219-7677
10
7500817
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
201608250406
ONIX title feed
eng
01
EUR
550010350
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
SLCS 131 Eb
15
9789027272287
06
10.1075/slcs.131
13
2012047024
DG
002
02
01
SLCS
02
0165-7763
Studies in Language Companion Series
131
01
Argument Structure in Flux
The Naples-Capri Papers
01
slcs.131
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.131
1
B01
Elly van Gelderen
Gelderen, Elly van
Elly
van
Gelderen
Arizona State University
2
B01
Jóhanna Barðdal
Barðdal, Jóhanna
Jóhanna
Barðdal
University of Bergen
3
B01
Michela Cennamo
Cennamo, Michela
Michela
Cennamo
University of Naples Federico II
01
eng
586
viii
578
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.HL
Historical linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
The present volume is centered around five linguistic themes: argument structure and encoding strategies; argument structure and verb classes; unexpressed arguments; split intransitivity; and existential and presentational constructions. The articles also cover a variety of typologically different languages, and they offer new data from under-researched languages on the issues of event and argument structure. In some cases novel perspectives from widely discussed languages on highly debated topics are offered, also addressing more theoretical aspects concerning the predictability and derivation of linking. Several contributions apply current models of the lexicon–syntax interface to synchronic data. Other contributions focus on diachrony and are based on extensive use of corpora. Yet others, although empirically and theoretically grounded, privilege a methodological discussion, presenting analyses based on thorough and long-standing fieldwork.
05
This collection of papers covers a wide spectrum of linguistic phenomena connected with argument realization, both synchronically and diachronically. It features a mix of contributions by renowned specialists in the field, and by younger researchers, providing unconventional insights often achieved through new methodologies into one of the most discussed issues in modern linguistics.
Silvia Luraghi, University of Pavia
05
This volume is an intellectually rich and authoritative inquiry into the many facets – syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic – of variation and change in argument realization and event structure. It it unique for the breadth of research, for the multiplicity of theoretical perspectives, and for the range of languages and linguistic domains represented. The volume will stand out for a long time as a standard reference not only for its primary linguistics readership but also for researchers in other cognitive and computational fields who wish to become better informed about the complexities of argument structure.
Antonella Sorace, The University of Edinburgh
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/slcs.131.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027205988.jpg
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027205988.tif
06
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/slcs.131.hb.png
07
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/125/slcs.131.png
25
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/slcs.131.hb.png
27
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/slcs.131.hb.png
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.001int
1
12
12
Article
1
01
Argument structure in flux
1
A01
Jóhanna Barðdal
Barðdal, Jóhanna
Jóhanna
Barðdal
University of Bergen
2
A01
Michela Cennamo
Cennamo, Michela
Michela
Cennamo
University of Naples Federico II
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.00sec1
Section header
2
01
Part I. Argument structure and encoding strategies
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.01ben
15
32
18
Article
3
01
Non-canonical subjects in clauses with noun predicates
1
A01
Marina Benedetti
Benedetti, Marina
Marina
Benedetti
University of Siena
01
The aim of this paper is to investigate Italian constructions like <i>Gli prese paura</i> ‘he got scared’ (lit. ‘himDAT took fear’). Their crucial property is the combination of the light verb <i>prendere</i> with a dative experiencer which displays syntactic subject behaviour. The analysis, in the multistratal framework of Relational Grammar, leads to the assumption of impersonal “inversion” structures. Parallels, with lexical variation of the light verb, are found in other Romance languages.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.02for
33
52
20
Article
4
01
Differential agent marking in Hinuq
1
A01
Diana Forker
Forker, Diana
Diana
Forker
University of Bamberg
01
Hinuq, a Nakh-Daghestanian language, has four non-canonical agent constructions: the potential, the involuntary agent, the exterior force and the causative construction. The non-canonical agents in these constructions lack various agentive properties such as volition, sentience or perception, depending on the construction in question. They are always marked with one and the same spatial case, the AT-Essive. This paper compares semantic and syntactic properties of non-canonical agents with their canonical counterparts and tries to provide a unified analysis of all four types of non-canonical agents. Keywords: agentivity; involuntary agents; potential agents; causative constructions; Nakh-Daghestanian
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.03kul
53
86
34
Article
5
01
Case variation and case alternation in Indo-European and beyond
A diachronic typological perspective
1
A01
Leonid Kulikov
Kulikov, Leonid
Leonid
Kulikov
Ghent University
01
This paper deals with one of the aspects of the diachronic study of case, variation and competition of two or more cases in some particular function(s). The paper studies both formal parameters (markedness of case forms, interaction between declensional types) and functional features (overlapping of case semantics, semantic roles encoded, semantic specificity of cases) relevant for case competition. On the basis of evidence from languages with well-attested documented history, I outline possible approaches to the study of a tentative hierarchy of parameters that play an important role for the choice of case in the situation of competition and can be used to make plausible suggestions on the outcome of case competition. Keywords: case; case variation; case syncretism; paradigmatic pressure; analogy; markedness; substrate; Indo-European; Identifiability; Distinguishability; Primary Argument Immunity Principle
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.04nol
87
116
30
Article
6
01
Constructional polysemy and argument realisation with the Irish GET verb
1
A01
Brian Nolan
Nolan, Brian
Brian
Nolan
Institute of Technology Blanchardstown Dublin
01
This paper reports on the nature of argument realisation in GET constructions in Irish with the verb <i>faigh</i> ‘get’ and the challenges it poses for theories concerned with argument realisation, event structure and the syntax to semantics linking system. This construction licences both GET-recipient/possessive and GET-passive readings. In functional models of grammar we expect the verb to project an argument structure and semantics based on the verb’s lexical entry, but these seem to need a constructional perspective to explain the realisation of the verb’s arguments (Michaelis 2006, 2010). The construction exhibits constructional polysemy with two core senses (‘HAVE’ and ‘BECOME’) that do not appear to be predicted by the lexical semantics of the verb. This account places the processing workload on the linking system, which needs to be sensitive to the ontological status of the second nominal argument in the lexical entry for the <i>faigh</i> ‘get’ verb. The lexical entry is underspecified for particular attributes including the nature of the predicate pred’. We present an account of this Irish GET verb and its constructions within a functional characterisation (Van Valin 2005, 2013). Additionally, we discuss the nature and internal architecture of constructions using evidence from the realisation of GET constructions in Irish.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.00sec2
Section header
7
01
Part II. Argument structure and verb classes
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.05mcg
