The aim of this paper is to investigate Italian constructions like Gli prese paura ‘he got scared’ (lit. ‘himDAT took fear’). Their crucial property is the combination of the light verb prendere with a dative experiencer which displays syntactic subject behaviour. The analysis, in the multistratal framework of Relational Grammar, leads to the assumption of impersonal “inversion” structures. Parallels, with lexical variation of the light verb, are found in other Romance languages.
Hinuq, a Nakh-Daghestanian language, has four non-canonical agent constructions: the potential, the involuntary agent, the exterior force and the causative construction. The non-canonical agents in these constructions lack various agentive properties such as volition, sentience or perception, depending on the construction in question. They are always marked with one and the same spatial case, the AT-Essive. This paper compares semantic and syntactic properties of non-canonical agents with their canonical counterparts and tries to provide a unified analysis of all four types of non-canonical agents. Keywords: agentivity; involuntary agents; potential agents; causative constructions; Nakh-Daghestanian
This paper deals with one of the aspects of the diachronic study of case, variation and competition of two or more cases in some particular function(s). The paper studies both formal parameters (markedness of case forms, interaction between declensional types) and functional features (overlapping of case semantics, semantic roles encoded, semantic specificity of cases) relevant for case competition. On the basis of evidence from languages with well-attested documented history, I outline possible approaches to the study of a tentative hierarchy of parameters that play an important role for the choice of case in the situation of competition and can be used to make plausible suggestions on the outcome of case competition. Keywords: case; case variation; case syncretism; paradigmatic pressure; analogy; markedness; substrate; Indo-European; Identifiability; Distinguishability; Primary Argument Immunity Principle
This paper reports on the nature of argument realisation in GET constructions in Irish with the verb faigh ‘get’ and the challenges it poses for theories concerned with argument realisation, event structure and the syntax to semantics linking system. This construction licences both GET-recipient/possessive and GET-passive readings. In functional models of grammar we expect the verb to project an argument structure and semantics based on the verb’s lexical entry, but these seem to need a constructional perspective to explain the realisation of the verb’s arguments (Michaelis 2006, 2010). The construction exhibits constructional polysemy with two core senses (‘HAVE’ and ‘BECOME’) that do not appear to be predicted by the lexical semantics of the verb. This account places the processing workload on the linking system, which needs to be sensitive to the ontological status of the second nominal argument in the lexical entry for the faigh ‘get’ verb. The lexical entry is underspecified for particular attributes including the nature of the predicate pred’. We present an account of this Irish GET verb and its constructions within a functional characterisation (Van Valin 2005, 2013). Additionally, we discuss the nature and internal architecture of constructions using evidence from the realisation of GET constructions in Irish.
This paper presents a corpus-based study on the argument structure of Latin verbs that are prefixed with spatial preverbs. Preverbation involves prefixing verbs, and is therefore a morphological phenomenon; however, studying the argument structure of preverbed verbs is a good chance to explore the syntax-semantics and syntax-lexicon interfaces. Through a diachronic investigation of the interactions between the morpho-syntactic realisations of the arguments of preverbed verbs and their lexical-semantic properties, I aim at demonstrating the merits of an original, corpus-based quantitative approach. The results on preverbs partially support a more general trend from Latin synthetic case-based morpho-syntax to the analytic syntax of the Romance languages, although they also show that this trend is not unidirectional and linear. The source data for the analysis cover Early, Classical and Medieval Latin and are drawn from state-of-the-art computational resources for Latin.
