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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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eng
01
EUR
321011273
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
SLCS 138 Eb
15
9789027271457
06
10.1075/slcs.138
13
2013020757
DG
002
02
01
SLCS
02
0165-7763
Studies in Language Companion Series
138
01
Comparative Studies in Early Germanic Languages
With a focus on verbal categories
01
slcs.138
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.138
1
B01
Gabriele Diewald
Diewald, Gabriele
Gabriele
Diewald
Leibniz University Hannover
2
B01
Leena Kahlas-Tarkka
Kahlas-Tarkka, Leena
Leena
Kahlas-Tarkka
University of Helsinki
3
B01
Ilse Wischer
Wischer, Ilse
Ilse
Wischer
University of Potsdam
01
eng
324
vi
318
LAN009000
v.2006
CFF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.COMP
Comparative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ENG
English linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GERM
Germanic linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.HL
Historical linguistics
06
01
This volume offers a coherent and detailed picture of the diachronic development of verbal categories of Old English, Old High German, and other Germanic languages. Starting from the observation that German and English show diverging paths in the development of verbal categories, even though they descended from a common ancestor language, the contributions present in-depth, empirically founded studies on the stages and directions of these changes combining historical comparative methods with grammaticalisation theory. This collection of papers provides the reader with an indispensable source of information on the early traces of distinct developments, thus laying the foundation for a broad-scale scenario of the grammaticalisation of verbal categories. The volume will be of particular interest to scholars of language change, grammaticalisation, and diachronic sociolinguistics; it offers important new insights for typologists and for everybody interested in the make-up of verbal categories.
05
This valuable collection of articles provides a wealth of detailed and systematically presented empirical information on specific topics related to verb constructions in Old Germanic languages. In several cases, a more complete factual picture of important developments is provided than is found elsewhere in the literature.
John Ole Askedal
05
Studies and surveys of grammaticalising verbal categories in English and German are usefully brought together here, with much to be learned from the contrasted early histories of the two languages.
David Denison
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/slcs.138.png
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JB code
slcs.138.01die
1
16
16
Article
1
01
Introduction
1
A01
Gabriele Diewald
Diewald, Gabriele
Gabriele
Diewald
Leibnitz Universität Hannover, Germany
2
A01
Leena Kahlas-Tarkka
Kahlas-Tarkka, Leena
Leena
Kahlas-Tarkka
University of Helsinki, Finland
3
A01
Ilse Wischer
Wischer, Ilse
Ilse
Wischer
University of Potsdam, Germany
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.02clo
17
40
24
Article
2
01
*<i>haitan</i> in Gothic and Old English
1
A01
Robert Cloutier
Cloutier, Robert
Robert
Cloutier
Tennessee Technological University, USA
01
By collecting data from various corpora, I examine and compare the use of the Gothic <i>haitan</i> and Old English <i>hātan</i> reflexes of <i>*haitan</i>, a transitive verb that develops into a copula-like verb in the other Germanic languages. Between the two languages, this verb can occur in five constructions: calling, transitive naming, infinitival commanding, subclause commanding, and copular naming. Both Gothic and Early Old English share the use of this verb in calling constructions whereas the subclause commanding construction is an Old English innovation and the copular naming construction does not appear until Late Old English. Regardless of the language or period, however, when <i>*haitan </i>occurs in transitive naming constructions, it strongly favours passive voice, which may explain its later use in copular naming constructions. Moreover, an examination of the competitors of Gothic *<i>haitan</i> show that it has strong competition from various verbs in each of its functions, though the competition in the transitive naming construction is weakest.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.03mai
41
70
30
Article
3
01
Incipient Grammaticalisation
Sources of passive constructions in Old High German and Old English
1
A01
Robert Mailhammer
Mailhammer, Robert
Robert
Mailhammer
University of Western Sidney, Australia
2
A01
Elena Smirnova
Smirnova, Elena
Elena
Smirnova
Leibnitz University Hannover, Germany
01