119
134
16
Article
8
01
Latin preverbs and verb argument structure
New insights from new methods
1
A01
Barbara McGillivray
McGillivray, Barbara
Barbara
McGillivray
Oxford University Press
01
This paper presents a corpus-based study on the argument structure of Latin verbs that are prefixed with spatial preverbs. Preverbation involves prefixing verbs, and is therefore a morphological phenomenon; however, studying the argument structure of preverbed verbs is a good chance to explore the syntax-semantics and syntax-lexicon interfaces. Through a diachronic investigation of the interactions between the morpho-syntactic realisations of the arguments of preverbed verbs and their lexical-semantic properties, I aim at demonstrating the merits of an original, corpus-based quantitative approach. The results on preverbs partially support a more general trend from Latin synthetic case-based morpho-syntax to the analytic syntax of the Romance languages, although they also show that this trend is not unidirectional and linear. The source data for the analysis cover Early, Classical and Medieval Latin and are drawn from state-of-the-art computational resources for Latin.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.06mar
135
168
34
Article
9
01
Experiencing linking
Psych verbs at the interface
1
A01
Marijana Marelj
Marelj, Marijana
Marijana
Marelj
UiL OTS, Utrecht University
01
This paper deals with the theta-argument and case-theta linking challenges within the domain of Experiencer predicates. Taking English as a starting point, I discuss how Reinhart’s Theta System deals with this challenge. I then demonstrate how a group of German psych-verbs – argued in the literature to pose a problem for the UG linking procedures of the system – can be accounted for. Preserving the relevant findings about psych-verb semantics, I show how the linking of their arguments can be captured and than address the case-theta puzzle they allegedly instantiate. More generally, I show how the intuition that case is related to the lexical semantics of predicates can be formalized. I present the hypothesis that case is derivable from the lexical semantics of predicates and discuss some of its consequences and predictions. Keywords: varying mapping; the challenge of subj.experiencers; two-place causative psych verbs vs. two-place unaccusative psych verbs; DAT- and ACC-Experiencers; ECM-ACC vs. “transitive” ACC
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.07sie
169
200
32
Article
10
01
Introduce
Encoding a non-prototypical three-participant event across Europe
1
A01
Anna Siewierska
Siewierska, Anna
Anna
Siewierska
University of Lancaster
2
A01
Eva van Lier
Lier, Eva van
Eva
van
Lier
University of Amsterdam
01
This paper investigates the lexical and morpho-syntactic strategies used in three branches of European languages (Slavic, Romance, and Germanic) to express a specific non-prototypical type of three-participant event: that of an agent introducing a human Theme to a human Recipient. Earlier cross-linguistic research has shown that there are formal restrictions on the expression of three-participant events with two human non-agents. While these studies differ in the functional explanations offered for the attested restrictions, they are alike in taking the prototypical give ditransitive as their point of departure, and in predicting no principled differences in the behaviour of lexical verbs and/or event types other than give. This paper investigates to what extent the patterns found in these studies are applicable to introduce verbs, which occur in combination with two human non-agents (much) more frequently than give verbs. We find, on the one hand, that similar restrictions indeed apply in specific cases. On the other hand, the range of attested morpho-syntactic variation is wider than previous studies have accounted for. This variation is due to the strong influence on argument structure of individual lexical verbs and verb classes, as well as the specific semantic properties of the event type under study. Keywords: three-participant constructions; prototypicality; animacy; person; argument realization
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.08cuy
201
230
30
Article
11
01
On the relationship between lexical aspect, verbal meaning, and (lexical) argument structure
1
A01
Gretel De Cuyper
Cuyper, Gretel De
Gretel De
Cuyper
University of Antwerp
01
This paper discusses to what extent the lexical aspectual nature of events is determined by verbal meaning, argument structure, or argument realisation patterns. It argues against the determination of lexical aspect by isolated verbs or by the verb and its argument(s). Instead, based on a lexical-syntactic approach, but integrating insights from Distributed Morphology, this proposal suggests that a minimal element of <i>lexical</i> argument structure, the inner lexical head, encodes all the information that is needed to identify the lexical aspectual nature of events.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.09cal
231
254
24
Article
12
01
Four Romanian verbs of occurring
The effect of argument structure on verb meaning and use
1
A01
Daniela Caluianu
Caluianu, Daniela
Daniela
Caluianu
Otaru University of Commerce, Japan
01
This article examines four verbs of occurring in Romanian focusing on the relation between argument structure and verb meaning, the effect of verb meaning on argument selection and the consequences of these syntactic and semantic factors on use. In terms of argument structure, the verbs range from intransitive to transitive. The study revealed the following tendency: an increase in the complexity of the argument structure correlates with a corresponding increase in the semantic complexity of the verb together with a decrease in the semantic contribution of the arguments. An analysis of online data suggests that the syntactically and semantically more complex verbs have acquired specific pragmatic functions. Keywords: transitivity; existential verbs; event arguments; argument realization; expletive clitic object; information structure
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.00sec3
Section header
13
01
Part III. Unexpressed arguments
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.10faa
257
284
28
Article
14
01
The pro cycle
The
pro cycle
1
A01
Jan Terje Faarlund
Faarlund, Jan Terje
Jan Terje
Faarlund
CSMN/University of Oslo
01
The argument in this paper is based on the premise that null subjects are pronouns with no phonological substance, called <i>pro</i>, which may receive case and theta-role. Null subject languages may differ as to the referential properties of <i>pro</i>, in some languages <i>pro</i> may have specific reference, in others only generic or expletive reference, and again in others there is no <i>pro</i> at all. In some languages <i>pro</i> may also function as a complement. <i>Pro</i> is found in languages with or without rich verb agreement. There is thus no direct correlation between <i>pro</i> and subject-verb agreement. Many of the languages with obligatory subject (e.g. Scandinavian, English, French) have developed from earlier stages with null subjects. This can be described as a loss of <i>pro</i> from the lexicon of those languages. This loss can in turn be explained as caused by a lack of sufficient input data during acquisition; at a certain stage the necessary cues for a phonologically empty item is insufficient, and <i>pro</i> is lost from the language. This would also account for the apparent unidirectionality of the loss of null subjects. However, there are cases of null subjects as an innovation (e.g. contemporary colloquial French). Furthermore, since <i>pro</i> is such a widespread phenomenon cross-linguistically, there must be causes why it still exists after more than 100,000 years of language development, and why it originated in the first place. The paper will end by some attempts to explain such facts. Keywords: null subject; null object; empty categories; syntactic change; Scandinavian languages; Romance languages; Latin; Greek
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.11cyr
285
306
22
Article
15
01
Argument promotion and SE-constructions in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
Sonia M. L. Cyrino
Cyrino, Sonia M. L.