This paper deals with the theta-argument and case-theta linking challenges within the domain of Experiencer predicates. Taking English as a starting point, I discuss how Reinhart’s Theta System deals with this challenge. I then demonstrate how a group of German psych-verbs – argued in the literature to pose a problem for the UG linking procedures of the system – can be accounted for. Preserving the relevant findings about psych-verb semantics, I show how the linking of their arguments can be captured and than address the case-theta puzzle they allegedly instantiate. More generally, I show how the intuition that case is related to the lexical semantics of predicates can be formalized. I present the hypothesis that case is derivable from the lexical semantics of predicates and discuss some of its consequences and predictions. Keywords: varying mapping; the challenge of subj.experiencers; two-place causative psych verbs vs. two-place unaccusative psych verbs; DAT- and ACC-Experiencers; ECM-ACC vs. “transitive” ACC
This paper investigates the lexical and morpho-syntactic strategies used in three branches of European languages (Slavic, Romance, and Germanic) to express a specific non-prototypical type of three-participant event: that of an agent introducing a human Theme to a human Recipient. Earlier cross-linguistic research has shown that there are formal restrictions on the expression of three-participant events with two human non-agents. While these studies differ in the functional explanations offered for the attested restrictions, they are alike in taking the prototypical give ditransitive as their point of departure, and in predicting no principled differences in the behaviour of lexical verbs and/or event types other than give. This paper investigates to what extent the patterns found in these studies are applicable to introduce verbs, which occur in combination with two human non-agents (much) more frequently than give verbs. We find, on the one hand, that similar restrictions indeed apply in specific cases. On the other hand, the range of attested morpho-syntactic variation is wider than previous studies have accounted for. This variation is due to the strong influence on argument structure of individual lexical verbs and verb classes, as well as the specific semantic properties of the event type under study. Keywords: three-participant constructions; prototypicality; animacy; person; argument realization
This paper discusses to what extent the lexical aspectual nature of events is determined by verbal meaning, argument structure, or argument realisation patterns. It argues against the determination of lexical aspect by isolated verbs or by the verb and its argument(s). Instead, based on a lexical-syntactic approach, but integrating insights from Distributed Morphology, this proposal suggests that a minimal element of lexical argument structure, the inner lexical head, encodes all the information that is needed to identify the lexical aspectual nature of events.
This article examines four verbs of occurring in Romanian focusing on the relation between argument structure and verb meaning, the effect of verb meaning on argument selection and the consequences of these syntactic and semantic factors on use. In terms of argument structure, the verbs range from intransitive to transitive. The study revealed the following tendency: an increase in the complexity of the argument structure correlates with a corresponding increase in the semantic complexity of the verb together with a decrease in the semantic contribution of the arguments. An analysis of online data suggests that the syntactically and semantically more complex verbs have acquired specific pragmatic functions. Keywords: transitivity; existential verbs; event arguments; argument realization; expletive clitic object; information structure
The argument in this paper is based on the premise that null subjects are pronouns with no phonological substance, called pro, which may receive case and theta-role. Null subject languages may differ as to the referential properties of pro, in some languages pro may have specific reference, in others only generic or expletive reference, and again in others there is no pro at all. In some languages pro may also function as a complement. Pro is found in languages with or without rich verb agreement. There is thus no direct correlation between pro and subject-verb agreement. Many of the languages with obligatory subject (e.g. Scandinavian, English, French) have developed from earlier stages with null subjects. This can be described as a loss of pro from the lexicon of those languages. This loss can in turn be explained as caused by a lack of sufficient input data during acquisition; at a certain stage the necessary cues for a phonologically empty item is insufficient, and pro is lost from the language. This would also account for the apparent unidirectionality of the loss of null subjects. However, there are cases of null subjects as an innovation (e.g. contemporary colloquial French). Furthermore, since pro is such a widespread phenomenon cross-linguistically, there must be causes why it still exists after more than 100,000 years of language development, and why it originated in the first place. The paper will end by some attempts to explain such facts. Keywords: null subject; null object; empty categories; syntactic change; Scandinavian languages; Romance languages; Latin; Greek
Middle se constructions have been considered as non-active morphology, showing the same effect as passive se constructions, namely, internal argument promotion. The presence of se indicates that a property is attributed to the “subject” of the sentence, which is the underlying internal argument. The aim of this paper is to discuss some constructions in Brazilian Portuguese that have the internal argument in subject position. The analysis is able to explain why the argument in surface subject position in these sentences is always [-animate], the construction is restricted to certain verbs, and that the sentences have certain aspectual properties. The paper indicates that there is a diachronic development that relates these sentences to the loss of middle se constructions in BP. Keywords: argument promotion; middle SE constructions; generative grammar; Brazilian Portuguese; syntactic change
In the present paper, we show that in contrast to the diachronic instability that unergatives and transitives present with regard to null and cognate objects, alternating unaccusative verbs constantly appear to meet more restrictions in null and cognate object constructions than the other verbal classes. The restrictions of the null objects with alternating unaccusatives hold irrespective of the structure and the voice morphology of the alternating unaccusatives: alternating unaccusative verbs can be found in causative constructions with null objects only of the most freely used type of null objects (generic null objects); the other verbal classes can appear with deictic null objects in Modern and Ancient Greek or even with referential null objects in Ancient Greek. Cognate objects in Ancient Greek show both argumental and adverbial characteristics: unergatives in Ancient Greek can take cognate objects of argumental or adverbial character, but unaccusatives only take adverbial cognate accusatives. The common complex (causative) template of alternating unaccusatives (in both causative and anticausative uses) can be observed as the cause of the obligatory presence of the patient argument in causative uses of alternating unaccusatives, while the dependence of atelic/telic interpretation in Ancient Greek (especially in Homeric Greek) on an aktionsart/situation type aspect can explain the differences found between the Ancient and the Modern Greek cognate constructions.
