and change in argument realization and event structure. It it unique for the breadth of research, for the multiplicity of theoretical perspectives, and for the range of languages and linguistic domains represented. The volume will stand out for a long time as a standard reference not only for its primary linguistics readership but also for researchers in other cognitive and computational fields who wish to become better informed about the complexities of argument structure. Antonella Sorace, The University of Edinburgh 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/slcs.131.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027205988.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027205988.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/slcs.131.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/slcs.131.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/slcs.131.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/slcs.131.hb.png 10 01 JB code slcs.131.001int 1 12 12 Article 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Argument structure in flux</TitleText> 1 A01 Jóhanna Barðdal Barðdal, Jóhanna Jóhanna Barðdal University of Bergen 2 A01 Michela Cennamo Cennamo, Michela Michela Cennamo University of Naples Federico II 10 01 JB code slcs.131.00sec1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part I. Argument structure and encoding strategies</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.01ben 15 32 18 Article 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Non-canonical subjects in clauses with noun predicates</TitleText> 1 A01 Marina Benedetti Benedetti, Marina Marina Benedetti University of Siena 01 The aim of this paper is to investigate Italian constructions like <i>Gli prese paura</i> &#8216;he got scared&#8217; (lit. &#8216;himDAT took fear&#8217;). Their crucial property is the combination of the light verb <i>prendere</i> with a dative experiencer which displays syntactic subject behaviour. The analysis, in the multistratal framework of Relational Grammar, leads to the assumption of impersonal &#8220;inversion&#8221; structures. Parallels, with lexical variation of the light verb, are found in other Romance languages. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.02for 33 52 20 Article 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Differential agent marking in Hinuq</TitleText> 1 A01 Diana Forker Forker, Diana Diana Forker University of Bamberg 01 Hinuq, a Nakh-Daghestanian language, has four non-canonical agent constructions: the potential, the involuntary agent, the exterior force and the causative construction. The non-canonical agents in these constructions lack various agentive properties such as volition, sentience or perception, depending on the construction in question. They are always marked with one and the same spatial case, the AT-Essive. This paper compares semantic and syntactic properties of non-canonical agents with their canonical counterparts and tries to provide a unified analysis of all four types of non-canonical agents. Keywords: agentivity; involuntary agents; potential agents; causative constructions; Nakh-Daghestanian 10 01 JB code slcs.131.03kul 53 86 34 Article 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Case variation and case alternation in Indo-European and beyond</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A diachronic typological perspective</Subtitle> 1 A01 Leonid Kulikov Kulikov, Leonid Leonid Kulikov Ghent University 01 This paper deals with one of the aspects of the diachronic study of case, variation and competition of two or more cases in some particular function(s). The paper studies both formal parameters (markedness of case forms, interaction between declensional types) and functional features (overlapping of case semantics, semantic roles encoded, semantic specificity of cases) relevant for case competition. On the basis of evidence from languages with well-attested documented history, I outline possible approaches to the study of a tentative hierarchy of parameters that play an important role for the choice of case in the situation of competition and can be used to make plausible suggestions on the outcome of case competition. Keywords: case; case variation; case syncretism; paradigmatic pressure; analogy; markedness; substrate; Indo-European; Identifiability; Distinguishability; Primary Argument Immunity Principle 10 01 JB code slcs.131.04nol 87 116 30 Article 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Constructional polysemy and argument realisation with the Irish GET verb</TitleText> 1 A01 Brian Nolan Nolan, Brian Brian Nolan Institute of Technology Blanchardstown Dublin 01 This paper reports on the nature of argument realisation in GET constructions in Irish with the verb <i>faigh</i> &#8216;get&#8217; and the challenges it poses for theories concerned with argument realisation, event structure and the syntax to semantics linking system. This construction licences both GET-recipient/possessive and GET-passive readings. In functional models of grammar we expect the verb to project an argument structure and semantics based on the verb&#8217;s lexical entry, but these seem to need a constructional perspective to explain the realisation of the verb&#8217;s arguments (Michaelis 2006, 2010). The construction exhibits constructional polysemy with two core senses (&#8216;HAVE&#8217; and &#8216;BECOME&#8217;) that do not appear to be predicted by the lexical semantics of the verb. This account places the processing workload on the linking system, which needs to be sensitive to the ontological status of the second nominal argument in the lexical entry for the <i>faigh</i> &#8216;get&#8217; verb. The lexical entry is underspecified for particular attributes including the nature of the predicate pred&#8217;. We present an account of this Irish GET verb and its constructions within a functional characterisation (Van Valin 2005, 2013). Additionally, we discuss the nature and internal architecture of constructions using evidence from the realisation of GET constructions in Irish. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.00sec2 Section header 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Argument structure and verb classes</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.05mcg 119 134 16 Article 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Latin preverbs and verb argument structure</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">New insights from new methods</Subtitle> 1 A01 Barbara McGillivray McGillivray, Barbara Barbara McGillivray Oxford University Press 01 This paper presents a corpus-based study on the argument structure of Latin verbs that are prefixed with spatial preverbs. Preverbation involves prefixing verbs, and is therefore a morphological phenomenon; however, studying the argument structure of preverbed verbs is a good chance to explore the syntax-semantics and syntax-lexicon interfaces. Through a diachronic investigation of the interactions between the morpho-syntactic realisations of the arguments of preverbed verbs and their lexical-semantic properties, I aim at demonstrating the merits of an original, corpus-based quantitative approach. The results on preverbs partially support a more general trend from Latin synthetic case-based morpho-syntax to the analytic syntax of the Romance languages, although they also show that this trend is not unidirectional and linear. The source data for the analysis cover Early, Classical and Medieval Latin and are drawn from state-of-the-art computational resources for Latin. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.06mar 135 168 34 Article 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Experiencing linking</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Psych verbs at the interface</Subtitle> 1 A01 Marijana Marelj Marelj, Marijana Marijana Marelj UiL OTS, Utrecht University 01 This paper deals with the theta-argument and case-theta linking challenges within the domain of Experiencer predicates. Taking English as a starting point, I discuss how Reinhart&#8217;s Theta System deals with this challenge. I then demonstrate how a group of German psych-verbs &#8211; argued in the literature to pose a problem for the UG linking procedures of the system &#8211; can be accounted for. Preserving the relevant findings about psych-verb semantics, I show how the linking of their arguments can be captured and than address the case-theta puzzle they allegedly instantiate. More generally, I show how the intuition that case is related to the lexical semantics of predicates can be formalized. I present the hypothesis that case is derivable from the lexical semantics of predicates and discuss some of its consequences and predictions. Keywords: varying mapping; the challenge of subj.experiencers; two-place causative psych verbs vs. two-place unaccusative psych verbs; DAT- and ACC-Experiencers; ECM-ACC vs. &#8220;transitive&#8221; ACC 10 01 JB code slcs.131.07sie 169 200 32 Article 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Introduce</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Encoding a non-prototypical three-participant event across Europe</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anna Siewierska Siewierska, Anna Anna Siewierska University of Lancaster 2 A01 Eva van Lier Lier, Eva van Eva van Lier University of Amsterdam 01 This paper investigates the lexical and morpho-syntactic strategies used in three branches of European languages (Slavic, Romance, and Germanic) to express a specific non-prototypical type of three-participant event: that of an agent introducing a human Theme to a human Recipient. Earlier cross-linguistic research has shown that there are formal restrictions on the expression of three-participant events with two human non-agents. While these studies differ in the functional explanations offered for the attested restrictions, they are alike in taking the prototypical give ditransitive as their point of departure, and in predicting no principled differences in the behaviour of lexical verbs and/or event types other than give. This paper investigates to what extent the patterns found in these studies are applicable to introduce verbs, which occur in combination with two human non-agents (much) more frequently than give verbs. We find, on the one hand, that similar restrictions indeed apply in specific cases. On the other hand, the range of attested morpho-syntactic variation is wider than previous studies have accounted for. This variation is due to the strong influence on argument structure of individual lexical verbs and verb classes, as well as the specific semantic properties of the event type under study. Keywords: three-participant constructions; prototypicality; animacy; person; argument realization 10 01 JB code slcs.131.08cuy 201 230 30 Article 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">On the relationship between lexical aspect, verbal meaning, and (lexical) argument structure</TitleText> 1 A01 Gretel De Cuyper Cuyper, Gretel De Gretel De Cuyper University of Antwerp 01 This paper discusses to what extent the lexical aspectual nature of events is determined by verbal meaning, argument structure, or argument realisation patterns. It argues against the determination of lexical aspect by isolated verbs or by the verb and its argument(s). Instead, based on a lexical-syntactic approach, but integrating insights from Distributed Morphology, this proposal suggests that a minimal element of <i>lexical</i> argument structure, the inner lexical head, encodes all the information that is needed to identify the lexical aspectual nature of events. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.09cal 231 254 24 Article 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Four Romanian verbs of occurring</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The effect of argument structure on verb meaning and use</Subtitle> 1 A01 Daniela Caluianu Caluianu, Daniela Daniela Caluianu Otaru University of Commerce, Japan 01 This article examines four verbs of occurring in Romanian focusing on the relation between argument structure and verb meaning, the effect of verb meaning on argument selection and the consequences of these syntactic and semantic factors on use. In terms of argument structure, the verbs range from intransitive to transitive. The study revealed the following tendency: an increase in the complexity of the argument structure correlates with a corresponding increase in the semantic complexity of the verb together with a decrease in the semantic contribution of the arguments. An analysis of online data suggests that the syntactically and semantically more complex verbs have acquired specific pragmatic functions. Keywords: transitivity; existential verbs; event arguments; argument realization; expletive clitic object; information structure 10 01 JB code slcs.131.00sec3 Section header 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Unexpressed arguments</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.10faa 257 284 28 Article 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">The pro cycle</TitleText> <TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix> <TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">pro cycle</TitleWithoutPrefix> 1 A01 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund CSMN/University of Oslo 01 The argument in this paper is based on the premise that null subjects are pronouns with no phonological substance, called <i>pro</i>, which may receive case and theta-role. Null subject languages may differ as to the referential properties of <i>pro</i>, in some languages <i>pro</i> may have specific reference, in others only generic or expletive reference, and again in others there is no <i>pro</i> at all. In some languages <i>pro</i> may also function as a complement. <i>Pro</i> is found in languages with or without rich verb agreement. There is thus no direct correlation between <i>pro</i> and subject-verb agreement. Many of the languages with obligatory subject (e.g. Scandinavian, English, French) have developed from earlier stages with null subjects. This can be described as a loss of <i>pro</i> from the lexicon of those languages. This loss can in turn be explained as caused by a lack of sufficient input data during acquisition; at a certain stage the necessary cues for a phonologically empty item is insufficient, and <i>pro</i> is lost from the language. This would also account for the apparent unidirectionality of the loss of null subjects. However, there are cases of null subjects as an innovation (e.g. contemporary colloquial French). Furthermore, since <i>pro</i> is such a widespread phenomenon cross-linguistically, there must be causes why it still exists after more than 100,000 years of language development, and why it originated in the first place. The paper will end by some attempts to explain such facts. Keywords: null subject; null object; empty categories; syntactic change; Scandinavian languages; Romance languages; Latin; Greek 10 01 JB code slcs.131.11cyr 285 306 22 Article 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Argument promotion and SE-constructions in Brazilian Portuguese</TitleText> 1 A01 Sonia M. L. Cyrino Cyrino, Sonia M. L. Sonia M. L. Cyrino University of Campinas 01 Middle <i>se</i> constructions have been considered as non-active morphology, showing the same effect as passive <i>se</i> constructions, namely, internal argument promotion. The presence of <i>se</i> indicates that a property is attributed to the &#8220;subject&#8221; of the sentence, which is the underlying internal argument. The aim of this paper is to discuss some constructions in Brazilian Portuguese that have the internal argument in subject position. The analysis is able to explain why the argument in surface subject position in these sentences is always [-animate], the construction is restricted to certain verbs, and that the sentences have certain aspectual properties. The paper indicates that there is a diachronic development that relates these sentences to the loss of middle <i>se</i> constructions in BP. Keywords: argument promotion; middle SE constructions; generative grammar; Brazilian Portuguese; syntactic change 10 01 JB code slcs.131.12lav 307 342 36 Article 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Unaccusativity and the diachrony of null and cognate objects in Greek</TitleText> 1 A01 Nikolaos Lavidas Lavidas, Nikolaos Nikolaos Lavidas Aristotle University of Thessaloniki 01 In the present paper, we show that in contrast to the diachronic instability that unergatives and transitives present with regard to null and cognate objects, alternating unaccusative verbs constantly appear to meet more restrictions in null and cognate object constructions than the other verbal classes. The restrictions of the null objects with alternating unaccusatives hold irrespective of the structure and the voice morphology of the alternating unaccusatives: alternating unaccusative verbs can be found in causative constructions with null objects only of the most freely used type of null objects (generic null objects); the other verbal classes can appear with deictic null objects in Modern and Ancient Greek or even with referential null objects in Ancient Greek. Cognate objects in Ancient Greek show both argumental and adverbial characteristics: unergatives in Ancient Greek can take cognate objects of argumental or adverbial character, but unaccusatives only take adverbial cognate accusatives. The common complex (causative) template of alternating unaccusatives (in both causative and anticausative uses) can be observed as the cause of the obligatory presence of the patient argument in causative uses of alternating unaccusatives, while the dependence of atelic/telic interpretation in Ancient Greek (especially in Homeric Greek) on an aktionsart/situation type aspect can explain the differences found between the Ancient and the Modern Greek cognate constructions. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.00sec4 Section header 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part IV. Split intransitivity</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.13doy 345 372 28 Article 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Split intransitivity in Irish and the syntax-semantics interface</TitleText> 1 A01 Aidan Doyle Doyle, Aidan Aidan Doyle University College Cork 01 This paper considers the notion of split intransitivity as evidenced in the behaviour of perfects in Irish. It is claimed that this language exhibits a distinction between kinds of perfect which roughly corresponds to that between <i>have</i> and <i>be</i> perfects in other languages. However, the choice of perfect is initially somewhat puzzling, and a high degree of variability is found. In response to this, it is attempted to discover if the choice of perfect in Irish is dependent on such semantic factors as agentivity and telicity. The next part of the paper takes the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy of Sorace (2000) and adapts it to the Irish data. Two semantic groups in particular are investigated: change-of-location verbs and change-of-state verbs. The findings of our examination strongly suggest that semantic factors play a major role in determining the kind of perfect chosen for intransitive verbs, but that one ought to think more in terms of trends in the behaviour of individual verbs, rather than absolute, unvarying rules. The paper tries to come to terms with a typologically unusual body of data. It is hoped that the analysis of this presented below will increase our understanding of the syntax-semantics interface as manifested in split intransitivity. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.14nap 373 404 32 Article 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Semantic constraints on the Latin impersonal passive</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">On telicity and agentivity</Subtitle> 1 A01 Maria Napoli Napoli, Maria Maria Napoli 01 This paper focuses on a specific type of impersonal construction in Latin, the so-called <i>impersonal passive</i>, which is based on the third person singular of the passive voice. Using a corpus-based analysis of the Latin data, I will investigate the introduction of a prepositional agentive phrase in impersonal passives, which, although rare, represents a challenge to the functional-typological view of this construction as an <i>agent defocusing strategy</i>. It will be shown that this characterization only partially accounts for the Latin data, since subject demotion is possible also when the agent is highly topical, i.e. definite, referential and human. It will be further suggested that the scalar approach to split intransitivity put forward in Sorace (2000) may throw new light onto the parameters determining the distribution of agentive phrases in Latin; in particular, it will be demonstrated that agentivity acts as the main constraint on the presence/absence of a syntactic agent in the Latin impersonal passive. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.15die 405 434 30 Article 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Auxiliary selection in German</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Constructional gradience with perfect formation</Subtitle> 1 A01 Elke Diedrichsen Diedrichsen, Elke Elke Diedrichsen University of Vechta* and Googly European Headquarters, Dublin 01 The phenomenon of variance in auxiliary selection with haben and sein for perfect formation is very well known from a number of languages, and it is widely discussed. Recent models assume that sets of ranked criteria act as the semantic basis for auxiliary selection. Sorace&#8217;s hierarchical model (Sorace 2000), for example, is set to predict tendencies in auxiliary selection across languages. My approach will introduce three semantic criteria for perfect auxiliary selection in German. The criteria lead to a new version of Sorace&#8217;s model. It will be shown that findings concerning the diachronic development of haben and sein perfect support the general idea of gradience in the emergence of constructions. Keywords: German; auxiliary selection; auxiliary selection hierarchy; gradience; perfect; unaccusativity 10 01 JB code slcs.131.16ros 435 458 24 Article 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Tornar and volver</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The interplay of frequency and semantics in compound tense auxiliary selection in Medieval and Classical Spanish</Subtitle> 1 A01 Malte Rosemeyer Rosemeyer, Malte Malte Rosemeyer Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg 01 This paper examines how the interplay of frequency and semantics may have influenced the directionality of the change of the compound tense auxiliary system in Spanish, taking the near-synonymous verbs <i>tornar</i> and <i>volver</i> (&#8216;to return&#8217;) in the 16th century as examples. There is a significant contrast in the auxiliary selection of the two verbs that can be explained by taking into account the differences in semantic usage of the two verbs, as well as frequency effects. On the one hand, the higher degree of motional usage of <i>volver</i> leads to the more frequent selection of <i>ser</i>. On the other hand, the higher usage frequency of <i>volver</i> led to a conservation of the usage of the <i>ser</i>-auxiliary with this verb. In consequence, the chapter argues for a joint influence of semantic usage and frequency effects on the development of auxiliary selection in Spanish. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.00sec5 Section header 22 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part V. Existential and presentational constructions</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.17cre 461 476 16 Article 23 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Control and the evolution of possessive and existential constructions</TitleText> 1 A01 Denis Creissels Creissels, Denis Denis Creissels University of Lyon 01 This paper examines aspects of the evolution of possessive and existential constructions that shed interesting light on the affinities between possession and the notions underlying existential predication, comitative predication and transitive predication. The unity of the notion of possession follows from the notion of personal sphere of an individual, but the relationships between an individual and the elements of his/her personal sphere are very diverse, and sometimes ambiguous, with respect to the control exerted by the possessor. Consequently, whatever the source of a predicative construction expressing possession (existential, comitative, or transitive), its extension to the whole domain of possession implies extension to situations that differ from those encoded by the source construction in terms of control, which favors further evolutions. This explains why many languages have constructions expressing predicative possession that are fully aligned with none of the constructions that can be their historical source. Keywords: possession; existence; comitative; transitivity 10 01 JB code slcs.131.18gae 477 510 34 Article 24 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Existential constructions</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A semasiological perspective</Subtitle> 1 A01 Livio Gaeta Gaeta, Livio Livio Gaeta Università di Napoli “Federico II” 01 Existential constructions are normally defined as sentences in which some entity is associated with some location giving rise to the so-called locative paradigm which also involves the locative and the possessive construction (cf. Freeze 2001). In spite of the apparent simplicity of this approach, the assumption of an allegedly universal locative paradigm leaves unaccounted a broad variety of languages in which existential constructions cannot be straightforwardly related to the locative onomasiological format. In these languages, existential constructions arise as a consequence of complex grammaticalization changes, which start from different source constructions. In this paper, a semasiological perspective is adopted, which aims at sketching a brief typology of the possible source constructions giving rise to existential constructions.<i>Einen Gott, den es gibt, gibt es nicht.</i>&#8216;There is no God which exists&#8217;.(Dietrich Bonhoeffer, <i>Widerstand und Ergebung</i>) 10 01 JB code slcs.131.19par 511 548 38 Article 25 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Variation and change in the presentational constructions of north-western Italo-Romance varieties</TitleText> 1 A01 M. Mair Parry Parry, M. Mair M. Mair Parry University of Bristol 01 This paper examines variation and change in argument realization shown by the evolution of presentational, existential and event-reporting structures in the indigenous linguistic varieties of north-west Italy from the medieval period to the present. The common function of these constructions, namely the introduction of a new entity or situation into the world of discourse, both justifies their all being considered &#8216;presentational&#8217; and accounts for the fact that their realizations in the vernaculars and dialects examined are historically related. The diachronic analysis discusses changes affecting three key morphosyntactic domains: (i) presence and role of a locative clitic; (ii) word order (preverbal vs. postverbal nominal subject/pivot); (iii) subject/pivot &#8211; verb agreement patterns, which eventually lead to the grammaticalization of dedicated presentational structures. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.20cic 549 566 18 Article 26 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Argument realization and existential pro-forms in early Italo-Romance</TitleText> 1 A01 Francesco Maria Ciconte Ciconte, Francesco Maria Francesco Maria Ciconte 01 In this paper we claim that the emergence of the existential pro-form in early Italo-Romance is motivated by the overt marking of definiteness on the pivot. The available data from a relatively large corpus of early Italo-Romance texts dating from C13th to C16th suggest that the overt marking of definiteness, which differentiates Romance from its ancestor Latin, favours the establishment of an existential pattern where the encoding of non-canonical pivots (definite ones) is licensed only if a locative element occurs in the structure; this can be a locative phrase, a locative relative pronoun or, crucially, a pro-form. From having the status of locative licenser of definiteness, the pro-form is thereafter reanalysed as an obligatory marker of existentiality and is extended to all types of existential construction. 10 01 JB code slcs.131.21aut 567 572 6 Article 27 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Author index</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.131.22lan 573 578 6 Article 28 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Language and topic index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20130625 2013 John Benjamins 02 WORLD 08 1155 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 112 12 01 02 JB 1 00 99.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 104.94 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 12 02 02 JB 1 00 83.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 1 12 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 149.00 USD