Sonia M. L.
Cyrino
University of Campinas
01
Middle <i>se</i> constructions have been considered as non-active morphology, showing the same effect as passive <i>se</i> constructions, namely, internal argument promotion. The presence of <i>se</i> indicates that a property is attributed to the “subject” of the sentence, which is the underlying internal argument. The aim of this paper is to discuss some constructions in Brazilian Portuguese that have the internal argument in subject position. The analysis is able to explain why the argument in surface subject position in these sentences is always [-animate], the construction is restricted to certain verbs, and that the sentences have certain aspectual properties. The paper indicates that there is a diachronic development that relates these sentences to the loss of middle <i>se</i> constructions in BP. Keywords: argument promotion; middle SE constructions; generative grammar; Brazilian Portuguese; syntactic change
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.12lav
307
342
36
Article
16
01
Unaccusativity and the diachrony of null and cognate objects in Greek
1
A01
Nikolaos Lavidas
Lavidas, Nikolaos
Nikolaos
Lavidas
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
01
In the present paper, we show that in contrast to the diachronic instability that unergatives and transitives present with regard to null and cognate objects, alternating unaccusative verbs constantly appear to meet more restrictions in null and cognate object constructions than the other verbal classes. The restrictions of the null objects with alternating unaccusatives hold irrespective of the structure and the voice morphology of the alternating unaccusatives: alternating unaccusative verbs can be found in causative constructions with null objects only of the most freely used type of null objects (generic null objects); the other verbal classes can appear with deictic null objects in Modern and Ancient Greek or even with referential null objects in Ancient Greek. Cognate objects in Ancient Greek show both argumental and adverbial characteristics: unergatives in Ancient Greek can take cognate objects of argumental or adverbial character, but unaccusatives only take adverbial cognate accusatives. The common complex (causative) template of alternating unaccusatives (in both causative and anticausative uses) can be observed as the cause of the obligatory presence of the patient argument in causative uses of alternating unaccusatives, while the dependence of atelic/telic interpretation in Ancient Greek (especially in Homeric Greek) on an aktionsart/situation type aspect can explain the differences found between the Ancient and the Modern Greek cognate constructions.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.00sec4
Section header
17
01
Part IV. Split intransitivity
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.13doy
345
372
28
Article
18
01
Split intransitivity in Irish and the syntax-semantics interface
1
A01
Aidan Doyle
Doyle, Aidan
Aidan
Doyle
University College Cork
01
This paper considers the notion of split intransitivity as evidenced in the behaviour of perfects in Irish. It is claimed that this language exhibits a distinction between kinds of perfect which roughly corresponds to that between <i>have</i> and <i>be</i> perfects in other languages. However, the choice of perfect is initially somewhat puzzling, and a high degree of variability is found. In response to this, it is attempted to discover if the choice of perfect in Irish is dependent on such semantic factors as agentivity and telicity. The next part of the paper takes the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy of Sorace (2000) and adapts it to the Irish data. Two semantic groups in particular are investigated: change-of-location verbs and change-of-state verbs. The findings of our examination strongly suggest that semantic factors play a major role in determining the kind of perfect chosen for intransitive verbs, but that one ought to think more in terms of trends in the behaviour of individual verbs, rather than absolute, unvarying rules. The paper tries to come to terms with a typologically unusual body of data. It is hoped that the analysis of this presented below will increase our understanding of the syntax-semantics interface as manifested in split intransitivity.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.14nap
373
404
32
Article
19
01
Semantic constraints on the Latin impersonal passive
On telicity and agentivity
1
A01
Maria Napoli
Napoli, Maria
Maria
Napoli
01
This paper focuses on a specific type of impersonal construction in Latin, the so-called <i>impersonal passive</i>, which is based on the third person singular of the passive voice. Using a corpus-based analysis of the Latin data, I will investigate the introduction of a prepositional agentive phrase in impersonal passives, which, although rare, represents a challenge to the functional-typological view of this construction as an <i>agent defocusing strategy</i>. It will be shown that this characterization only partially accounts for the Latin data, since subject demotion is possible also when the agent is highly topical, i.e. definite, referential and human. It will be further suggested that the scalar approach to split intransitivity put forward in Sorace (2000) may throw new light onto the parameters determining the distribution of agentive phrases in Latin; in particular, it will be demonstrated that agentivity acts as the main constraint on the presence/absence of a syntactic agent in the Latin impersonal passive.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.15die
405
434
30
Article
20
01
Auxiliary selection in German
Constructional gradience with perfect formation
1
A01
Elke Diedrichsen
Diedrichsen, Elke
Elke
Diedrichsen
University of Vechta* and Googly European Headquarters, Dublin
01
The phenomenon of variance in auxiliary selection with haben and sein for perfect formation is very well known from a number of languages, and it is widely discussed. Recent models assume that sets of ranked criteria act as the semantic basis for auxiliary selection. Sorace’s hierarchical model (Sorace 2000), for example, is set to predict tendencies in auxiliary selection across languages. My approach will introduce three semantic criteria for perfect auxiliary selection in German. The criteria lead to a new version of Sorace’s model. It will be shown that findings concerning the diachronic development of haben and sein perfect support the general idea of gradience in the emergence of constructions. Keywords: German; auxiliary selection; auxiliary selection hierarchy; gradience; perfect; unaccusativity
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.16ros
435
458
24
Article
21
01
Tornar and volver
The interplay of frequency and semantics in compound tense auxiliary selection in Medieval and Classical Spanish
1
A01
Malte Rosemeyer
Rosemeyer, Malte
Malte
Rosemeyer
Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg
01