In this paper we deal with Old English and Old High German copula constructions combining verbs denoting ‘be’ and ‘become’ with past participles, which are traditionally analysed as periphrastic passive constructions. We propose that these constructions cannot be seen as grammaticalised passives but rather as fully compositional structures. We investigate these constructions from an aspectual perspective and argue that the passive is only one of several possible readings for these constructions, though one that follows logically from certain combinations. In particular, we show that the copula verbs act as aspect operators that select different parts of the event structure of the past participle, and that transitivity is the crucial factor that gives rise to passive readings. As a conclusion, we outline a detailed corpus investigation in order to catalogue all possible readings and then ultimately make a contribution to the different developments of the passive in English and German.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.04pet
71
100
30
Article
4
01
Passive auxiliaries in English and German
Decline versus grammaticalisation of bounded language use
1
A01
Peter Petré
Petré, Peter
Peter
Petré
KU Leuven, Belgium
01
The passive construction constitutes a marked difference between English, which uses the auxiliary <i>be</i>, and German, which uses <i>werden</i> ‘become’. Originally, however, both languages used both verbs. In this paper I argue, based on evidence from Old English, early Middle English, <i>Tatian</i> and <i>Otfrid</i>, that this situation changed when English and German developed different systems of boundedness. Bounded language use construes situations as completed sub-events, emphasizing narrative progress, and making abundant use of time adverbials, which split up an event chronologically and often take up the first position in a verb-second system. In German when this type of bounded language use was grammaticalised, <i>werden</i> grammaticalised as the only passive auxiliary, precisely because it was already predominantly used in bounded clauses. By contrast, the bounded system disappeared in English, as evidenced in the heavy decrease of time adverbials of narrative progress such as <i>þa</i> ‘then’, and the confusion of verb-second-syntax. <i>Weorðan</i>, the Old English cognate of <i>werden</i>, was highly entrenched in these constructions, and disappeared with them. In general, my analysis shows how the bounded-unbounded distinction makes it possible to account for a major difference in the auxiliary system between English and German.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.05kil
101
126
26
Article
5
01
Causative <i>habban</i> in Old English
Tracing the Development of a Budding Construction
1
A01
Matti Kilpiö
Kilpiö, Matti
Matti
Kilpiö
University of Helsinki, Finland
01
The budding causative use of Old English <i>habban </i>‘have’ has so far received little attention in the literature compared to other Old English periphrastic causatives. The construction with <i>habban </i>represents indirect passive causation and corresponds to the Present-Day English construction of the type <i>I had my shoes repaired</i>. The study is based on the entire <i>habban </i>material, c. 12,600 instances, from the <i>Dictionary of Old English Corpus</i>. The material yields 19 (20) causative <i>habban </i>instances. After a brief look at the diachronic and dialectal breakdown of the data, the discussion focuses on syntactic features, such as word-order and the inflection/non-inflection of the past participle, and semantic features, e.g. the roles of the causer, patient and causee, the presence of volitional or deontic modality in all the instances, and the telicity/atelicity of the action expressed by the verb phrase. The article concludes with a discussion of the origin of the construction. A new hypothesis concerning the triggering of the grammaticalisation process of causative <i>habban </i>is presented and viewed in the light of Diewald’s context-sensitive grammaticalisation scenario.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.06eit
127
150
24
Article
6
01
Remembering <i>( ge)munan</i>
The rise and decline of a potential modal
1
A01
Matthias Eitelmann
Eitelmann, Matthias
Matthias
Eitelmann
Johannes Gutenberg-University Mainz, Germany
01
