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93014876
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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JB code
SLCS 151 Eb
15
9789027270634
06
10.1075/slcs.151
13
2013046346
DG
002
02
01
SLCS
02
0165-7763
Studies in Language Companion Series
151
01
Number – Constructions and Semantics
Case studies from Africa, Amazonia, India and Oceania
01
slcs.151
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.151
1
B01
Anne Storch
Storch, Anne
Anne
Storch
University of Cologne
2
B01
Gerrit J. Dimmendaal
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.
Gerrit J.
Dimmendaal
University of Cologne
01
eng
382
xv
366
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.FUNCT
Functional linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.TYP
Typology
06
01
This book is the outcome of several decades of research experience, with contributions by leading scholars based on long-term field research. It combines approaches from descriptive linguistics, anthropological linguistics, socio-historical studies, areal linguistics, and social anthropology. The key concern of this ground-breaking volume is to investigate the linguistic means of expressing number and countable amounts, which differ greatly in the world’s languages. It provides insights into common number-marking devices and their not-so-common usages, but also into phenomena such as the absence of plurals, or transnumeral forms. The different contributions to the volume show that number is of considerable semantic complexity in many languages worldwide, expressing all kinds of extendedness, multiplicity, salience, size, and so on. This raises a number of challenging questions regarding what exactly is described under the slightly monolithic label of ‘number’ in most descriptive approaches to the languages of the world.
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vii
x
4
Article
1
01
List of tables, maps and figures
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.002abb
xi
xiv
4
Article
2
01
Abbreviations
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.003pre
xv
xvi
2
Article
3
01
Preface
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.01sto
1
32
32
Article
4
01
Chapter 1. One size fits all?
On the grammar and semantics of singularity and plurality
1
A01
Anne Storch
Storch, Anne
Anne
Storch
2
A01
Gerrit J. Dimmendaal
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.
Gerrit J.
Dimmendaal
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.02aik
33
56
24
Article
5
01
Chapter 2. Number and noun categorisation
A view from north-west Amazonia
1
A01
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald
Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y.
Alexandra Y.
Aikhenvald
01
A combination of number marking, on the one hand, and genders, animacy and classifiers of various sorts on the other, may form the basis for semantic subcategorisation of nominal referents, in addition to further such devices. The paper investigates number as a noun categorisation device in a selection of languages in north-west Amazonia, each with a system of classifiers used in several morphosyntactic contexts. Number is shown to be prone to areal diffusion in situations of language contact.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.03dim
57
76
20
Article
6
01
Chapter 3. Pluractionality and the distribution of number marking across categories
1
A01
Gerrit J. Dimmendaal
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.
Gerrit J.
Dimmendaal
01
The crucial role of constructions in grammar has been argued for, in particular with respect to idioms, by Fillmore, Kay and O’Connor (1988). But constructions, varying in size and complexity, have been claimed to constitute a central property of language structure in general, in studies such as Goldberg (1995, 2006) and Croft (2001). The present contribution takes pluractionality marking on verbs as a basis on which to provide further evidence for this position. Pluractional constructions prototypically express repetition of some action or event. In the case of intransitive predications, the subject tends to be affected by this, whereas in transitive constructions, pluractionality tends to affect the object. As argued below (Section 2), a construction-level approach towards number marking across categories helps to explain how transnumeral (general number) meaning emerges in Nilo-Saharan and Afroasiatic languages. The present study also provides evidence (in Section 3) for a historical reinterpretation of plural event marking as plural argument marking in one Nilotic (Nilo-Saharan) language, Maasai. As argued in the final Section (4), pluractionality marking as “non-canonical” number marking is common in a range of languages belonging to different language families in Africa and elsewhere, and consequently deserves its proper place in a typology of number marking.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.04pet