This paper examines how the interplay of frequency and semantics may have influenced the directionality of the change of the compound tense auxiliary system in Spanish, taking the near-synonymous verbs <i>tornar</i> and <i>volver</i> (‘to return’) in the 16th century as examples. There is a significant contrast in the auxiliary selection of the two verbs that can be explained by taking into account the differences in semantic usage of the two verbs, as well as frequency effects. On the one hand, the higher degree of motional usage of <i>volver</i> leads to the more frequent selection of <i>ser</i>. On the other hand, the higher usage frequency of <i>volver</i> led to a conservation of the usage of the <i>ser</i>-auxiliary with this verb. In consequence, the chapter argues for a joint influence of semantic usage and frequency effects on the development of auxiliary selection in Spanish.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.00sec5
Section header
22
01
Part V. Existential and presentational constructions
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.17cre
461
476
16
Article
23
01
Control and the evolution of possessive and existential constructions
1
A01
Denis Creissels
Creissels, Denis
Denis
Creissels
University of Lyon
01
This paper examines aspects of the evolution of possessive and existential constructions that shed interesting light on the affinities between possession and the notions underlying existential predication, comitative predication and transitive predication. The unity of the notion of possession follows from the notion of personal sphere of an individual, but the relationships between an individual and the elements of his/her personal sphere are very diverse, and sometimes ambiguous, with respect to the control exerted by the possessor. Consequently, whatever the source of a predicative construction expressing possession (existential, comitative, or transitive), its extension to the whole domain of possession implies extension to situations that differ from those encoded by the source construction in terms of control, which favors further evolutions. This explains why many languages have constructions expressing predicative possession that are fully aligned with none of the constructions that can be their historical source. Keywords: possession; existence; comitative; transitivity
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.18gae
477
510
34
Article
24
01
Existential constructions
A semasiological perspective
1
A01
Livio Gaeta
Gaeta, Livio
Livio
Gaeta
Università di Napoli “Federico II”
01
Existential constructions are normally defined as sentences in which some entity is associated with some location giving rise to the so-called locative paradigm which also involves the locative and the possessive construction (cf. Freeze 2001). In spite of the apparent simplicity of this approach, the assumption of an allegedly universal locative paradigm leaves unaccounted a broad variety of languages in which existential constructions cannot be straightforwardly related to the locative onomasiological format. In these languages, existential constructions arise as a consequence of complex grammaticalization changes, which start from different source constructions. In this paper, a semasiological perspective is adopted, which aims at sketching a brief typology of the possible source constructions giving rise to existential constructions.<i>Einen Gott, den es gibt, gibt es nicht.</i>‘There is no God which exists’.(Dietrich Bonhoeffer, <i>Widerstand und Ergebung</i>)
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.19par
511
548
38
Article
25
01
Variation and change in the presentational constructions of north-western Italo-Romance varieties
1
A01
M. Mair Parry
Parry, M. Mair
M. Mair
Parry
University of Bristol
01
This paper examines variation and change in argument realization shown by the evolution of presentational, existential and event-reporting structures in the indigenous linguistic varieties of north-west Italy from the medieval period to the present. The common function of these constructions, namely the introduction of a new entity or situation into the world of discourse, both justifies their all being considered ‘presentational’ and accounts for the fact that their realizations in the vernaculars and dialects examined are historically related. The diachronic analysis discusses changes affecting three key morphosyntactic domains: (i) presence and role of a locative clitic; (ii) word order (preverbal vs. postverbal nominal subject/pivot); (iii) subject/pivot – verb agreement patterns, which eventually lead to the grammaticalization of dedicated presentational structures.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.20cic
549
566
18
Article
26
01
Argument realization and existential pro-forms in early Italo-Romance
1
A01
Francesco Maria Ciconte
Ciconte, Francesco Maria
Francesco Maria
Ciconte
01
In this paper we claim that the emergence of the existential pro-form in early Italo-Romance is motivated by the overt marking of definiteness on the pivot. The available data from a relatively large corpus of early Italo-Romance texts dating from C13th to C16th suggest that the overt marking of definiteness, which differentiates Romance from its ancestor Latin, favours the establishment of an existential pattern where the encoding of non-canonical pivots (definite ones) is licensed only if a locative element occurs in the structure; this can be a locative phrase, a locative relative pronoun or, crucially, a pro-form. From having the status of locative licenser of definiteness, the pro-form is thereafter reanalysed as an obligatory marker of existentiality and is extended to all types of existential construction.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.21aut
567
572
6
Article
27
01
Author index
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.22lan
573
578
6
Article
28
01
Language and topic index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20130625
2013
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027205988
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
jbe-platform.com
09
WORLD
21
01
00
99.00
EUR
R
01
00
83.00
GBP
Z
01
gen
00
149.00
USD
S
77010349
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
SLCS 131 Hb
15
9789027205988
13
2012047024
BB
01
SLCS
02
0165-7763
Studies in Language Companion Series
131
01
Argument Structure in Flux
The Naples-Capri Papers
01
slcs.131
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.131
1
B01
Elly van Gelderen
Gelderen, Elly van
Elly
van
Gelderen
Arizona State University
2
B01
Jóhanna Barðdal
Barðdal, Jóhanna
Jóhanna
Barðdal
University of Bergen
3
B01
Michela Cennamo
Cennamo, Michela
Michela
Cennamo
University of Naples Federico II
01
eng
586
viii
578
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.HL
Historical linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
The present volume is centered around five linguistic themes: argument structure and encoding strategies; argument structure and verb classes; unexpressed arguments; split intransitivity; and existential and presentational constructions. The articles also cover a variety of typologically different languages, and they offer new data from under-researched languages on the issues of event and argument structure. In some cases novel perspectives from widely discussed languages on highly debated topics are offered, also addressing more theoretical aspects concerning the predictability and derivation of linking. Several contributions apply current models of the lexicon–syntax interface to synchronic data. Other contributions focus on diachrony and are based on extensive use of corpora. Yet others, although empirically and theoretically grounded, privilege a methodological discussion, presenting analyses based on thorough and long-standing fieldwork.