Old English (<i>ge</i>)<i>munan </i>is one of the preterite-present verbs that became obsolete in the (strongly debated) more or less radical change into modal auxiliaries. Contrasted with those verbs that replaced the preterite-present in its lexical sense from Middle English onwards, an etymological analysis reveals <i>gemunan </i>to indicate an act of memory the function of which is not so much to (individually) reminisce about the past, but rather to (collectively) assess the present against the backdrop of the past. The preterite-present experienced a renaissance due to interlingual influence from Old Norse as <i>mun </i>was reintroduced and used as a modal especially in the northern dialects of English (cf. most prominently Sc. <i>maun</i>), moving steadily along the grammaticalisation cline just like the other fully-fledged modal auxiliaries. The eventual decline of <i>mun </i>– not only in Standard English but also in most regional varieties – can be explained from a functional perspective which also bears implications for current changes affecting the Present-day English paradigm of modality expressions.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.07jag
151
168
18
Article
7
01
The emergence of modal meanings from <i>haben</i> with <i>zu</i>-infinitives in Old High German
The
emergence of modal meanings from <i>haben</i> with <i>zu</i>-infinitives in Old High German
1
A01
Anne Jäger
Jäger, Anne
Anne
Jäger
Leibniz University Hannover, Germany
01
The grammaticalisation path from possession to obligation which describes the development of <i>haben</i> to a marker of modality is well-established (cf. Heine/Kuteva 2002), but opinions differ on when exactly these modal readings came about. Haspelmath (1989) argues for a dating no earlier than Middle High German, but a careful study of Notker’s writings reveals evidence of modal ‘<i>haben</i> + <i>zu</i>-infinitive’ in Old High German. Following Ebert (1976), this study identifies four stages of grammaticalisation of <i>haben</i> with <i>zu</i>-infinitive. The pivotal point is reached as soon as ‘<i>haben</i> + <i>zu</i>-infinitive’ is combined with nominal complements in the genitive or dative case, which clearly evince modal meanings. Notker’s Old High German texts contain several instances of this use. Finally, the comparison with the original texts demonstrates that ‘<i>haben</i> + <i>zu</i>-infinitive’ does not derive from Latin, but rather is used independently, even in Old High German.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.08tim
169
194
26
Article
8
01
<i>Hearsay</i> and lexical evidentials in Old Germanic languages, with focus on Old English
1
A01
Olga Timofeeva
Timofeeva, Olga
Olga
Timofeeva
University of Zurich, Switzerland
01
This article offers a paradigmatic survey of auditory evidential constructions in Old English: direct-perception constructions – <i>accusativus cum infinitivo</i> (ACI) introduced by the auditory (<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i> ‘to hear’ ((<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i>+ACI) – and hearsay-evidence constructions, consisting of the verb (<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i> with the infinitive of a verb of utterance ((<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i>+Inf), followed by a compliment clause, a prepositional clause, or a parenthetical. Comparative data from other Old Germanic languages suggests a common origin of both constructions. It is further hypothesised that these two do not go back to the same Proto-Germanic construction: (<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i>+ACI is more likely to have arisen from the reanalysis of the verbal noun in <i>I heard his speech</i> into an ACI with a verb of ‘speaking’ <i>I heard him speak</i>, while (<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i>+Inf could have developed from <i>I heard the story</i> into <i>I heard </i>(<i>the</i>)<i> say</i> with the verb of ‘saying’.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.09die
195
216
22
Article
9
01
Markers of Futurity in Old High German and Old English
A Comparative Corpus-Based Study
1
A01
Gabriele Diewald
Diewald, Gabriele
Gabriele
Diewald
Leibnitz Universität Hannover, Germany
2
A01
Ilse Wischer
Wischer, Ilse
Ilse
Wischer
Universität Potsdam, Germany
01
This paper is a comparative corpus-based study of constructions that had the potential of marking future events in Old High German (OHG) and Old English (OE), i.e. modal constructions and those with <i>be/become</i>-verbs. Given the fact that both languages stem from a common source and probably had similar source lexemes for future grams, they nevertheless took diverging paths to develop a future tense, with <i>werden</i> in German and <i>will/shall</i> in English. The paper aims at comparing the earliest attestable stages of the two languages, i.e. Old High German and Old English to find out whether there are language internal differences with regard to the patterns of use of the possible source items. The database for our studies consists of OHG and OE text material dating from 790 to 1155, which we consider to be maximally comparable with respect to chronology, text type and content.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.10bol
217
234
18
Article
10
01
The Verb <i>to be</i> in the <i>West Saxon Gospels</i> and the <i>Lindisfarne Gospels</i>
The