77
110
34
Article
7
01
Chapter 4. Figuratively speaking – number in Kharia
1
A01
John Peterson
Peterson, John
John
Peterson
01
The present study deals with number in Kharia, a South Munda language of eastern-central India. Kharia possesses three grammatical categories which may be loosely termed number – singular, dual and plural. While the singular is unmarked, the dual and plural are expressed by enclitic proforms. In addition to expressing two or more than two entities, however, these forms also fulfill a number of other, “figurative” functions such as deference, associativity and approximation, which are the main emphasis of the present discussion. Here we will make use of the concept of “<i>n</i> (+1) indexicality” (Silverstein 2003) as well as a version of the so-called “NP hierarchy” or “reference hierarchy” deriving from the original, binary feature-based version of this hierarchy in Silverstein (1976), as opposed to other versions of the hierarchy.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.05tre
111
134
24
Article
8
01
Chapter 5. Number in Kambaata
1
A01
Yvonne Treis
Treis, Yvonne
Yvonne
Treis
01
The Cushitic language Kambaata (South Ethiopia) is a head-final and suffixing language with a rich nominal and verbal morphology. Number is marked on nouns and pronouns, and traces of number agreement are found on modifiers and verbs. This chapter concentrates on number marking on common nouns, thereby focusing on the interaction of number marking with lexical semantics. It demonstrates that in this language, number is a category between inflection and derivation.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.06kla
135
166
32
Article
9
01
Chapter 6. The history of numeral classifiers in Teiwa (Papuan)
1
A01
Marian A.F. Klamer
Klamer, Marian A.F.
Marian A.F.
Klamer
01
The Papuan language Teiwa has a small set of sortal numeral classifiers: one human classifier, three fruit classifiers, and a general classifier. The classifiers vary widely in function and distribution, and it is argued that it is unlikely that they have been inherited. Instead, it is proposed that Teiwa inherited a class of part-of-whole nouns from which certain members were recruited to be grammaticalised into numeral classifiers through the reanalysis of ambiguous structures. Two more factors have enhanced this development. First, the existence of number neutral nouns in Teiwa implies that nouns must be individuated before they can be counted, a function fulfilled by numeral classifiers. Second, areal pressure from Austronesian classifier languages has reinforced the development of classifiers. Connecting the numeral classifier system of Teiwa with those of its sister languages and the wider linguistic context of eastern Indonesia, we can thus identify structural, semantic and areal factors playing a role when classifiers are born into a language.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.07bri
167
198
32
Article
10
01
Chapter 7. Number and numeration in Nêlêmwa and Zuanga (New Caledonia)
Ontologies, definiteness and pragmatics
1
A01
Isabelle Bril
Bril, Isabelle
Isabelle
Bril
01
In contrast with some other Austronesian languages, number (i.e. singular, dual, paucal, plural) in Nêlêmwa and Zuanga is generally not marked by inflectional morphology. NP number is marked by demonstrative determiners which also mark definiteness. Numeration makes obligatory use of numeral classifiers (sortal or mensural) which classify count nouns into various ontologies. The subcategorisation of nouns into mass and count is precisely displayed by these two features: mass nouns are unmarked for number and uncountable, they always appear as bare nouns and may only be quantified, only count nouns are marked for number by demonstrative determiners and are of course countable. Demonstrative determiners and numerals appear in pre- or post-NP positions, i.e. in specifier or modifier positions. These positions correlate with pragmatics and discourse informational properties: pre-NP specifiers mark salient or referentially new entities, while post-NP modifiers encode referentially backgrounded entities. Numerals follow this pattern, in specifier position, they also have partitive reading.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.08cob
199
220
22
Article
11
01
Chapter 8. When number meets classification
The linguistic expression of number in Baïnounk languages
1
A01
Alexander Cobbinah
Cobbinah, Alexander
Alexander
Cobbinah
2
A01
Friederike Lüpke
Lüpke, Friederike
Friederike
Lüpke
01