This paper considers the notion of split intransitivity as evidenced in the behaviour of perfects in Irish. It is claimed that this language exhibits a distinction between kinds of perfect which roughly corresponds to that between have and be perfects in other languages. However, the choice of perfect is initially somewhat puzzling, and a high degree of variability is found. In response to this, it is attempted to discover if the choice of perfect in Irish is dependent on such semantic factors as agentivity and telicity. The next part of the paper takes the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy of Sorace (2000) and adapts it to the Irish data. Two semantic groups in particular are investigated: change-of-location verbs and change-of-state verbs. The findings of our examination strongly suggest that semantic factors play a major role in determining the kind of perfect chosen for intransitive verbs, but that one ought to think more in terms of trends in the behaviour of individual verbs, rather than absolute, unvarying rules. The paper tries to come to terms with a typologically unusual body of data. It is hoped that the analysis of this presented below will increase our understanding of the syntax-semantics interface as manifested in split intransitivity.
This paper focuses on a specific type of impersonal construction in Latin, the so-called impersonal passive, which is based on the third person singular of the passive voice. Using a corpus-based analysis of the Latin data, I will investigate the introduction of a prepositional agentive phrase in impersonal passives, which, although rare, represents a challenge to the functional-typological view of this construction as an agent defocusing strategy. It will be shown that this characterization only partially accounts for the Latin data, since subject demotion is possible also when the agent is highly topical, i.e. definite, referential and human. It will be further suggested that the scalar approach to split intransitivity put forward in Sorace (2000) may throw new light onto the parameters determining the distribution of agentive phrases in Latin; in particular, it will be demonstrated that agentivity acts as the main constraint on the presence/absence of a syntactic agent in the Latin impersonal passive.
The phenomenon of variance in auxiliary selection with haben and sein for perfect formation is very well known from a number of languages, and it is widely discussed. Recent models assume that sets of ranked criteria act as the semantic basis for auxiliary selection. Sorace’s hierarchical model (Sorace 2000), for example, is set to predict tendencies in auxiliary selection across languages. My approach will introduce three semantic criteria for perfect auxiliary selection in German. The criteria lead to a new version of Sorace’s model. It will be shown that findings concerning the diachronic development of haben and sein perfect support the general idea of gradience in the emergence of constructions. Keywords: German; auxiliary selection; auxiliary selection hierarchy; gradience; perfect; unaccusativity
This paper examines how the interplay of frequency and semantics may have influenced the directionality of the change of the compound tense auxiliary system in Spanish, taking the near-synonymous verbs tornar and volver (‘to return’) in the 16th century as examples. There is a significant contrast in the auxiliary selection of the two verbs that can be explained by taking into account the differences in semantic usage of the two verbs, as well as frequency effects. On the one hand, the higher degree of motional usage of volver leads to the more frequent selection of ser. On the other hand, the higher usage frequency of volver led to a conservation of the usage of the ser-auxiliary with this verb. In consequence, the chapter argues for a joint influence of semantic usage and frequency effects on the development of auxiliary selection in Spanish.