Verb <i>to be</i> in the <i>West Saxon Gospels</i> and the <i>Lindisfarne Gospels</i>
1
A01
Christine Bolze
Bolze, Christine
Christine
Bolze
University of Cambridge, UK
01
This paper examines the distribution and use of the twofold present tense paradigms of the Old English verb <i>bēon </i>‘to be’ in the late <i>West Saxon Gospels</i> (WSG) and the Northumbrian gloss to the <i>Lindisfarne Gospels </i>(LiGl). The analysis confirms the frequently claimed semantic distinction of the paradigms. It furthermore shows that the choice of a form of OE <i>bēon</i> mostly depended on the tense and mood of its Latin equivalent, but it also illustrates that the translators of the two Gospel versions took the context into account. Quantitative differences of the forms in the two manuscripts are due to multiple glosses in <i>Lindisfarne</i>, the use of alternative forms to OE <i>bēon</i> in the <i>West Saxon Gospels</i> and the partly different morphology of the verb in Northumbrian.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.11bro
235
262
28
Article
11
01
Aspectual properties of the verbal prefix <i>a</i>- in Old English with reference to Gothic
1
A01
Vlatko Broz
Broz, Vlatko
Vlatko
Broz
University of Zagreb, Croatia
01
This paper is a corpus-based study of the Old English verbal prefix <i>a- </i>which is no longer productive in English today, but survives in a few lexical relics such as <i>arise, awake </i>or <i>ashamed. </i>After a brief discussion of previous research and the etymology of this prefix, the paper investigates a range of meanings and functions that the verbal prefix <i>a- </i>had in early English, showing that it was in an advanced stage of grammaticalisation and that its primary function was to express perfective aspect. The prefix is contrasted with its cognate in Gothic, as well as its equivalents in Modern English and Croatian, a Slavic language that marks aspect morphologically.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.12pfe
263
288
26
Article
12
01
Þǣr wæs vs. thâr was
Old English and Old High German existential constructions with adverbs of place
1
A01
Simone E. Pfenninger
Pfenninger, Simone E.
Simone E.
Pfenninger
University of Zurich, Switzerland
01
Even though we can observe striking differences in the isolating contexts of Modern English and Modern High German existential constructions, both languages feature existential constructions with locative adverbs that are the result of long processes of grammaticalisation. In Old English (OE), expletive <i>þǣr</i> diverged from the locative <i>þǣr</i> as a result of semantic and syntactic reanalysis, which led to the development of the English existential <i>there</i>-construction (ETC). In a similar way, Old High German (OHG) <i>thâr</i>, through grammaticalisation, diverged from its locative origin and gave rise to the existential <i>da</i>-construction. It is suggested in this paper that there was a common origin: both <i>þǣr</i> and <i>thâr</i> evolved as a compromise in the conflict between pragmatic and syntactic structure in OE and OHG, respectively. The aim is to contribute to the still small number of qualitative and quantitative studies of OE and OHG existential constructions.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.13ven
289
312
24
Article
13
01
On gain and loss of verbal categories in language contact
Old English vs. Old High German
1
A01
Theo Vennemann
Vennemann, Theo
Theo
Vennemann
University of Munich, Germany
01
The theory of language change has in recent years increased its explanatory repertoire by pointing out the role of language contact in determining which paths of development are entered and followed under specified conditions. In particular, language shifting – as unmonitored second language learning – is recognized as a powerful mechanism for introducing new verbal categories into language systems as well as leading to the loss of verbal categories from language systems. In this paper I will relate several of the most important structural changes and categorial differences in the verb systems of Proto-Germanic, Old English and Old High German to the different contact histories of these languages, among them: (1) the reduction of the Proto-Indo-European TAM system (TAM for tense, aspect, mood) to half its size in Proto-Germanic, (2) the existence of a double copular paradigm in Old English (and again in Irish English) but not in German; (3) a number of properties of English but not of German attributed to Celtic influence by Filppula, Klemola, and Paulasto (2008), such as the loss of the affected possessor construction and the rise of the verbal noun in <i>-ung/-ing</i> and the progressive based on it.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.14ind
313
318
6
Article
14
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20131010
2013
John Benjamins B.V.