05
This collection of papers covers a wide spectrum of linguistic phenomena connected with argument realization, both synchronically and diachronically. It features a mix of contributions by renowned specialists in the field, and by younger researchers, providing unconventional insights often achieved through new methodologies into one of the most discussed issues in modern linguistics.
Silvia Luraghi, University of Pavia
05
This volume is an intellectually rich and authoritative inquiry into the many facets – syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic – of variation and change in argument realization and event structure. It it unique for the breadth of research, for the multiplicity of theoretical perspectives, and for the range of languages and linguistic domains represented. The volume will stand out for a long time as a standard reference not only for its primary linguistics readership but also for researchers in other cognitive and computational fields who wish to become better informed about the complexities of argument structure.
Antonella Sorace, The University of Edinburgh
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/slcs.131.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027205988.jpg
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027205988.tif
06
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/slcs.131.hb.png
07
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/125/slcs.131.png
25
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/slcs.131.hb.png
27
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/slcs.131.hb.png
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.001int
1
12
12
Article
1
01
Argument structure in flux
1
A01
Jóhanna Barðdal
Barðdal, Jóhanna
Jóhanna
Barðdal
University of Bergen
2
A01
Michela Cennamo
Cennamo, Michela
Michela
Cennamo
University of Naples Federico II
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.00sec1
Section header
2
01
Part I. Argument structure and encoding strategies
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.01ben
15
32
18
Article
3
01
Non-canonical subjects in clauses with noun predicates
1
A01
Marina Benedetti
Benedetti, Marina
Marina
Benedetti
University of Siena
01
The aim of this paper is to investigate Italian constructions like <i>Gli prese paura</i> ‘he got scared’ (lit. ‘himDAT took fear’). Their crucial property is the combination of the light verb <i>prendere</i> with a dative experiencer which displays syntactic subject behaviour. The analysis, in the multistratal framework of Relational Grammar, leads to the assumption of impersonal “inversion” structures. Parallels, with lexical variation of the light verb, are found in other Romance languages.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.02for
33
52
20
Article
4
01
Differential agent marking in Hinuq
1
A01
Diana Forker
Forker, Diana
Diana
Forker
University of Bamberg
01
Hinuq, a Nakh-Daghestanian language, has four non-canonical agent constructions: the potential, the involuntary agent, the exterior force and the causative construction. The non-canonical agents in these constructions lack various agentive properties such as volition, sentience or perception, depending on the construction in question. They are always marked with one and the same spatial case, the AT-Essive. This paper compares semantic and syntactic properties of non-canonical agents with their canonical counterparts and tries to provide a unified analysis of all four types of non-canonical agents. Keywords: agentivity; involuntary agents; potential agents; causative constructions; Nakh-Daghestanian
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.03kul
53
86
34
Article
5
01
Case variation and case alternation in Indo-European and beyond
A diachronic typological perspective
1
A01
Leonid Kulikov
Kulikov, Leonid
Leonid
Kulikov
Ghent University
01
This paper deals with one of the aspects of the diachronic study of case, variation and competition of two or more cases in some particular function(s). The paper studies both formal parameters (markedness of case forms, interaction between declensional types) and functional features (overlapping of case semantics, semantic roles encoded, semantic specificity of cases) relevant for case competition. On the basis of evidence from languages with well-attested documented history, I outline possible approaches to the study of a tentative hierarchy of parameters that play an important role for the choice of case in the situation of competition and can be used to make plausible suggestions on the outcome of case competition. Keywords: case; case variation; case syncretism; paradigmatic pressure; analogy; markedness; substrate; Indo-European; Identifiability; Distinguishability; Primary Argument Immunity Principle
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.04nol
87
116
30
Article
6
01
Constructional polysemy and argument realisation with the Irish GET verb
1
A01
Brian Nolan
Nolan, Brian
Brian
Nolan
Institute of Technology Blanchardstown Dublin
01
This paper reports on the nature of argument realisation in GET constructions in Irish with the verb <i>faigh</i> ‘get’ and the challenges it poses for theories concerned with argument realisation, event structure and the syntax to semantics linking system. This construction licences both GET-recipient/possessive and GET-passive readings. In functional models of grammar we expect the verb to project an argument structure and semantics based on the verb’s lexical entry, but these seem to need a constructional perspective to explain the realisation of the verb’s arguments (Michaelis 2006, 2010). The construction exhibits constructional polysemy with two core senses (‘HAVE’ and ‘BECOME’) that do not appear to be predicted by the lexical semantics of the verb. This account places the processing workload on the linking system, which needs to be sensitive to the ontological status of the second nominal argument in the lexical entry for the <i>faigh</i> ‘get’ verb. The lexical entry is underspecified for particular attributes including the nature of the predicate pred’. We present an account of this Irish GET verb and its constructions within a functional characterisation (Van Valin 2005, 2013). Additionally, we discuss the nature and internal architecture of constructions using evidence from the realisation of GET constructions in Irish.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.00sec2
Section header
7
01
Part II. Argument structure and verb classes
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.05mcg
119
134
16
Article
8
01
Latin preverbs and verb argument structure
New insights from new methods
1
A01
Barbara McGillivray
McGillivray, Barbara
Barbara
McGillivray
Oxford University Press
01
This paper presents a corpus-based study on the argument structure of Latin verbs that are prefixed with spatial preverbs. Preverbation involves prefixing verbs, and is therefore a morphological phenomenon; however, studying the argument structure of preverbed verbs is a good chance to explore the syntax-semantics and syntax-lexicon interfaces. Through a diachronic investigation of the interactions between the morpho-syntactic realisations of the arguments of preverbed verbs and their lexical-semantic properties, I aim at demonstrating the merits of an original, corpus-based quantitative approach. The results on preverbs partially support a more general trend from Latin synthetic case-based morpho-syntax to the analytic syntax of the Romance languages, although they also show that this trend is not unidirectional and linear. The source data for the analysis cover Early, Classical and Medieval Latin and are drawn from state-of-the-art computational resources for Latin.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.06mar