This paper presents an account of number marking in two Baïnounk languages, Gubëeher and Gujaher, also taking data from the Baïnounk language Guñaamolo into account. Number distinctions in these languages are coded epiphenominally through the paradigmatic relationships and combinatorial semantics of prefixes and roots within the nominal classification system. In addition, number can be marked through a dedicated plural suffix of the form <i>-Vŋ</i>. In line with observations made for Bantu and other Atlantic languages, we analyse number marking within the noun class system (and, to some extent also through the number suffix) as derivational, not inflectional. Additionally, we demonstrate that number values do not reside in noun class prefixes themselves, but arise through the paradigmatic relationships holding between prefix and root and between prefix-root combinations in a paradigm. This account goes against a widespread analytical template of assigning singular and plural values to prefixes and assuming number correspondences between them.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.09and
221
264
44
Article
12
01
Chapter 9. Number in Dinka
1
A01
Torben Andersen
Andersen, Torben
Torben
Andersen
01
In Dinka, a Western Nilotic language, nouns are inflected for number and distinguish between singular and plural. The number inflection is not expressed by affixation, but by phonological alternations in the root and in such a way that the number is not directly observable, but only detectable through agreement. With simple native nouns, which are typically monosyllables, the number inflection is unpredictable and irregular, but some fairly common singular-plural patterns can be established, as seen in the Agar dialect. There is strong internal and external evidence that originally, many nouns had a marked singular and an unmarked plural. Synchronically, however, the singular is arguably the basic member of the number category as revealed by the use of the two numbers. In addition, some nouns have a collective form, which is grammatically singular. Number also plays a role in the derivational morphology of verbs.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.10sto
265
282
18
Article
13
01
Chapter 10. Counting chickens in Luwo
1
A01
Anne Storch
Storch, Anne
Anne
Storch
01
This contribution treats the number marking of nouns, numerals and the way these are used in counting in Luwo. This Western Nilotic language of South Sudan exhibits interesting patterns in the pluralisation of nouns, which have to do with the grammatical marking of nominal aspect. Moreover, Luwo uses different number systems for different word classes, whereas number-inflection of nouns is semantically supercharged, while verbs and adjectives exhibit a semantically basic number-marking system. The semantics of nominal plurals, and the relevance of nominal aspect for a diachronic analysis of the nominal classifiers that seem to be underlying in the complex number-marking patterns of Western Nilotic languages, are investigated in detail in this paper.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.11car
283
308
26
Article
14
01
Chapter 11. Number in South-Bauchi West languages (Chadic, Nigeria)
1
A01
Bernard Caron
Caron, Bernard
Bernard
Caron
01
South-Bauchi West (SBW) languages build a dialect continuum spoken in Northern Nigeria that has been classified as West-Chadic B. Their internal classification reveals a split between two subgroups: the northern subgroup (Geji, Polci) and the southern subgroup (Zeem, Dass, Saya). This genetic split is completed by a grammatical heterogeneity that surfaces in the morphological complexity of the Saya cluster, a subset of the Southern sub-group. The aim of this paper is twofold: (i) see if these differences are corroborated by the study of number; (ii) shed new lights on the genesis of SBW. To that effect, the first section presents an overview of SBW grammatical structure and genetic classification. The following two sections study number in Noun Phrases (noun plurals, modifiers), and in Verb Phrases (imperatives, pluractionals, and plural suffixes). The last section examines the relationship in SBW between number and related categories such as honorifics, associatives and singulatives. The conclusion introduces some nuances in this vision of a division between the northern and southern sub-groups, with the Dass cluster (e.g. ZoÉ—i) behaving like the Northern languages in that they share the same absence of nominal and adjectival plurals and pluractional derivation. The presence of those plurals in the other members of the southern sub-group (i.e. the Zeem and Saya clusters) seems to be an innovation departing from a situation where number is expressed only by the personal pronouns, the modifiers within the nominal system, and the imperative. Pluractionals, although they are widespread in many Chadic languages, seem to be an innovation of Zeem and Saya as well. These innovative features may have developed through the influence of plateau languages. The innovation has gone one step further in the Zaar language with the optional marking of number on noun modifiers. Finally, a marginal case of subject-verb plural agreement on the right periphery has appeared in four languages (Zaranda, Geji, Pelu and Diir), first in the 2nd plural, and then has spread to the 3rd plural in one of the languages (Pelu).