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027206053
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
jbe-platform.com
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WORLD
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01
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83.00
GBP
Z
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gen
00
149.00
USD
S
868011272
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
SLCS 138 Hb
15
9789027206053
13
2013020757
BB
01
SLCS
02
0165-7763
Studies in Language Companion Series
138
01
Comparative Studies in Early Germanic Languages
With a focus on verbal categories
01
slcs.138
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.138
1
B01
Gabriele Diewald
Diewald, Gabriele
Gabriele
Diewald
Leibniz University Hannover
2
B01
Leena Kahlas-Tarkka
Kahlas-Tarkka, Leena
Leena
Kahlas-Tarkka
University of Helsinki
3
B01
Ilse Wischer
Wischer, Ilse
Ilse
Wischer
University of Potsdam
01
eng
324
vi
318
LAN009000
v.2006
CFF
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.COMP
Comparative linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.ENG
English linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.GERM
Germanic linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.HL
Historical linguistics
06
01
This volume offers a coherent and detailed picture of the diachronic development of verbal categories of Old English, Old High German, and other Germanic languages. Starting from the observation that German and English show diverging paths in the development of verbal categories, even though they descended from a common ancestor language, the contributions present in-depth, empirically founded studies on the stages and directions of these changes combining historical comparative methods with grammaticalisation theory. This collection of papers provides the reader with an indispensable source of information on the early traces of distinct developments, thus laying the foundation for a broad-scale scenario of the grammaticalisation of verbal categories. The volume will be of particular interest to scholars of language change, grammaticalisation, and diachronic sociolinguistics; it offers important new insights for typologists and for everybody interested in the make-up of verbal categories.
05
This valuable collection of articles provides a wealth of detailed and systematically presented empirical information on specific topics related to verb constructions in Old Germanic languages. In several cases, a more complete factual picture of important developments is provided than is found elsewhere in the literature.
John Ole Askedal
05
Studies and surveys of grammaticalising verbal categories in English and German are usefully brought together here, with much to be learned from the contrasted early histories of the two languages.
David Denison
04
09
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475/slcs.138.png
04
03
01
https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027206053.jpg
04
03
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027206053.tif
06
09
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https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/slcs.138.hb.png
07
09
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https://benjamins.com/covers/125/slcs.138.png
25
09
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https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/slcs.138.hb.png
27
09
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https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/slcs.138.hb.png
10
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JB code
slcs.138.01die
1
16
16
Article
1
01
Introduction
1
A01
Gabriele Diewald
Diewald, Gabriele
Gabriele
Diewald
Leibnitz Universität Hannover, Germany
2
A01
Leena Kahlas-Tarkka
Kahlas-Tarkka, Leena
Leena
Kahlas-Tarkka
University of Helsinki, Finland
3
A01
Ilse Wischer
Wischer, Ilse
Ilse
Wischer
University of Potsdam, Germany
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.02clo
17
40
24
Article
2
01
*<i>haitan</i> in Gothic and Old English
1
A01
Robert Cloutier
Cloutier, Robert
Robert
Cloutier
Tennessee Technological University, USA
01
By collecting data from various corpora, I examine and compare the use of the Gothic <i>haitan</i> and Old English <i>hātan</i> reflexes of <i>*haitan</i>, a transitive verb that develops into a copula-like verb in the other Germanic languages. Between the two languages, this verb can occur in five constructions: calling, transitive naming, infinitival commanding, subclause commanding, and copular naming. Both Gothic and Early Old English share the use of this verb in calling constructions whereas the subclause commanding construction is an Old English innovation and the copular naming construction does not appear until Late Old English. Regardless of the language or period, however, when <i>*haitan </i>occurs in transitive naming constructions, it strongly favours passive voice, which may explain its later use in copular naming constructions. Moreover, an examination of the competitors of Gothic *<i>haitan</i> show that it has strong competition from various verbs in each of its functions, though the competition in the transitive naming construction is weakest.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.03mai