135
168
34
Article
9
01
Experiencing linking
Psych verbs at the interface
1
A01
Marijana Marelj
Marelj, Marijana
Marijana
Marelj
UiL OTS, Utrecht University
01
This paper deals with the theta-argument and case-theta linking challenges within the domain of Experiencer predicates. Taking English as a starting point, I discuss how Reinhart’s Theta System deals with this challenge. I then demonstrate how a group of German psych-verbs – argued in the literature to pose a problem for the UG linking procedures of the system – can be accounted for. Preserving the relevant findings about psych-verb semantics, I show how the linking of their arguments can be captured and than address the case-theta puzzle they allegedly instantiate. More generally, I show how the intuition that case is related to the lexical semantics of predicates can be formalized. I present the hypothesis that case is derivable from the lexical semantics of predicates and discuss some of its consequences and predictions. Keywords: varying mapping; the challenge of subj.experiencers; two-place causative psych verbs vs. two-place unaccusative psych verbs; DAT- and ACC-Experiencers; ECM-ACC vs. “transitive” ACC
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.07sie
169
200
32
Article
10
01
Introduce
Encoding a non-prototypical three-participant event across Europe
1
A01
Anna Siewierska
Siewierska, Anna
Anna
Siewierska
University of Lancaster
2
A01
Eva van Lier
Lier, Eva van
Eva
van
Lier
University of Amsterdam
01
This paper investigates the lexical and morpho-syntactic strategies used in three branches of European languages (Slavic, Romance, and Germanic) to express a specific non-prototypical type of three-participant event: that of an agent introducing a human Theme to a human Recipient. Earlier cross-linguistic research has shown that there are formal restrictions on the expression of three-participant events with two human non-agents. While these studies differ in the functional explanations offered for the attested restrictions, they are alike in taking the prototypical give ditransitive as their point of departure, and in predicting no principled differences in the behaviour of lexical verbs and/or event types other than give. This paper investigates to what extent the patterns found in these studies are applicable to introduce verbs, which occur in combination with two human non-agents (much) more frequently than give verbs. We find, on the one hand, that similar restrictions indeed apply in specific cases. On the other hand, the range of attested morpho-syntactic variation is wider than previous studies have accounted for. This variation is due to the strong influence on argument structure of individual lexical verbs and verb classes, as well as the specific semantic properties of the event type under study. Keywords: three-participant constructions; prototypicality; animacy; person; argument realization
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.08cuy
201
230
30
Article
11
01
On the relationship between lexical aspect, verbal meaning, and (lexical) argument structure
1
A01
Gretel De Cuyper
Cuyper, Gretel De
Gretel De
Cuyper
University of Antwerp
01
This paper discusses to what extent the lexical aspectual nature of events is determined by verbal meaning, argument structure, or argument realisation patterns. It argues against the determination of lexical aspect by isolated verbs or by the verb and its argument(s). Instead, based on a lexical-syntactic approach, but integrating insights from Distributed Morphology, this proposal suggests that a minimal element of <i>lexical</i> argument structure, the inner lexical head, encodes all the information that is needed to identify the lexical aspectual nature of events.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.09cal
231
254
24
Article
12
01
Four Romanian verbs of occurring
The effect of argument structure on verb meaning and use
1
A01
Daniela Caluianu
Caluianu, Daniela
Daniela
Caluianu
Otaru University of Commerce, Japan
01
This article examines four verbs of occurring in Romanian focusing on the relation between argument structure and verb meaning, the effect of verb meaning on argument selection and the consequences of these syntactic and semantic factors on use. In terms of argument structure, the verbs range from intransitive to transitive. The study revealed the following tendency: an increase in the complexity of the argument structure correlates with a corresponding increase in the semantic complexity of the verb together with a decrease in the semantic contribution of the arguments. An analysis of online data suggests that the syntactically and semantically more complex verbs have acquired specific pragmatic functions. Keywords: transitivity; existential verbs; event arguments; argument realization; expletive clitic object; information structure
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.00sec3
Section header
13
01
Part III. Unexpressed arguments
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.10faa
257
284
28
Article
14
01
The pro cycle
The
pro cycle
1
A01
Jan Terje Faarlund
Faarlund, Jan Terje
Jan Terje
Faarlund
CSMN/University of Oslo
01
The argument in this paper is based on the premise that null subjects are pronouns with no phonological substance, called <i>pro</i>, which may receive case and theta-role. Null subject languages may differ as to the referential properties of <i>pro</i>, in some languages <i>pro</i> may have specific reference, in others only generic or expletive reference, and again in others there is no <i>pro</i> at all. In some languages <i>pro</i> may also function as a complement. <i>Pro</i> is found in languages with or without rich verb agreement. There is thus no direct correlation between <i>pro</i> and subject-verb agreement. Many of the languages with obligatory subject (e.g. Scandinavian, English, French) have developed from earlier stages with null subjects. This can be described as a loss of <i>pro</i> from the lexicon of those languages. This loss can in turn be explained as caused by a lack of sufficient input data during acquisition; at a certain stage the necessary cues for a phonologically empty item is insufficient, and <i>pro</i> is lost from the language. This would also account for the apparent unidirectionality of the loss of null subjects. However, there are cases of null subjects as an innovation (e.g. contemporary colloquial French). Furthermore, since <i>pro</i> is such a widespread phenomenon cross-linguistically, there must be causes why it still exists after more than 100,000 years of language development, and why it originated in the first place. The paper will end by some attempts to explain such facts. Keywords: null subject; null object; empty categories; syntactic change; Scandinavian languages; Romance languages; Latin; Greek
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.11cyr
285
306
22
Article
15
01
Argument promotion and SE-constructions in Brazilian Portuguese
1
A01
Sonia M. L. Cyrino
Cyrino, Sonia M. L.