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.12pas
309
328
20
Article
15
01
Chapter 12. Number and numerals in Zande
1
A01
Helma Pasch
Pasch, Helma
Helma
Pasch
01
In Zande singular and plural are distinguished morphologically on nouns, pronouns and verbs, but nouns and pronouns can also be marked for associative plural. While some number-mismatch can be observed with regard to the choice of pronouns in possessive constructions, number marking with regard to nouns follows transparent rules. The quantification of referents by a universal quantifier or by numerals can be expressed within the noun phrase as part of given information or from a post-predicate position as new information with an adverbial notion. Numerals and the universal quantifier are also used as self- standing adverbials and as bare nominals in the function of the predicates.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.13vri
329
354
26
Article
16
01
Chapter 13. Numerals in Papuan languages of the Greater Awyu family
1
A01
Lourens de Vries
Vries, Lourens de
Lourens
de
Vries
01
Numeral systems of the Greater Awyu family of Papuan languages are the topic of this paper. Extended body-part systems that employ the fingers, parts of the arm and head are used by most languages in this family. Body-part based numeral systems of this type are only found in parts of New Guinea and Australia and are therefore of great interest for the typology of numeral systems. They are closed systems, with 23, 25 or 27 as highest number in the languages of the Greater Awyu family. They are also interesting because of the role of conventional gestures to distinguish the primary body-part meaning from the secondary numeral meaning. The extended body-part systems are used in combination withelementary numerals for 1 to 4 that are not derived from body-parts. One subgroup of the Greater Awyu family, the Awyu subgroup, uses a hands-and-feet system which they borrowed from their neighbours. Such systems differ radically from extended body-part systems: they distinguish base and derived numbers, they are in principle open-ended (without a highest number) and they are not restricted to New Guinea. The paper describes the cultural contexts in which thenumeral systems of the Greater Awyu family function and pays attention to the interaction with borrowed Indonesian numerals.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.14aut
355
358
4
Miscellaneous
17
01
Author index
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.15lan
359
362
4
Miscellaneous
18
01
Language index
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.16sub
363
366
4
Miscellaneous
19
01
Subject index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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20140319
2014
John Benjamins B.V.
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JB code
SLCS 151 Hb
15
9789027259165
13
2013046346
BB
01
SLCS
02
0165-7763
Studies in Language Companion Series
151
01
Number – Constructions and Semantics
Case studies from Africa, Amazonia, India and Oceania
01
slcs.151
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.151
1
B01
Anne Storch
Storch, Anne
Anne
Storch
University of Cologne
2
B01
Gerrit J. Dimmendaal
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.
Gerrit J.
Dimmendaal
University of Cologne
01
eng
382
xv
366
LAN009000
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.FUNCT
Functional linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.TYP
Typology
06
01
This book is the outcome of several decades of research experience, with contributions by leading scholars based on long-term field research. It combines approaches from descriptive linguistics, anthropological linguistics, socio-historical studies, areal linguistics, and social anthropology. The key concern of this ground-breaking volume is to investigate the linguistic means of expressing number and countable amounts, which differ greatly in the world’s languages. It provides insights into common number-marking devices and their not-so-common usages, but also into phenomena such as the absence of plurals, or transnumeral forms. The different contributions to the volume show that number is of considerable semantic complexity in many languages worldwide, expressing all kinds of extendedness, multiplicity, salience, size, and so on. This raises a number of challenging questions regarding what exactly is described under the slightly monolithic label of ‘number’ in most descriptive approaches to the languages of the world.
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vii
x
4
Article
1
01
List of tables, maps and figures
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.002abb
xi
xiv
4
Article
2
01
Abbreviations
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.003pre
xv
xvi
2
Article
3
01
Preface
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.01sto
1
32
32
Article
4
01
Chapter 1. One size fits all?
On the grammar and semantics of singularity and plurality
1
A01
Anne Storch
Storch, Anne
Anne
Storch
2
A01
Gerrit J. Dimmendaal
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.
Gerrit J.
Dimmendaal
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.02aik
33
56
24
Article
5
01
Chapter 2. Number and noun categorisation
A view from north-west Amazonia
1
A01
Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald
Aikhenvald, Alexandra Y.