41
70
30
Article
3
01
Incipient Grammaticalisation
Sources of passive constructions in Old High German and Old English
1
A01
Robert Mailhammer
Mailhammer, Robert
Robert
Mailhammer
University of Western Sidney, Australia
2
A01
Elena Smirnova
Smirnova, Elena
Elena
Smirnova
Leibnitz University Hannover, Germany
01
In this paper we deal with Old English and Old High German copula constructions combining verbs denoting ‘be’ and ‘become’ with past participles, which are traditionally analysed as periphrastic passive constructions. We propose that these constructions cannot be seen as grammaticalised passives but rather as fully compositional structures. We investigate these constructions from an aspectual perspective and argue that the passive is only one of several possible readings for these constructions, though one that follows logically from certain combinations. In particular, we show that the copula verbs act as aspect operators that select different parts of the event structure of the past participle, and that transitivity is the crucial factor that gives rise to passive readings. As a conclusion, we outline a detailed corpus investigation in order to catalogue all possible readings and then ultimately make a contribution to the different developments of the passive in English and German.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.04pet
71
100
30
Article
4
01
Passive auxiliaries in English and German
Decline versus grammaticalisation of bounded language use
1
A01
Peter Petré
Petré, Peter
Peter
Petré
KU Leuven, Belgium
01
The passive construction constitutes a marked difference between English, which uses the auxiliary <i>be</i>, and German, which uses <i>werden</i> ‘become’. Originally, however, both languages used both verbs. In this paper I argue, based on evidence from Old English, early Middle English, <i>Tatian</i> and <i>Otfrid</i>, that this situation changed when English and German developed different systems of boundedness. Bounded language use construes situations as completed sub-events, emphasizing narrative progress, and making abundant use of time adverbials, which split up an event chronologically and often take up the first position in a verb-second system. In German when this type of bounded language use was grammaticalised, <i>werden</i> grammaticalised as the only passive auxiliary, precisely because it was already predominantly used in bounded clauses. By contrast, the bounded system disappeared in English, as evidenced in the heavy decrease of time adverbials of narrative progress such as <i>þa</i> ‘then’, and the confusion of verb-second-syntax. <i>Weorðan</i>, the Old English cognate of <i>werden</i>, was highly entrenched in these constructions, and disappeared with them. In general, my analysis shows how the bounded-unbounded distinction makes it possible to account for a major difference in the auxiliary system between English and German.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.05kil
101
126
26
Article
5
01
Causative <i>habban</i> in Old English
Tracing the Development of a Budding Construction
1
A01
Matti Kilpiö
Kilpiö, Matti
Matti
Kilpiö
University of Helsinki, Finland
01
The budding causative use of Old English <i>habban </i>‘have’ has so far received little attention in the literature compared to other Old English periphrastic causatives. The construction with <i>habban </i>represents indirect passive causation and corresponds to the Present-Day English construction of the type <i>I had my shoes repaired</i>. The study is based on the entire <i>habban </i>material, c. 12,600 instances, from the <i>Dictionary of Old English Corpus</i>. The material yields 19 (20) causative <i>habban </i>instances. After a brief look at the diachronic and dialectal breakdown of the data, the discussion focuses on syntactic features, such as word-order and the inflection/non-inflection of the past participle, and semantic features, e.g. the roles of the causer, patient and causee, the presence of volitional or deontic modality in all the instances, and the telicity/atelicity of the action expressed by the verb phrase. The article concludes with a discussion of the origin of the construction. A new hypothesis concerning the triggering of the grammaticalisation process of causative <i>habban </i>is presented and viewed in the light of Diewald’s context-sensitive grammaticalisation scenario.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.06eit
127
150
24
Article
6
01
Remembering <i>( ge)munan</i>
The rise and decline of a potential modal
1
A01
Matthias Eitelmann
Eitelmann, Matthias
Matthias
Eitelmann
Johannes Gutenberg-University Mainz, Germany
01