This paper examines aspects of the evolution of possessive and existential constructions that shed interesting light on the affinities between possession and the notions underlying existential predication, comitative predication and transitive predication. The unity of the notion of possession follows from the notion of personal sphere of an individual, but the relationships between an individual and the elements of his/her personal sphere are very diverse, and sometimes ambiguous, with respect to the control exerted by the possessor. Consequently, whatever the source of a predicative construction expressing possession (existential, comitative, or transitive), its extension to the whole domain of possession implies extension to situations that differ from those encoded by the source construction in terms of control, which favors further evolutions. This explains why many languages have constructions expressing predicative possession that are fully aligned with none of the constructions that can be their historical source. Keywords: possession; existence; comitative; transitivity
Existential constructions are normally defined as sentences in which some entity is associated with some location giving rise to the so-called locative paradigm which also involves the locative and the possessive construction (cf. Freeze 2001). In spite of the apparent simplicity of this approach, the assumption of an allegedly universal locative paradigm leaves unaccounted a broad variety of languages in which existential constructions cannot be straightforwardly related to the locative onomasiological format. In these languages, existential constructions arise as a consequence of complex grammaticalization changes, which start from different source constructions. In this paper, a semasiological perspective is adopted, which aims at sketching a brief typology of the possible source constructions giving rise to existential constructions.Einen Gott, den es gibt, gibt es nicht.‘There is no God which exists’.(Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Widerstand und Ergebung)
This paper examines variation and change in argument realization shown by the evolution of presentational, existential and event-reporting structures in the indigenous linguistic varieties of north-west Italy from the medieval period to the present. The common function of these constructions, namely the introduction of a new entity or situation into the world of discourse, both justifies their all being considered ‘presentational’ and accounts for the fact that their realizations in the vernaculars and dialects examined are historically related. The diachronic analysis discusses changes affecting three key morphosyntactic domains: (i) presence and role of a locative clitic; (ii) word order (preverbal vs. postverbal nominal subject/pivot); (iii) subject/pivot – verb agreement patterns, which eventually lead to the grammaticalization of dedicated presentational structures.
In this paper we claim that the emergence of the existential pro-form in early Italo-Romance is motivated by the overt marking of definiteness on the pivot. The available data from a relatively large corpus of early Italo-Romance texts dating from C13th to C16th suggest that the overt marking of definiteness, which differentiates Romance from its ancestor Latin, favours the establishment of an existential pattern where the encoding of non-canonical pivots (definite ones) is licensed only if a locative element occurs in the structure; this can be a locative phrase, a locative relative pronoun or, crucially, a pro-form. From having the status of locative licenser of definiteness, the pro-form is thereafter reanalysed as an obligatory marker of existentiality and is extended to all types of existential construction.
The aim of this paper is to investigate Italian constructions like Gli prese paura ‘he got scared’ (lit. ‘himDAT took fear’). Their crucial property is the combination of the light verb prendere with a dative experiencer which displays syntactic subject behaviour. The analysis, in the multistratal framework of Relational Grammar, leads to the assumption of impersonal “inversion” structures. Parallels, with lexical variation of the light verb, are found in other Romance languages.
Hinuq, a Nakh-Daghestanian language, has four non-canonical agent constructions: the potential, the involuntary agent, the exterior force and the causative construction. The non-canonical agents in these constructions lack various agentive properties such as volition, sentience or perception, depending on the construction in question. They are always marked with one and the same spatial case, the AT-Essive. This paper compares semantic and syntactic properties of non-canonical agents with their canonical counterparts and tries to provide a unified analysis of all four types of non-canonical agents. Keywords: agentivity; involuntary agents; potential agents; causative constructions; Nakh-Daghestanian
This paper deals with one of the aspects of the diachronic study of case, variation and competition of two or more cases in some particular function(s). The paper studies both formal parameters (markedness of case forms, interaction between declensional types) and functional features (overlapping of case semantics, semantic roles encoded, semantic specificity of cases) relevant for case competition. On the basis of evidence from languages with well-attested documented history, I outline possible approaches to the study of a tentative hierarchy of parameters that play an important role for the choice of case in the situation of competition and can be used to make plausible suggestions on the outcome of case competition. Keywords: case; case variation; case syncretism; paradigmatic pressure; analogy; markedness; substrate; Indo-European; Identifiability; Distinguishability; Primary Argument Immunity Principle
This paper reports on the nature of argument realisation in GET constructions in Irish with the verb faigh ‘get’ and the challenges it poses for theories concerned with argument realisation, event structure and the syntax to semantics linking system. This construction licences both GET-recipient/possessive and GET-passive readings. In functional models of grammar we expect the verb to project an argument structure and semantics based on the verb’s lexical entry, but these seem to need a constructional perspective to explain the realisation of the verb’s arguments (Michaelis 2006, 2010). The construction exhibits constructional polysemy with two core senses (‘HAVE’ and ‘BECOME’) that do not appear to be predicted by the lexical semantics of the verb. This account places the processing workload on the linking system, which needs to be sensitive to the ontological status of the second nominal argument in the lexical entry for the faigh ‘get’ verb. The lexical entry is underspecified for particular attributes including the nature of the predicate pred’. We present an account of this Irish GET verb and its constructions within a functional characterisation (Van Valin 2005, 2013). Additionally, we discuss the nature and internal architecture of constructions using evidence from the realisation of GET constructions in Irish.