Alexandra Y.
Aikhenvald
01
A combination of number marking, on the one hand, and genders, animacy and classifiers of various sorts on the other, may form the basis for semantic subcategorisation of nominal referents, in addition to further such devices. The paper investigates number as a noun categorisation device in a selection of languages in north-west Amazonia, each with a system of classifiers used in several morphosyntactic contexts. Number is shown to be prone to areal diffusion in situations of language contact.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.03dim
57
76
20
Article
6
01
Chapter 3. Pluractionality and the distribution of number marking across categories
1
A01
Gerrit J. Dimmendaal
Dimmendaal, Gerrit J.
Gerrit J.
Dimmendaal
01
The crucial role of constructions in grammar has been argued for, in particular with respect to idioms, by Fillmore, Kay and O’Connor (1988). But constructions, varying in size and complexity, have been claimed to constitute a central property of language structure in general, in studies such as Goldberg (1995, 2006) and Croft (2001). The present contribution takes pluractionality marking on verbs as a basis on which to provide further evidence for this position. Pluractional constructions prototypically express repetition of some action or event. In the case of intransitive predications, the subject tends to be affected by this, whereas in transitive constructions, pluractionality tends to affect the object. As argued below (Section 2), a construction-level approach towards number marking across categories helps to explain how transnumeral (general number) meaning emerges in Nilo-Saharan and Afroasiatic languages. The present study also provides evidence (in Section 3) for a historical reinterpretation of plural event marking as plural argument marking in one Nilotic (Nilo-Saharan) language, Maasai. As argued in the final Section (4), pluractionality marking as “non-canonical” number marking is common in a range of languages belonging to different language families in Africa and elsewhere, and consequently deserves its proper place in a typology of number marking.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.04pet
77
110
34
Article
7
01
Chapter 4. Figuratively speaking – number in Kharia
1
A01
John Peterson
Peterson, John
John
Peterson
01
The present study deals with number in Kharia, a South Munda language of eastern-central India. Kharia possesses three grammatical categories which may be loosely termed number – singular, dual and plural. While the singular is unmarked, the dual and plural are expressed by enclitic proforms. In addition to expressing two or more than two entities, however, these forms also fulfill a number of other, “figurative” functions such as deference, associativity and approximation, which are the main emphasis of the present discussion. Here we will make use of the concept of “<i>n</i> (+1) indexicality” (Silverstein 2003) as well as a version of the so-called “NP hierarchy” or “reference hierarchy” deriving from the original, binary feature-based version of this hierarchy in Silverstein (1976), as opposed to other versions of the hierarchy.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.05tre
111
134
24
Article
8
01
Chapter 5. Number in Kambaata
1
A01
Yvonne Treis
Treis, Yvonne
Yvonne
Treis
01
The Cushitic language Kambaata (South Ethiopia) is a head-final and suffixing language with a rich nominal and verbal morphology. Number is marked on nouns and pronouns, and traces of number agreement are found on modifiers and verbs. This chapter concentrates on number marking on common nouns, thereby focusing on the interaction of number marking with lexical semantics. It demonstrates that in this language, number is a category between inflection and derivation.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.06kla
135
166
32
Article
9
01
Chapter 6. The history of numeral classifiers in Teiwa (Papuan)
1
A01
Marian A.F. Klamer
Klamer, Marian A.F.
Marian A.F.