Old English (<i>ge</i>)<i>munan </i>is one of the preterite-present verbs that became obsolete in the (strongly debated) more or less radical change into modal auxiliaries. Contrasted with those verbs that replaced the preterite-present in its lexical sense from Middle English onwards, an etymological analysis reveals <i>gemunan </i>to indicate an act of memory the function of which is not so much to (individually) reminisce about the past, but rather to (collectively) assess the present against the backdrop of the past. The preterite-present experienced a renaissance due to interlingual influence from Old Norse as <i>mun </i>was reintroduced and used as a modal especially in the northern dialects of English (cf. most prominently Sc. <i>maun</i>), moving steadily along the grammaticalisation cline just like the other fully-fledged modal auxiliaries. The eventual decline of <i>mun </i>– not only in Standard English but also in most regional varieties – can be explained from a functional perspective which also bears implications for current changes affecting the Present-day English paradigm of modality expressions.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.07jag
151
168
18
Article
7
01
The emergence of modal meanings from <i>haben</i> with <i>zu</i>-infinitives in Old High German
The
emergence of modal meanings from <i>haben</i> with <i>zu</i>-infinitives in Old High German
1
A01
Anne Jäger
Jäger, Anne
Anne
Jäger
Leibniz University Hannover, Germany
01
The grammaticalisation path from possession to obligation which describes the development of <i>haben</i> to a marker of modality is well-established (cf. Heine/Kuteva 2002), but opinions differ on when exactly these modal readings came about. Haspelmath (1989) argues for a dating no earlier than Middle High German, but a careful study of Notker’s writings reveals evidence of modal ‘<i>haben</i> + <i>zu</i>-infinitive’ in Old High German. Following Ebert (1976), this study identifies four stages of grammaticalisation of <i>haben</i> with <i>zu</i>-infinitive. The pivotal point is reached as soon as ‘<i>haben</i> + <i>zu</i>-infinitive’ is combined with nominal complements in the genitive or dative case, which clearly evince modal meanings. Notker’s Old High German texts contain several instances of this use. Finally, the comparison with the original texts demonstrates that ‘<i>haben</i> + <i>zu</i>-infinitive’ does not derive from Latin, but rather is used independently, even in Old High German.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.08tim
169
194
26
Article
8
01
<i>Hearsay</i> and lexical evidentials in Old Germanic languages, with focus on Old English
1
A01
Olga Timofeeva
Timofeeva, Olga
Olga
Timofeeva
University of Zurich, Switzerland
01
This article offers a paradigmatic survey of auditory evidential constructions in Old English: direct-perception constructions – <i>accusativus cum infinitivo</i> (ACI) introduced by the auditory (<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i> ‘to hear’ ((<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i>+ACI) – and hearsay-evidence constructions, consisting of the verb (<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i> with the infinitive of a verb of utterance ((<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i>+Inf), followed by a compliment clause, a prepositional clause, or a parenthetical. Comparative data from other Old Germanic languages suggests a common origin of both constructions. It is further hypothesised that these two do not go back to the same Proto-Germanic construction: (<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i>+ACI is more likely to have arisen from the reanalysis of the verbal noun in <i>I heard his speech</i> into an ACI with a verb of ‘speaking’ <i>I heard him speak</i>, while (<i>ge</i>)<i>hieran</i>+Inf could have developed from <i>I heard the story</i> into <i>I heard </i>(<i>the</i>)<i> say</i> with the verb of ‘saying’.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.09die
195
216
22
Article
9
01
Markers of Futurity in Old High German and Old English
A Comparative Corpus-Based Study
1
A01
Gabriele Diewald
Diewald, Gabriele
Gabriele
Diewald
Leibnitz Universität Hannover, Germany
2
A01
Ilse Wischer
Wischer, Ilse
Ilse
Wischer
Universität Potsdam, Germany
01
This paper is a comparative corpus-based study of constructions that had the potential of marking future events in Old High German (OHG) and Old English (OE), i.e. modal constructions and those with <i>be/become</i>-verbs. Given the fact that both languages stem from a common source and probably had similar source lexemes for future grams, they nevertheless took diverging paths to develop a future tense, with <i>werden</i> in German and <i>will/shall</i> in English. The paper aims at comparing the earliest attestable stages of the two languages, i.e. Old High German and Old English to find out whether there are language internal differences with regard to the patterns of use of the possible source items. The database for our studies consists of OHG and OE text material dating from 790 to 1155, which we consider to be maximally comparable with respect to chronology, text type and content.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.10bol