This paper presents a corpus-based study on the argument structure of Latin verbs that are prefixed with spatial preverbs. Preverbation involves prefixing verbs, and is therefore a morphological phenomenon; however, studying the argument structure of preverbed verbs is a good chance to explore the syntax-semantics and syntax-lexicon interfaces. Through a diachronic investigation of the interactions between the morpho-syntactic realisations of the arguments of preverbed verbs and their lexical-semantic properties, I aim at demonstrating the merits of an original, corpus-based quantitative approach. The results on preverbs partially support a more general trend from Latin synthetic case-based morpho-syntax to the analytic syntax of the Romance languages, although they also show that this trend is not unidirectional and linear. The source data for the analysis cover Early, Classical and Medieval Latin and are drawn from state-of-the-art computational resources for Latin.
This paper deals with the theta-argument and case-theta linking challenges within the domain of Experiencer predicates. Taking English as a starting point, I discuss how Reinhart’s Theta System deals with this challenge. I then demonstrate how a group of German psych-verbs – argued in the literature to pose a problem for the UG linking procedures of the system – can be accounted for. Preserving the relevant findings about psych-verb semantics, I show how the linking of their arguments can be captured and than address the case-theta puzzle they allegedly instantiate. More generally, I show how the intuition that case is related to the lexical semantics of predicates can be formalized. I present the hypothesis that case is derivable from the lexical semantics of predicates and discuss some of its consequences and predictions. Keywords: varying mapping; the challenge of subj.experiencers; two-place causative psych verbs vs. two-place unaccusative psych verbs; DAT- and ACC-Experiencers; ECM-ACC vs. “transitive” ACC
This paper investigates the lexical and morpho-syntactic strategies used in three branches of European languages (Slavic, Romance, and Germanic) to express a specific non-prototypical type of three-participant event: that of an agent introducing a human Theme to a human Recipient. Earlier cross-linguistic research has shown that there are formal restrictions on the expression of three-participant events with two human non-agents. While these studies differ in the functional explanations offered for the attested restrictions, they are alike in taking the prototypical give ditransitive as their point of departure, and in predicting no principled differences in the behaviour of lexical verbs and/or event types other than give. This paper investigates to what extent the patterns found in these studies are applicable to introduce verbs, which occur in combination with two human non-agents (much) more frequently than give verbs. We find, on the one hand, that similar restrictions indeed apply in specific cases. On the other hand, the range of attested morpho-syntactic variation is wider than previous studies have accounted for. This variation is due to the strong influence on argument structure of individual lexical verbs and verb classes, as well as the specific semantic properties of the event type under study. Keywords: three-participant constructions; prototypicality; animacy; person; argument realization
This paper discusses to what extent the lexical aspectual nature of events is determined by verbal meaning, argument structure, or argument realisation patterns. It argues against the determination of lexical aspect by isolated verbs or by the verb and its argument(s). Instead, based on a lexical-syntactic approach, but integrating insights from Distributed Morphology, this proposal suggests that a minimal element of lexical argument structure, the inner lexical head, encodes all the information that is needed to identify the lexical aspectual nature of events.