Klamer
01
The Papuan language Teiwa has a small set of sortal numeral classifiers: one human classifier, three fruit classifiers, and a general classifier. The classifiers vary widely in function and distribution, and it is argued that it is unlikely that they have been inherited. Instead, it is proposed that Teiwa inherited a class of part-of-whole nouns from which certain members were recruited to be grammaticalised into numeral classifiers through the reanalysis of ambiguous structures. Two more factors have enhanced this development. First, the existence of number neutral nouns in Teiwa implies that nouns must be individuated before they can be counted, a function fulfilled by numeral classifiers. Second, areal pressure from Austronesian classifier languages has reinforced the development of classifiers. Connecting the numeral classifier system of Teiwa with those of its sister languages and the wider linguistic context of eastern Indonesia, we can thus identify structural, semantic and areal factors playing a role when classifiers are born into a language.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.07bri
167
198
32
Article
10
01
Chapter 7. Number and numeration in Nêlêmwa and Zuanga (New Caledonia)
Ontologies, definiteness and pragmatics
1
A01
Isabelle Bril
Bril, Isabelle
Isabelle
Bril
01
In contrast with some other Austronesian languages, number (i.e. singular, dual, paucal, plural) in Nêlêmwa and Zuanga is generally not marked by inflectional morphology. NP number is marked by demonstrative determiners which also mark definiteness. Numeration makes obligatory use of numeral classifiers (sortal or mensural) which classify count nouns into various ontologies. The subcategorisation of nouns into mass and count is precisely displayed by these two features: mass nouns are unmarked for number and uncountable, they always appear as bare nouns and may only be quantified, only count nouns are marked for number by demonstrative determiners and are of course countable. Demonstrative determiners and numerals appear in pre- or post-NP positions, i.e. in specifier or modifier positions. These positions correlate with pragmatics and discourse informational properties: pre-NP specifiers mark salient or referentially new entities, while post-NP modifiers encode referentially backgrounded entities. Numerals follow this pattern, in specifier position, they also have partitive reading.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.08cob
199
220
22
Article
11
01
Chapter 8. When number meets classification
The linguistic expression of number in Baïnounk languages
1
A01
Alexander Cobbinah
Cobbinah, Alexander
Alexander
Cobbinah
2
A01
Friederike Lüpke
Lüpke, Friederike
Friederike
Lüpke
01
This paper presents an account of number marking in two Baïnounk languages, Gubëeher and Gujaher, also taking data from the Baïnounk language Guñaamolo into account. Number distinctions in these languages are coded epiphenominally through the paradigmatic relationships and combinatorial semantics of prefixes and roots within the nominal classification system. In addition, number can be marked through a dedicated plural suffix of the form <i>-Vŋ</i>. In line with observations made for Bantu and other Atlantic languages, we analyse number marking within the noun class system (and, to some extent also through the number suffix) as derivational, not inflectional. Additionally, we demonstrate that number values do not reside in noun class prefixes themselves, but arise through the paradigmatic relationships holding between prefix and root and between prefix-root combinations in a paradigm. This account goes against a widespread analytical template of assigning singular and plural values to prefixes and assuming number correspondences between them.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.09and
221
264
44
Article
12
01
Chapter 9. Number in Dinka
1
A01
Torben Andersen
Andersen, Torben
Torben
Andersen
01
In Dinka, a Western Nilotic language, nouns are inflected for number and distinguish between singular and plural. The number inflection is not expressed by affixation, but by phonological alternations in the root and in such a way that the number is not directly observable, but only detectable through agreement. With simple native nouns, which are typically monosyllables, the number inflection is unpredictable and irregular, but some fairly common singular-plural patterns can be established, as seen in the Agar dialect. There is strong internal and external evidence that originally, many nouns had a marked singular and an unmarked plural. Synchronically, however, the singular is arguably the basic member of the number category as revealed by the use of the two numbers. In addition, some nouns have a collective form, which is grammatically singular. Number also plays a role in the derivational morphology of verbs.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.10sto
265
282
18
Article
13
01
Chapter 10. Counting chickens in Luwo
1
A01
Anne Storch
Storch, Anne
Anne
Storch
01