Sonia M. L.
Cyrino
University of Campinas
01
Middle <i>se</i> constructions have been considered as non-active morphology, showing the same effect as passive <i>se</i> constructions, namely, internal argument promotion. The presence of <i>se</i> indicates that a property is attributed to the “subject” of the sentence, which is the underlying internal argument. The aim of this paper is to discuss some constructions in Brazilian Portuguese that have the internal argument in subject position. The analysis is able to explain why the argument in surface subject position in these sentences is always [-animate], the construction is restricted to certain verbs, and that the sentences have certain aspectual properties. The paper indicates that there is a diachronic development that relates these sentences to the loss of middle <i>se</i> constructions in BP. Keywords: argument promotion; middle SE constructions; generative grammar; Brazilian Portuguese; syntactic change
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.12lav
307
342
36
Article
16
01
Unaccusativity and the diachrony of null and cognate objects in Greek
1
A01
Nikolaos Lavidas
Lavidas, Nikolaos
Nikolaos
Lavidas
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki
01
In the present paper, we show that in contrast to the diachronic instability that unergatives and transitives present with regard to null and cognate objects, alternating unaccusative verbs constantly appear to meet more restrictions in null and cognate object constructions than the other verbal classes. The restrictions of the null objects with alternating unaccusatives hold irrespective of the structure and the voice morphology of the alternating unaccusatives: alternating unaccusative verbs can be found in causative constructions with null objects only of the most freely used type of null objects (generic null objects); the other verbal classes can appear with deictic null objects in Modern and Ancient Greek or even with referential null objects in Ancient Greek. Cognate objects in Ancient Greek show both argumental and adverbial characteristics: unergatives in Ancient Greek can take cognate objects of argumental or adverbial character, but unaccusatives only take adverbial cognate accusatives. The common complex (causative) template of alternating unaccusatives (in both causative and anticausative uses) can be observed as the cause of the obligatory presence of the patient argument in causative uses of alternating unaccusatives, while the dependence of atelic/telic interpretation in Ancient Greek (especially in Homeric Greek) on an aktionsart/situation type aspect can explain the differences found between the Ancient and the Modern Greek cognate constructions.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.00sec4
Section header
17
01
Part IV. Split intransitivity
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.13doy
345
372
28
Article
18
01
Split intransitivity in Irish and the syntax-semantics interface
1
A01
Aidan Doyle
Doyle, Aidan
Aidan
Doyle
University College Cork
01
This paper considers the notion of split intransitivity as evidenced in the behaviour of perfects in Irish. It is claimed that this language exhibits a distinction between kinds of perfect which roughly corresponds to that between <i>have</i> and <i>be</i> perfects in other languages. However, the choice of perfect is initially somewhat puzzling, and a high degree of variability is found. In response to this, it is attempted to discover if the choice of perfect in Irish is dependent on such semantic factors as agentivity and telicity. The next part of the paper takes the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy of Sorace (2000) and adapts it to the Irish data. Two semantic groups in particular are investigated: change-of-location verbs and change-of-state verbs. The findings of our examination strongly suggest that semantic factors play a major role in determining the kind of perfect chosen for intransitive verbs, but that one ought to think more in terms of trends in the behaviour of individual verbs, rather than absolute, unvarying rules. The paper tries to come to terms with a typologically unusual body of data. It is hoped that the analysis of this presented below will increase our understanding of the syntax-semantics interface as manifested in split intransitivity.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.14nap
373
404
32
Article
19
01
Semantic constraints on the Latin impersonal passive
On telicity and agentivity
1
A01
Maria Napoli
Napoli, Maria
Maria
Napoli
01
This paper focuses on a specific type of impersonal construction in Latin, the so-called <i>impersonal passive</i>, which is based on the third person singular of the passive voice. Using a corpus-based analysis of the Latin data, I will investigate the introduction of a prepositional agentive phrase in impersonal passives, which, although rare, represents a challenge to the functional-typological view of this construction as an <i>agent defocusing strategy</i>. It will be shown that this characterization only partially accounts for the Latin data, since subject demotion is possible also when the agent is highly topical, i.e. definite, referential and human. It will be further suggested that the scalar approach to split intransitivity put forward in Sorace (2000) may throw new light onto the parameters determining the distribution of agentive phrases in Latin; in particular, it will be demonstrated that agentivity acts as the main constraint on the presence/absence of a syntactic agent in the Latin impersonal passive.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.15die
405
434
30
Article
20
01
Auxiliary selection in German
Constructional gradience with perfect formation
1
A01
Elke Diedrichsen
Diedrichsen, Elke
Elke
Diedrichsen
University of Vechta* and Googly European Headquarters, Dublin
01
The phenomenon of variance in auxiliary selection with haben and sein for perfect formation is very well known from a number of languages, and it is widely discussed. Recent models assume that sets of ranked criteria act as the semantic basis for auxiliary selection. Sorace’s hierarchical model (Sorace 2000), for example, is set to predict tendencies in auxiliary selection across languages. My approach will introduce three semantic criteria for perfect auxiliary selection in German. The criteria lead to a new version of Sorace’s model. It will be shown that findings concerning the diachronic development of haben and sein perfect support the general idea of gradience in the emergence of constructions. Keywords: German; auxiliary selection; auxiliary selection hierarchy; gradience; perfect; unaccusativity
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.16ros
435
458