This article examines four verbs of occurring in Romanian focusing on the relation between argument structure and verb meaning, the effect of verb meaning on argument selection and the consequences of these syntactic and semantic factors on use. In terms of argument structure, the verbs range from intransitive to transitive. The study revealed the following tendency: an increase in the complexity of the argument structure correlates with a corresponding increase in the semantic complexity of the verb together with a decrease in the semantic contribution of the arguments. An analysis of online data suggests that the syntactically and semantically more complex verbs have acquired specific pragmatic functions. Keywords: transitivity; existential verbs; event arguments; argument realization; expletive clitic object; information structure
The argument in this paper is based on the premise that null subjects are pronouns with no phonological substance, called pro, which may receive case and theta-role. Null subject languages may differ as to the referential properties of pro, in some languages pro may have specific reference, in others only generic or expletive reference, and again in others there is no pro at all. In some languages pro may also function as a complement. Pro is found in languages with or without rich verb agreement. There is thus no direct correlation between pro and subject-verb agreement. Many of the languages with obligatory subject (e.g. Scandinavian, English, French) have developed from earlier stages with null subjects. This can be described as a loss of pro from the lexicon of those languages. This loss can in turn be explained as caused by a lack of sufficient input data during acquisition; at a certain stage the necessary cues for a phonologically empty item is insufficient, and pro is lost from the language. This would also account for the apparent unidirectionality of the loss of null subjects. However, there are cases of null subjects as an innovation (e.g. contemporary colloquial French). Furthermore, since pro is such a widespread phenomenon cross-linguistically, there must be causes why it still exists after more than 100,000 years of language development, and why it originated in the first place. The paper will end by some attempts to explain such facts. Keywords: null subject; null object; empty categories; syntactic change; Scandinavian languages; Romance languages; Latin; Greek
Middle se constructions have been considered as non-active morphology, showing the same effect as passive se constructions, namely, internal argument promotion. The presence of se indicates that a property is attributed to the “subject” of the sentence, which is the underlying internal argument. The aim of this paper is to discuss some constructions in Brazilian Portuguese that have the internal argument in subject position. The analysis is able to explain why the argument in surface subject position in these sentences is always [-animate], the construction is restricted to certain verbs, and that the sentences have certain aspectual properties. The paper indicates that there is a diachronic development that relates these sentences to the loss of middle se constructions in BP. Keywords: argument promotion; middle SE constructions; generative grammar; Brazilian Portuguese; syntactic change
In the present paper, we show that in contrast to the diachronic instability that unergatives and transitives present with regard to null and cognate objects, alternating unaccusative verbs constantly appear to meet more restrictions in null and cognate object constructions than the other verbal classes. The restrictions of the null objects with alternating unaccusatives hold irrespective of the structure and the voice morphology of the alternating unaccusatives: alternating unaccusative verbs can be found in causative constructions with null objects only of the most freely used type of null objects (generic null objects); the other verbal classes can appear with deictic null objects in Modern and Ancient Greek or even with referential null objects in Ancient Greek. Cognate objects in Ancient Greek show both argumental and adverbial characteristics: unergatives in Ancient Greek can take cognate objects of argumental or adverbial character, but unaccusatives only take adverbial cognate accusatives. The common complex (causative) template of alternating unaccusatives (in both causative and anticausative uses) can be observed as the cause of the obligatory presence of the patient argument in causative uses of alternating unaccusatives, while the dependence of atelic/telic interpretation in Ancient Greek (especially in Homeric Greek) on an aktionsart/situation type aspect can explain the differences found between the Ancient and the Modern Greek cognate constructions.
This paper considers the notion of split intransitivity as evidenced in the behaviour of perfects in Irish. It is claimed that this language exhibits a distinction between kinds of perfect which roughly corresponds to that between have and be perfects in other languages. However, the choice of perfect is initially somewhat puzzling, and a high degree of variability is found. In response to this, it is attempted to discover if the choice of perfect in Irish is dependent on such semantic factors as agentivity and telicity. The next part of the paper takes the Auxiliary Selection Hierarchy of Sorace (2000) and adapts it to the Irish data. Two semantic groups in particular are investigated: change-of-location verbs and change-of-state verbs. The findings of our examination strongly suggest that semantic factors play a major role in determining the kind of perfect chosen for intransitive verbs, but that one ought to think more in terms of trends in the behaviour of individual verbs, rather than absolute, unvarying rules. The paper tries to come to terms with a typologically unusual body of data. It is hoped that the analysis of this presented below will increase our understanding of the syntax-semantics interface as manifested in split intransitivity.
This paper focuses on a specific type of impersonal construction in Latin, the so-called impersonal passive, which is based on the third person singular of the passive voice. Using a corpus-based analysis of the Latin data, I will investigate the introduction of a prepositional agentive phrase in impersonal passives, which, although rare, represents a challenge to the functional-typological view of this construction as an agent defocusing strategy. It will be shown that this characterization only partially accounts for the Latin data, since subject demotion is possible also when the agent is highly topical, i.e. definite, referential and human. It will be further suggested that the scalar approach to split intransitivity put forward in Sorace (2000) may throw new light onto the parameters determining the distribution of agentive phrases in Latin; in particular, it will be demonstrated that agentivity acts as the main constraint on the presence/absence of a syntactic agent in the Latin impersonal passive.