This contribution treats the number marking of nouns, numerals and the way these are used in counting in Luwo. This Western Nilotic language of South Sudan exhibits interesting patterns in the pluralisation of nouns, which have to do with the grammatical marking of nominal aspect. Moreover, Luwo uses different number systems for different word classes, whereas number-inflection of nouns is semantically supercharged, while verbs and adjectives exhibit a semantically basic number-marking system. The semantics of nominal plurals, and the relevance of nominal aspect for a diachronic analysis of the nominal classifiers that seem to be underlying in the complex number-marking patterns of Western Nilotic languages, are investigated in detail in this paper.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.11car
283
308
26
Article
14
01
Chapter 11. Number in South-Bauchi West languages (Chadic, Nigeria)
1
A01
Bernard Caron
Caron, Bernard
Bernard
Caron
01
South-Bauchi West (SBW) languages build a dialect continuum spoken in Northern Nigeria that has been classified as West-Chadic B. Their internal classification reveals a split between two subgroups: the northern subgroup (Geji, Polci) and the southern subgroup (Zeem, Dass, Saya). This genetic split is completed by a grammatical heterogeneity that surfaces in the morphological complexity of the Saya cluster, a subset of the Southern sub-group. The aim of this paper is twofold: (i) see if these differences are corroborated by the study of number; (ii) shed new lights on the genesis of SBW. To that effect, the first section presents an overview of SBW grammatical structure and genetic classification. The following two sections study number in Noun Phrases (noun plurals, modifiers), and in Verb Phrases (imperatives, pluractionals, and plural suffixes). The last section examines the relationship in SBW between number and related categories such as honorifics, associatives and singulatives. The conclusion introduces some nuances in this vision of a division between the northern and southern sub-groups, with the Dass cluster (e.g. ZoÉ—i) behaving like the Northern languages in that they share the same absence of nominal and adjectival plurals and pluractional derivation. The presence of those plurals in the other members of the southern sub-group (i.e. the Zeem and Saya clusters) seems to be an innovation departing from a situation where number is expressed only by the personal pronouns, the modifiers within the nominal system, and the imperative. Pluractionals, although they are widespread in many Chadic languages, seem to be an innovation of Zeem and Saya as well. These innovative features may have developed through the influence of plateau languages. The innovation has gone one step further in the Zaar language with the optional marking of number on noun modifiers. Finally, a marginal case of subject-verb plural agreement on the right periphery has appeared in four languages (Zaranda, Geji, Pelu and Diir), first in the 2nd plural, and then has spread to the 3rd plural in one of the languages (Pelu).
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.12pas
309
328
20
Article
15
01
Chapter 12. Number and numerals in Zande
1
A01
Helma Pasch
Pasch, Helma
Helma
Pasch
01
In Zande singular and plural are distinguished morphologically on nouns, pronouns and verbs, but nouns and pronouns can also be marked for associative plural. While some number-mismatch can be observed with regard to the choice of pronouns in possessive constructions, number marking with regard to nouns follows transparent rules. The quantification of referents by a universal quantifier or by numerals can be expressed within the noun phrase as part of given information or from a post-predicate position as new information with an adverbial notion. Numerals and the universal quantifier are also used as self- standing adverbials and as bare nominals in the function of the predicates.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.13vri
329
354
26
Article
16
01
Chapter 13. Numerals in Papuan languages of the Greater Awyu family
1
A01
Lourens de Vries
Vries, Lourens de
Lourens
de
Vries
01
Numeral systems of the Greater Awyu family of Papuan languages are the topic of this paper. Extended body-part systems that employ the fingers, parts of the arm and head are used by most languages in this family. Body-part based numeral systems of this type are only found in parts of New Guinea and Australia and are therefore of great interest for the typology of numeral systems. They are closed systems, with 23, 25 or 27 as highest number in the languages of the Greater Awyu family. They are also interesting because of the role of conventional gestures to distinguish the primary body-part meaning from the secondary numeral meaning. The extended body-part systems are used in combination withelementary numerals for 1 to 4 that are not derived from body-parts. One subgroup of the Greater Awyu family, the Awyu subgroup, uses a hands-and-feet system which they borrowed from their neighbours. Such systems differ radically from extended body-part systems: they distinguish base and derived numbers, they are in principle open-ended (without a highest number) and they are not restricted to New Guinea. The paper describes the cultural contexts in which thenumeral systems of the Greater Awyu family function and pays attention to the interaction with borrowed Indonesian numerals.
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.14aut
355
358
4
Miscellaneous
17
01
Author index
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.15lan
359
362
4
Miscellaneous
18
01
Language index
10
01
JB code
slcs.151.16sub
363
366
4
Miscellaneous
19
01
Subject index
02
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