24
Article
21
01
Tornar and volver
The interplay of frequency and semantics in compound tense auxiliary selection in Medieval and Classical Spanish
1
A01
Malte Rosemeyer
Rosemeyer, Malte
Malte
Rosemeyer
Albert-Ludwigs-Universität Freiburg
01
This paper examines how the interplay of frequency and semantics may have influenced the directionality of the change of the compound tense auxiliary system in Spanish, taking the near-synonymous verbs <i>tornar</i> and <i>volver</i> (‘to return’) in the 16th century as examples. There is a significant contrast in the auxiliary selection of the two verbs that can be explained by taking into account the differences in semantic usage of the two verbs, as well as frequency effects. On the one hand, the higher degree of motional usage of <i>volver</i> leads to the more frequent selection of <i>ser</i>. On the other hand, the higher usage frequency of <i>volver</i> led to a conservation of the usage of the <i>ser</i>-auxiliary with this verb. In consequence, the chapter argues for a joint influence of semantic usage and frequency effects on the development of auxiliary selection in Spanish.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.00sec5
Section header
22
01
Part V. Existential and presentational constructions
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.17cre
461
476
16
Article
23
01
Control and the evolution of possessive and existential constructions
1
A01
Denis Creissels
Creissels, Denis
Denis
Creissels
University of Lyon
01
This paper examines aspects of the evolution of possessive and existential constructions that shed interesting light on the affinities between possession and the notions underlying existential predication, comitative predication and transitive predication. The unity of the notion of possession follows from the notion of personal sphere of an individual, but the relationships between an individual and the elements of his/her personal sphere are very diverse, and sometimes ambiguous, with respect to the control exerted by the possessor. Consequently, whatever the source of a predicative construction expressing possession (existential, comitative, or transitive), its extension to the whole domain of possession implies extension to situations that differ from those encoded by the source construction in terms of control, which favors further evolutions. This explains why many languages have constructions expressing predicative possession that are fully aligned with none of the constructions that can be their historical source. Keywords: possession; existence; comitative; transitivity
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.18gae
477
510
34
Article
24
01
Existential constructions
A semasiological perspective
1
A01
Livio Gaeta
Gaeta, Livio
Livio
Gaeta
Università di Napoli “Federico II”
01
Existential constructions are normally defined as sentences in which some entity is associated with some location giving rise to the so-called locative paradigm which also involves the locative and the possessive construction (cf. Freeze 2001). In spite of the apparent simplicity of this approach, the assumption of an allegedly universal locative paradigm leaves unaccounted a broad variety of languages in which existential constructions cannot be straightforwardly related to the locative onomasiological format. In these languages, existential constructions arise as a consequence of complex grammaticalization changes, which start from different source constructions. In this paper, a semasiological perspective is adopted, which aims at sketching a brief typology of the possible source constructions giving rise to existential constructions.<i>Einen Gott, den es gibt, gibt es nicht.</i>‘There is no God which exists’.(Dietrich Bonhoeffer, <i>Widerstand und Ergebung</i>)
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.19par
511
548
38
Article
25
01
Variation and change in the presentational constructions of north-western Italo-Romance varieties
1
A01
M. Mair Parry
Parry, M. Mair
M. Mair
Parry
University of Bristol
01
This paper examines variation and change in argument realization shown by the evolution of presentational, existential and event-reporting structures in the indigenous linguistic varieties of north-west Italy from the medieval period to the present. The common function of these constructions, namely the introduction of a new entity or situation into the world of discourse, both justifies their all being considered ‘presentational’ and accounts for the fact that their realizations in the vernaculars and dialects examined are historically related. The diachronic analysis discusses changes affecting three key morphosyntactic domains: (i) presence and role of a locative clitic; (ii) word order (preverbal vs. postverbal nominal subject/pivot); (iii) subject/pivot – verb agreement patterns, which eventually lead to the grammaticalization of dedicated presentational structures.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.20cic
549
566
18
Article
26
01
Argument realization and existential pro-forms in early Italo-Romance
1
A01
Francesco Maria Ciconte
Ciconte, Francesco Maria
Francesco Maria
Ciconte
01
In this paper we claim that the emergence of the existential pro-form in early Italo-Romance is motivated by the overt marking of definiteness on the pivot. The available data from a relatively large corpus of early Italo-Romance texts dating from C13th to C16th suggest that the overt marking of definiteness, which differentiates Romance from its ancestor Latin, favours the establishment of an existential pattern where the encoding of non-canonical pivots (definite ones) is licensed only if a locative element occurs in the structure; this can be a locative phrase, a locative relative pronoun or, crucially, a pro-form. From having the status of locative licenser of definiteness, the pro-form is thereafter reanalysed as an obligatory marker of existentiality and is extended to all types of existential construction.
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.21aut
567
572
6
Article
27
01
Author index
10
01
JB code
slcs.131.22lan
573
578
6
Article
28
01
Language and topic index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20130625
2013
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
08
1155
gr
01
JB
1
John Benjamins Publishing Company
+31 20 6304747
+31 20 6739773
bookorder@benjamins.nl
01
https://benjamins.com
01
WORLD
US CA MX
21
112
12
01
02
JB
1
00
99.00
EUR
R
02
02
JB
1
00
104.94
EUR
R
01
JB
10
bebc
+44 1202 712 934
+44 1202 712 913
sales@bebc.co.uk
03
GB
21
12
02
02
JB
1
00
83.00
GBP
Z
01
JB
2
John Benjamins North America
+1 800 562-5666
+1 703 661-1501
benjamins@presswarehouse.com
01
https://benjamins.com
01
US CA MX
21
1
12
01
gen
02
JB
1
00
149.00
USD