The phenomenon of variance in auxiliary selection with haben and sein for perfect formation is very well known from a number of languages, and it is widely discussed. Recent models assume that sets of ranked criteria act as the semantic basis for auxiliary selection. Sorace’s hierarchical model (Sorace 2000), for example, is set to predict tendencies in auxiliary selection across languages. My approach will introduce three semantic criteria for perfect auxiliary selection in German. The criteria lead to a new version of Sorace’s model. It will be shown that findings concerning the diachronic development of haben and sein perfect support the general idea of gradience in the emergence of constructions. Keywords: German; auxiliary selection; auxiliary selection hierarchy; gradience; perfect; unaccusativity
This paper examines how the interplay of frequency and semantics may have influenced the directionality of the change of the compound tense auxiliary system in Spanish, taking the near-synonymous verbs tornar and volver (‘to return’) in the 16th century as examples. There is a significant contrast in the auxiliary selection of the two verbs that can be explained by taking into account the differences in semantic usage of the two verbs, as well as frequency effects. On the one hand, the higher degree of motional usage of volver leads to the more frequent selection of ser. On the other hand, the higher usage frequency of volver led to a conservation of the usage of the ser-auxiliary with this verb. In consequence, the chapter argues for a joint influence of semantic usage and frequency effects on the development of auxiliary selection in Spanish.
This paper examines aspects of the evolution of possessive and existential constructions that shed interesting light on the affinities between possession and the notions underlying existential predication, comitative predication and transitive predication. The unity of the notion of possession follows from the notion of personal sphere of an individual, but the relationships between an individual and the elements of his/her personal sphere are very diverse, and sometimes ambiguous, with respect to the control exerted by the possessor. Consequently, whatever the source of a predicative construction expressing possession (existential, comitative, or transitive), its extension to the whole domain of possession implies extension to situations that differ from those encoded by the source construction in terms of control, which favors further evolutions. This explains why many languages have constructions expressing predicative possession that are fully aligned with none of the constructions that can be their historical source. Keywords: possession; existence; comitative; transitivity
Existential constructions are normally defined as sentences in which some entity is associated with some location giving rise to the so-called locative paradigm which also involves the locative and the possessive construction (cf. Freeze 2001). In spite of the apparent simplicity of this approach, the assumption of an allegedly universal locative paradigm leaves unaccounted a broad variety of languages in which existential constructions cannot be straightforwardly related to the locative onomasiological format. In these languages, existential constructions arise as a consequence of complex grammaticalization changes, which start from different source constructions. In this paper, a semasiological perspective is adopted, which aims at sketching a brief typology of the possible source constructions giving rise to existential constructions.Einen Gott, den es gibt, gibt es nicht.‘There is no God which exists’.(Dietrich Bonhoeffer, Widerstand und Ergebung)
This paper examines variation and change in argument realization shown by the evolution of presentational, existential and event-reporting structures in the indigenous linguistic varieties of north-west Italy from the medieval period to the present. The common function of these constructions, namely the introduction of a new entity or situation into the world of discourse, both justifies their all being considered ‘presentational’ and accounts for the fact that their realizations in the vernaculars and dialects examined are historically related. The diachronic analysis discusses changes affecting three key morphosyntactic domains: (i) presence and role of a locative clitic; (ii) word order (preverbal vs. postverbal nominal subject/pivot); (iii) subject/pivot – verb agreement patterns, which eventually lead to the grammaticalization of dedicated presentational structures.
In this paper we claim that the emergence of the existential pro-form in early Italo-Romance is motivated by the overt marking of definiteness on the pivot. The available data from a relatively large corpus of early Italo-Romance texts dating from C13th to C16th suggest that the overt marking of definiteness, which differentiates Romance from its ancestor Latin, favours the establishment of an existential pattern where the encoding of non-canonical pivots (definite ones) is licensed only if a locative element occurs in the structure; this can be a locative phrase, a locative relative pronoun or, crucially, a pro-form. From having the status of locative licenser of definiteness, the pro-form is thereafter reanalysed as an obligatory marker of existentiality and is extended to all types of existential construction.