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764018576 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code SLCS 197 Eb 15 9789027263902 06 10.1075/slcs.197 13 2018032780 DG 002 02 01 SLCS 02 0165-7763 Studies in Language Companion Series 197 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Tense, Aspect, Modality, and Evidentiality</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Crosslinguistic perspectives</Subtitle> 01 slcs.197 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.197 1 B01 Dalila Ayoun Ayoun, Dalila Dalila Ayoun University of Arizona 2 B01 Agnès Celle Celle, Agnès Agnès Celle Paris Diderot University & University of Colorado 3 B01 Laure Lansari Lansari, Laure Laure Lansari Paris Diderot University 01 eng 374 viii 366 LAN016000 v.2006 CFG 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 After an introductory chapter that provides an overview to theoretical issues in tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality, this volume presents a variety of original contributions that are firmly empirically-grounded based on elicited or corpus data, while adopting different theoretical frameworks. Thus, some chapters rely on large diachronic corpora and provide new qualitative insight on the evolution of TAM systems through quantitative methods, while others carry out a collostructional analysis of past-tensed verbs using inferential statistics to explore the lexical grammar of verbs. A common goal is to uncover semantic regularities and variation in the TAM systems of the languages under study by taking a close look at context. Such a fine-grained approach contributes to our understanding of the TAM systems from a typological perspective. The focus on well-known Indo-European languages (e.g. French, German, English, Spanish) and also on less commonly studied languages (e.g. Hungarian, Estonian, Avar, Andi, Tagalog) provides a valuable cross-linguistic perspective. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/slcs.197.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027200969.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027200969.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/slcs.197.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/slcs.197.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/slcs.197.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/slcs.197.hb.png 10 01 JB code slcs.197.preface vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Preface</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.197.01ayo 1 18 18 Chapter 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;1. Introduction</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">On the gradience of TAM-E categories</Subtitle> 1 A01 Dalila Ayoun Ayoun, Dalila Dalila Ayoun University of Arizona 2 A01 Agnès Celle Celle, Agnès Agnès Celle Université Paris Diderot and University of Colorado 3 A01 Laure Lansari Lansari, Laure Laure Lansari Université Paris Diderot 10 01 JB code slcs.197.02hut 19 40 22 Chapter 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;2. A quantitative perspective on modality and future tense in French and German</TitleText> 1 A01 Annalena Hütsch Hütsch, Annalena Annalena Hütsch Université de Neuchâtel 20 corpus study 20 French 20 future tense 20 German 20 modality 20 quantitative analysis 01 This chapter looks at modal nuances conveyed by future tenses in French (<i>futur simple</i>, <i>futur ant&#233;rieur</i>) and German (<i>Futur I</i>, <i>Futur II</i>) via a corpus-based study, using comparable newspaper corpora (<i>Le Monde</i>, <i>S&#252;ddeutsche Zeitung</i>). In addition to a qualitative analysis based on an enunciative approach to modal forms (Rossari 2016), we will adopt a quantitative perspective in order to elicit statistical evidence on the nature and degree of modality expressed by the future tense in daily newspapers. Besides the fact that modal use of future tenses is rather rare in both languages compared to their temporal use, the quantitative analysis shows that French appears to have a more modal use of future tense than German in the text type sampled. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.03tre 41 64 24 Chapter 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;3. The temporal uses of French <i>devoir</i> and Estonian <i>pidama</i> (&#8216;must&#8217;)</TitleText> 1 A01 Anu Treikelder Treikelder, Anu Anu Treikelder University of Tartu 2 A01 Marri Amon Amon, Marri Marri Amon University of Tartu 20 Estonian 20 French 20 future 20 modal verbs 20 postmodal uses 01 Using a parallel corpus, we compare the temporal uses of <i>devoir</i> in French and <i>pidama</i> (&#8216;must&#8217;) in Estonian in order to identify possible correspondences in their future time reference. While they share similar properties in their root modality, they differ in their epistemic and postmodal uses. For French, we mostly follow the analysis of Hans Kronning (2001) who distinguishes three types of future-tense uses of <i>devoir</i>: alethic future, &#8220;subjective&#8221; and &#8220;objective&#8221; alethic future in the past. Our analysis demonstrates that unlike <i>devoir</i>, <i>pidama</i> does not have the &#8220;objective future in the past&#8221;. In contrast, the data reveal a high degree of correspondence between the two verbs in the other future-related uses reported for <i>devoir</i> and generally absent in Estonian descriptions. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.04bre 65 82 18 Chapter 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;4. The competition between the present conditional and the prospective imperfect in French over the centuries: First results</TitleText> 1 A01 Jacques Bres Bres, Jacques Jacques Bres Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3 2 A01 Sascha Diwersy Diwersy, Sascha Sascha Diwersy Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3 3 A01 Giancarlo Luxardo Luxardo, Giancarlo Giancarlo Luxardo Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3 20 grammaticalization 20 objective ulteriority 20 prospective 20 subjective ulteriority 01 While a significant number of works are known about the competition over the centuries between the synthetic future and the periphrastic prospective present, the parallel competition between the present conditional and the periphrastic construction with the prospective imperfect has received less attention. We focus here on the latter competition, limiting our study of the two forms to their temporal uses in discourse. We describe the uses for each form according to their order of appearance: imminence, subjective ulteriority and objective ulteriority. The two forms compete with each other in the expression of both subjective and objective ulteriority. We give an assessment of the diachronic evolution of the ratio present conditional / prospective imperfect in the expression of subjective ulteriority. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.05mar 83 108 26 Chapter 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;5. Evidentiality and the TAM systems in English and Spanish</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A cognitive and cross-linguistic perspective</Subtitle> 1 A01 Juana I. Marín-Arrese Marín-Arrese, Juana I. Juana I. Marín-Arrese Universidad Complutense de Madrid 20 evidentiality 20 inferential 20 modality 20 reportative 20 TAM systems 01 This chapter examines and proposes plausible explanations for attested extensions of tense-aspect-modality (TAM) systems to inferential and reportative evidentiality based on the contrastive case study&#160;&#8211; British English (BrE) vs. Peninsular Spanish (PSp)&#160;&#8211; of some TAM markers realizing evidential functions: epistemic modals &#8216;must&#8217;, &#8216;must have&#8217;, and &#8216;<i>deber (de)</i>&#8217;, &#8216;<i>deber (de) haber&#8217;</i>; future perfect verbal forms &#8216;will have&#8217;, &#8216;<i>habr&#225;/n</i>&#8217;; and conditional perfect verbal forms &#8216;would have&#8217;, &#8216;<i>habr&#237;a/n</i>&#8217;. It is argued that the parameters playing a crucial role in facilitating these extensions include immediacy in relation to the ground and reality (cf. Langacker 2017) for inferential values, while irrealis (cf. Givon 1989) and frame-shifting to a counter point of view (Chilton 2014) are relevant for reportative evidentiality. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.06car 109 144 36 Chapter 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;6. Expressing sources of information, knowledge and belief in English and Spanish informative financial texts</TitleText> 1 A01 Marta Carretero Carretero, Marta Marta Carretero Universidad Complutense de Madrid 2 A01 Yolanda Berdasco-Gancedo Berdasco-Gancedo, Yolanda Yolanda Berdasco-Gancedo Universidad a Distancia de Madrid (UDIMA) 20 epistemic modality 20 evidentiality 20 financial texts 20 future time 20 reporting 01 This chapter presents a qualitative and quantitative analysis of expressions of sources of information, knowledge and belief and their combination with grammaticalized devices of future time from the perspective of the present and the past (&#8216;will&#8217;, &#8216;would&#8217; and their Spanish equivalents) in a corpus of English and Spanish informative financial texts belonging to two levels of specialization. The qualitative analysis describes the expressions concerned and their use in the corpus. The quantitative analysis uncovers the influence of language and level of specialization on the relative frequency of different expressions of source of information, knowledge and belief, a tendency for future time devices to occur within their scope, and a positive relation between the relative frequencies of both kinds of expressions. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.07sen 145 164 20 Chapter 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;7. Evidentiality and epistemic modality in Old Catalan</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A diachronic cognitive approach to the semantics of modal verbs</Subtitle> 1 A01 Andreu Sentí Sentí, Andreu Andreu Sentí Universitat de València 20 dynamic modality 20 epistemic modality 20 evidentiality 20 inference 20 possibility 20 subjectification 01 Epistemic modality and evidentiality are two categories that have not been clearly defined in the literature. In order to clarify the boundaries between them, I draw a detailed semantic map for Catalan modal verbs <i>deure</i> (&#8216;must&#8217;), <i>haver de</i> (&#8216;have to&#8217;) and <i>poder</i> (&#8216;can/may&#8217;) in the Old period (11th&#8211;16th centuries). On the one hand, the modals <i>deure</i> and <i>haver de</i> develop an evidential reading (inferential process). On the other hand, an epistemic possibility value arises in the case of <i>poder</i>, which is not based on any explicit premise. I show that all these verbs are subjectively construed in different degrees and argue that a clear distinction between the subjective values and an evidential or epistemic interpretation is paramount. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.08ran 165 184 20 Chapter 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;8. &#8216;I think&#8217;</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">An enunciative and corpus-based perspective</Subtitle> 1 A01 Graham Ranger Ranger, Graham Graham Ranger Université d'Avignon 20 corpus linguistics 20 epistemic modality 20 evidentiality 20 schematic form 20 Theory of Enunciative Operations 01 This chapter focuses on the sequence &#8216;I think&#8217; as a discourse marker, used in evidential or epistemic contexts. &#8216;I think&#8217; is seen to assume a variety of different values, which Kaltenb&#246;ck (2010), among others, identifies as &#8220;shielding&#8221;, &#8220;approximator&#8221;, &#8220;structural&#8221; or &#8220;booster&#8221; functions. I hypothesise that &#8216;I think&#8217; is not inherently ambiguous, but that different values reflect specific configurations, which depend on identifiable contextual features. The present study explores this hypothesis, first with a corpus-based investigation of collocational affinities of the sequence, which reveals a number of characteristic environments. Secondly, I elaborate an enunciative description of &#8216;I think&#8217; in terms of a basic schematic form, which undergoes certain controlled and calculable deformations to generate local &#8220;shapes&#8221; (Culioli 1990). I conclude that &#8216;I think&#8217; in itself expresses neither evidentiality nor epistemic modality, but that these result from specific contextual configurations. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.09tan 185 212 28 Chapter 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 9. Embedding evidence in Tagalog and German</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">On two types of evidentials</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jennifer Tan Tan, Jennifer Jennifer Tan Goethe University Frankfurt 2 A01 Johannes Mursell Mursell, Johannes Johannes Mursell ILLA-CSIC 20 (non-)root clauses 20 epistemic modality 20 evidentiality 20 inferential 20 Tagalog 01 We compare two particles with similar meaning contributions from two different languages, German <i>wohl</i> and Tagalog <i>yata</i>, both roughly translatable as &#8216;I infer&#8217;. Based on their context usage, we claim that both are inferential evidentials. Despite their identical meaning, we assume a non-uniform treatment of evidentials, in view of their differing behaviors. By applying well-established tests, we determine the level of meaning they operate on, the propositional level for <i>yata</i> and the illocutionary level for <i>wohl</i>. Our data show that the embeddability test needs modification, allowing for illocutionary operators to be embedded, but only in root-like clauses, as <i>wohl</i> does. <i>Yata</i>, being embeddable in both root and non-root clauses, operates on a propositional level, and is thus a modal evidential. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.10cel 213 238 26 Chapter 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;10. Questions as indirect speech acts in surprise contexts</TitleText> 1 A01 Agnès Celle Celle, Agnès Agnès Celle Université Paris Diderot and University of Colorado 20 commitment 20 conjectural questions 20 expressivity 20 mirativity 20 rhetorical questions 20 surprise 20 unresolvable questions 01 This chapter offers an analysis of two types of interrogatives used as indirect speech acts in surprise contexts in English&#160;&#8211; unresolvable questions and rhetorical questions. The function of these questions is not to request information that is unknown to the speaker. It is argued that surprise-induced unresolvable questions are expressive speech acts devoid of epistemic goals. Surprise-induced rhetorical questions are shown not to suggest an obvious answer, but to request a commitment update from the addressee. Adopting a schema-theoretic approach to surprise, it is shown that unresolvable questions and rhetorical questions can express mirativity, the former at the initial stage of the cognitive processing of unexpectedness, the latter at the last stage. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.11uso 239 260 22 Chapter 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;11. Non-finiteness, complementation and evidentiality</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Lithuanian <i>Accusativus cum Participio</i> in a cross-linguistic perspective</Subtitle> 1 A01 Aurelija Usonienė Usonienė, Aurelija Aurelija Usonienė Vilnius University 2 A01 Nigel Vincent Vincent, Nigel Nigel Vincent University of Manchester 20 accusative plus participle 20 finiteness 20 Latin 20 Lithuanian 20 proposition 01 The relatedness of non-finite constructions and evidentiality has been observed in various European languages. Passive matrix verbs plus infinitive in English, the corresponding though less productive pattern in Dutch, reportive passives in Danish, and evidential participial constructions in Lithuanian have all received attention in the literature. We continue this line of investigation, focussing on the <i>Accusativus cum Participio</i>, found in contemporary Lithuanian only with verbs of communication, cognition and perception. Our quantitative and qualitative corpus-based analysis investigates its distribution in different types of discourse and provides evidence to support the claim that the use of the non-agreeing &#8216;be&#8217;-participle is obligatory because it marks a proposition. We compare our account with similar uses of non-finite verb in other languages. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.12ver 261 280 20 Chapter 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;12. The perfect in Avar and Andi</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Cross-linguistic variation among two closely-related East Caucasian languages</Subtitle> 1 A01 Samira Verhees Verhees, Samira Samira Verhees National Research University, Higher School of Economics Moscow 20 Avar 20 East Caucasian languages 20 evidentiality 20 perfect 20 resultative 01 This chapter deals with perfect forms of the verb in Avar and Andi, two East Caucasian languages. The presence of an ergative agent is shown to be an important parameter in distinguishing resultative constructions from resultative perfects in these languages. This distinction is relevant to determine whether current relevance meanings of the perfect are at all represented in these languages, alongside resultative proper and evidential usages. Based on elicitation as well as corpus data, this study shows that the Avar perfect represents a highly polysemic verb form that combines resultative proper, current relevance and indirect evidentiality, while its Andi counterpart shows a more advanced stage of grammaticalization of the indirect evidential meaning. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.13cor 281 308 28 Chapter 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;13. The different grammars of event singularisation</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A cross-linguistic corpus study</Subtitle> 1 A01 Eric Corre Corre, Eric Eric Corre Université Sorbonne Nouvelle – Paris 3 20 aspect 20 coercion 20 prefixation 20 single situations 20 verb classes 01 This chapter is an empirical investigation into the expression of bounded single situations across four languages, based on a parallel corpus (Camus&#8217;s <i>The Stranger</i> and translations into English, Russian, Hungarian). Smith (1991)&#8217;s two-component theory of aspect, whereby situation aspect combines with viewpoint aspect to compute the aspectual composition of sentences, is used to highlight cross-linguistic differences. In the original, the French <i>pass&#233; compos&#233;</i> appears as perfective in the sense of Smith (1991) and Klein (1994) while the English simple past is aspectually ambiguous (perfective and imperfective). Russian relies on a morphosyntactic construction (prefix + bare verb) to create perfective verbs, while Hungarian has similar morphosyntactic resources, but no grammatical aspect. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.14wic 309 334 26 Chapter 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;14. Phraseological usage patterns of past tenses</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A corpus-driven look on French <i>pass&#233; compos&#233;</i> and <i>imparfait</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Oliver Wicher Wicher, Oliver Oliver Wicher Paderborn University 20 collostructional analysis 20 corpus-driven 20 imparfait 20 lexical grammar 20 passé composé 01 This chapter presents a corpus-driven investigation into usage patterns of the French past tenses <i>pass&#233; compos&#233;</i> and <i>imparfait</i>. Using a new reference corpus of French, the <i>Corpus de r&#233;f&#233;rence du fran&#231;ais contemporain</i>, and adopting a construction grammar perspective, we analyze past-tense occurrences of two highly frequent polysemous verbs, <i>vouloir</i> &#8216;want&#8217; and <i>voir</i> &#8216;see&#8217;. Assuming that the two tenses are an alternation phenomenon, collostructions can be identified that differ in terms of their attracted complements. These highly distinctive collexemes indicate phraseological uses of past-tensed verbs whose tense choice is constrained. The results provide further evidence for the inseparability of lexis and grammar and the semantic-pragmatic shifts that are prevalent in past-tense constructions of highly frequent polysemous verbs. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.15rod 335 356 22 Chapter 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;15. Path scales</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Directed-motion verbs, prepositions and telicity in European Portuguese</Subtitle> 1 A01 António José Rodriguez Leal Rodriguez Leal, António José António José Rodriguez Leal University of Porto 2 A01 Fátima Oliveira Oliveira, Fátima Fátima Oliveira University of Porto 3 A01 Purificação Silvano Silvano, Purificação Purificação Silvano University of Porto 20 inherently directed-motion verbs 20 prepositions 20 scale semantics 20 telicity 01 We put forward a proposal based on the notion of path scale (e.g., Kennedy &#38; Levin 2008) to account for the semantics of inherently directed motion verbs <i>ir</i> (&#8216;go&#8217;) and <i>vir</i> (&#8216;come&#8217;) combined with prepositional phrases (PPs) with the thematic role of Goal, headed by the prepositions <i>para</i> (&#8216;to/toward&#8217;) and <i>at&#233;</i> (&#8216;to&#8217;) in European Portuguese. We describe our corpus before discussing the syntactic and semantic properties of the predications we analyze as well as their similarity to predications with manner of motion verbs. We assume that motion verbs have an underspecified underlying scalar structure and that PPs contribute in a distinct way to the specification of one of the parameters of these path scales. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.ni 357 362 6 Miscellaneous 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Name Index</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.197.ind 363 366 4 Miscellaneous 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20180802 2018 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027200969 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 105.00 EUR R 01 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 158.00 USD S 201018575 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code SLCS 197 Hb 15 9789027200969 13 2018014182 BB 01 SLCS 02 0165-7763 Studies in Language Companion Series 197 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Tense, Aspect, Modality, and Evidentiality</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Crosslinguistic perspectives</Subtitle> 01 slcs.197 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.197 1 B01 Dalila Ayoun Ayoun, Dalila Dalila Ayoun University of Arizona 2 B01 Agnès Celle Celle, Agnès Agnès Celle Paris Diderot University & University of Colorado 3 B01 Laure Lansari Lansari, Laure Laure Lansari Paris Diderot University 01 eng 374 viii 366 LAN016000 v.2006 CFG 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 06 01 After an introductory chapter that provides an overview to theoretical issues in tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality, this volume presents a variety of original contributions that are firmly empirically-grounded based on elicited or corpus data, while adopting different theoretical frameworks. Thus, some chapters rely on large diachronic corpora and provide new qualitative insight on the evolution of TAM systems through quantitative methods, while others carry out a collostructional analysis of past-tensed verbs using inferential statistics to explore the lexical grammar of verbs. A common goal is to uncover semantic regularities and variation in the TAM systems of the languages under study by taking a close look at context. Such a fine-grained approach contributes to our understanding of the TAM systems from a typological perspective. The focus on well-known Indo-European languages (e.g. French, German, English, Spanish) and also on less commonly studied languages (e.g. Hungarian, Estonian, Avar, Andi, Tagalog) provides a valuable cross-linguistic perspective. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/slcs.197.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027200969.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027200969.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/slcs.197.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/slcs.197.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/slcs.197.