217
234
18
Article
10
01
The Verb <i>to be</i> in the <i>West Saxon Gospels</i> and the <i>Lindisfarne Gospels</i>
The
Verb <i>to be</i> in the <i>West Saxon Gospels</i> and the <i>Lindisfarne Gospels</i>
1
A01
Christine Bolze
Bolze, Christine
Christine
Bolze
University of Cambridge, UK
01
This paper examines the distribution and use of the twofold present tense paradigms of the Old English verb <i>bēon </i>‘to be’ in the late <i>West Saxon Gospels</i> (WSG) and the Northumbrian gloss to the <i>Lindisfarne Gospels </i>(LiGl). The analysis confirms the frequently claimed semantic distinction of the paradigms. It furthermore shows that the choice of a form of OE <i>bēon</i> mostly depended on the tense and mood of its Latin equivalent, but it also illustrates that the translators of the two Gospel versions took the context into account. Quantitative differences of the forms in the two manuscripts are due to multiple glosses in <i>Lindisfarne</i>, the use of alternative forms to OE <i>bēon</i> in the <i>West Saxon Gospels</i> and the partly different morphology of the verb in Northumbrian.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.11bro
235
262
28
Article
11
01
Aspectual properties of the verbal prefix <i>a</i>- in Old English with reference to Gothic
1
A01
Vlatko Broz
Broz, Vlatko
Vlatko
Broz
University of Zagreb, Croatia
01
This paper is a corpus-based study of the Old English verbal prefix <i>a- </i>which is no longer productive in English today, but survives in a few lexical relics such as <i>arise, awake </i>or <i>ashamed. </i>After a brief discussion of previous research and the etymology of this prefix, the paper investigates a range of meanings and functions that the verbal prefix <i>a- </i>had in early English, showing that it was in an advanced stage of grammaticalisation and that its primary function was to express perfective aspect. The prefix is contrasted with its cognate in Gothic, as well as its equivalents in Modern English and Croatian, a Slavic language that marks aspect morphologically.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.12pfe
263
288
26
Article
12
01
Þǣr wæs vs. thâr was
Old English and Old High German existential constructions with adverbs of place
1
A01
Simone E. Pfenninger
Pfenninger, Simone E.
Simone E.
Pfenninger
University of Zurich, Switzerland
01
Even though we can observe striking differences in the isolating contexts of Modern English and Modern High German existential constructions, both languages feature existential constructions with locative adverbs that are the result of long processes of grammaticalisation. In Old English (OE), expletive <i>þǣr</i> diverged from the locative <i>þǣr</i> as a result of semantic and syntactic reanalysis, which led to the development of the English existential <i>there</i>-construction (ETC). In a similar way, Old High German (OHG) <i>thâr</i>, through grammaticalisation, diverged from its locative origin and gave rise to the existential <i>da</i>-construction. It is suggested in this paper that there was a common origin: both <i>þǣr</i> and <i>thâr</i> evolved as a compromise in the conflict between pragmatic and syntactic structure in OE and OHG, respectively. The aim is to contribute to the still small number of qualitative and quantitative studies of OE and OHG existential constructions.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.13ven
289
312
24
Article
13
01
On gain and loss of verbal categories in language contact
Old English vs. Old High German
1
A01
Theo Vennemann
Vennemann, Theo
Theo
Vennemann
University of Munich, Germany
01
The theory of language change has in recent years increased its explanatory repertoire by pointing out the role of language contact in determining which paths of development are entered and followed under specified conditions. In particular, language shifting – as unmonitored second language learning – is recognized as a powerful mechanism for introducing new verbal categories into language systems as well as leading to the loss of verbal categories from language systems. In this paper I will relate several of the most important structural changes and categorial differences in the verb systems of Proto-Germanic, Old English and Old High German to the different contact histories of these languages, among them: (1) the reduction of the Proto-Indo-European TAM system (TAM for tense, aspect, mood) to half its size in Proto-Germanic, (2) the existence of a double copular paradigm in Old English (and again in Irish English) but not in German; (3) a number of properties of English but not of German attributed to Celtic influence by Filppula, Klemola, and Paulasto (2008), such as the loss of the affected possessor construction and the rise of the verbal noun in <i>-ung/-ing</i> and the progressive based on it.
10
01
JB code
slcs.138.14ind
313
318
6
Article
14
01
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