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/slcs.197.hb.png 10 01 JB code slcs.197.preface vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Preface</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.197.01ayo 1 18 18 Chapter 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;1. Introduction</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">On the gradience of TAM-E categories</Subtitle> 1 A01 Dalila Ayoun Ayoun, Dalila Dalila Ayoun University of Arizona 2 A01 Agnès Celle Celle, Agnès Agnès Celle Université Paris Diderot and University of Colorado 3 A01 Laure Lansari Lansari, Laure Laure Lansari Université Paris Diderot 10 01 JB code slcs.197.02hut 19 40 22 Chapter 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;2. A quantitative perspective on modality and future tense in French and German</TitleText> 1 A01 Annalena Hütsch Hütsch, Annalena Annalena Hütsch Université de Neuchâtel 20 corpus study 20 French 20 future tense 20 German 20 modality 20 quantitative analysis 01 This chapter looks at modal nuances conveyed by future tenses in French (<i>futur simple</i>, <i>futur ant&#233;rieur</i>) and German (<i>Futur I</i>, <i>Futur II</i>) via a corpus-based study, using comparable newspaper corpora (<i>Le Monde</i>, <i>S&#252;ddeutsche Zeitung</i>). In addition to a qualitative analysis based on an enunciative approach to modal forms (Rossari 2016), we will adopt a quantitative perspective in order to elicit statistical evidence on the nature and degree of modality expressed by the future tense in daily newspapers. Besides the fact that modal use of future tenses is rather rare in both languages compared to their temporal use, the quantitative analysis shows that French appears to have a more modal use of future tense than German in the text type sampled. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.03tre 41 64 24 Chapter 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;3. The temporal uses of French <i>devoir</i> and Estonian <i>pidama</i> (&#8216;must&#8217;)</TitleText> 1 A01 Anu Treikelder Treikelder, Anu Anu Treikelder University of Tartu 2 A01 Marri Amon Amon, Marri Marri Amon University of Tartu 20 Estonian 20 French 20 future 20 modal verbs 20 postmodal uses 01 Using a parallel corpus, we compare the temporal uses of <i>devoir</i> in French and <i>pidama</i> (&#8216;must&#8217;) in Estonian in order to identify possible correspondences in their future time reference. While they share similar properties in their root modality, they differ in their epistemic and postmodal uses. For French, we mostly follow the analysis of Hans Kronning (2001) who distinguishes three types of future-tense uses of <i>devoir</i>: alethic future, &#8220;subjective&#8221; and &#8220;objective&#8221; alethic future in the past. Our analysis demonstrates that unlike <i>devoir</i>, <i>pidama</i> does not have the &#8220;objective future in the past&#8221;. In contrast, the data reveal a high degree of correspondence between the two verbs in the other future-related uses reported for <i>devoir</i> and generally absent in Estonian descriptions. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.04bre 65 82 18 Chapter 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;4. The competition between the present conditional and the prospective imperfect in French over the centuries: First results</TitleText> 1 A01 Jacques Bres Bres, Jacques Jacques Bres Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3 2 A01 Sascha Diwersy Diwersy, Sascha Sascha Diwersy Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3 3 A01 Giancarlo Luxardo Luxardo, Giancarlo Giancarlo Luxardo Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3 20 grammaticalization 20 objective ulteriority 20 prospective 20 subjective ulteriority 01 While a significant number of works are known about the competition over the centuries between the synthetic future and the periphrastic prospective present, the parallel competition between the present conditional and the periphrastic construction with the prospective imperfect has received less attention. We focus here on the latter competition, limiting our study of the two forms to their temporal uses in discourse. We describe the uses for each form according to their order of appearance: imminence, subjective ulteriority and objective ulteriority. The two forms compete with each other in the expression of both subjective and objective ulteriority. We give an assessment of the diachronic evolution of the ratio present conditional / prospective imperfect in the expression of subjective ulteriority. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.05mar 83 108 26 Chapter 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;5. Evidentiality and the TAM systems in English and Spanish</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A cognitive and cross-linguistic perspective</Subtitle> 1 A01 Juana I. Marín-Arrese Marín-Arrese, Juana I. Juana I. Marín-Arrese Universidad Complutense de Madrid 20 evidentiality 20 inferential 20 modality 20 reportative 20 TAM systems 01 This chapter examines and proposes plausible explanations for attested extensions of tense-aspect-modality (TAM) systems to inferential and reportative evidentiality based on the contrastive case study&#160;&#8211; British English (BrE) vs. Peninsular Spanish (PSp)&#160;&#8211; of some TAM markers realizing evidential functions: epistemic modals &#8216;must&#8217;, &#8216;must have&#8217;, and &#8216;<i>deber (de)</i>&#8217;, &#8216;<i>deber (de) haber&#8217;</i>; future perfect verbal forms &#8216;will have&#8217;, &#8216;<i>habr&#225;/n</i>&#8217;; and conditional perfect verbal forms &#8216;would have&#8217;, &#8216;<i>habr&#237;a/n</i>&#8217;. It is argued that the parameters playing a crucial role in facilitating these extensions include immediacy in relation to the ground and reality (cf. Langacker 2017) for inferential values, while irrealis (cf. Givon 1989) and frame-shifting to a counter point of view (Chilton 2014) are relevant for reportative evidentiality. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.06car 109 144 36 Chapter 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;6. Expressing sources of information, knowledge and belief in English and Spanish informative financial texts</TitleText> 1 A01 Marta Carretero Carretero, Marta Marta Carretero Universidad Complutense de Madrid 2 A01 Yolanda Berdasco-Gancedo Berdasco-Gancedo, Yolanda Yolanda Berdasco-Gancedo Universidad a Distancia de Madrid (UDIMA) 20 epistemic modality 20 evidentiality 20 financial texts 20 future time 20 reporting 01 This chapter presents a qualitative and quantitative analysis of expressions of sources of information, knowledge and belief and their combination with grammaticalized devices of future time from the perspective of the present and the past (&#8216;will&#8217;, &#8216;would&#8217; and their Spanish equivalents) in a corpus of English and Spanish informative financial texts belonging to two levels of specialization. The qualitative analysis describes the expressions concerned and their use in the corpus. The quantitative analysis uncovers the influence of language and level of specialization on the relative frequency of different expressions of source of information, knowledge and belief, a tendency for future time devices to occur within their scope, and a positive relation between the relative frequencies of both kinds of expressions. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.07sen 145 164 20 Chapter 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;7. Evidentiality and epistemic modality in Old Catalan</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A diachronic cognitive approach to the semantics of modal verbs</Subtitle> 1 A01 Andreu Sentí Sentí, Andreu Andreu Sentí Universitat de València 20 dynamic modality 20 epistemic modality 20 evidentiality 20 inference 20 possibility 20 subjectification 01 Epistemic modality and evidentiality are two categories that have not been clearly defined in the literature. In order to clarify the boundaries between them, I draw a detailed semantic map for Catalan modal verbs <i>deure</i> (&#8216;must&#8217;), <i>haver de</i> (&#8216;have to&#8217;) and <i>poder</i> (&#8216;can/may&#8217;) in the Old period (11th&#8211;16th centuries). On the one hand, the modals <i>deure</i> and <i>haver de</i> develop an evidential reading (inferential process). On the other hand, an epistemic possibility value arises in the case of <i>poder</i>, which is not based on any explicit premise. I show that all these verbs are subjectively construed in different degrees and argue that a clear distinction between the subjective values and an evidential or epistemic interpretation is paramount. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.08ran 165 184 20 Chapter 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;8. &#8216;I think&#8217;</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">An enunciative and corpus-based perspective</Subtitle> 1 A01 Graham Ranger Ranger, Graham Graham Ranger Université d'Avignon 20 corpus linguistics 20 epistemic modality 20 evidentiality 20 schematic form 20 Theory of Enunciative Operations 01 This chapter focuses on the sequence &#8216;I think&#8217; as a discourse marker, used in evidential or epistemic contexts. &#8216;I think&#8217; is seen to assume a variety of different values, which Kaltenb&#246;ck (2010), among others, identifies as &#8220;shielding&#8221;, &#8220;approximator&#8221;, &#8220;structural&#8221; or &#8220;booster&#8221; functions. I hypothesise that &#8216;I think&#8217; is not inherently ambiguous, but that different values reflect specific configurations, which depend on identifiable contextual features. The present study explores this hypothesis, first with a corpus-based investigation of collocational affinities of the sequence, which reveals a number of characteristic environments. Secondly, I elaborate an enunciative description of &#8216;I think&#8217; in terms of a basic schematic form, which undergoes certain controlled and calculable deformations to generate local &#8220;shapes&#8221; (Culioli 1990). I conclude that &#8216;I think&#8217; in itself expresses neither evidentiality nor epistemic modality, but that these result from specific contextual configurations. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.09tan 185 212 28 Chapter 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 9. Embedding evidence in Tagalog and German</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">On two types of evidentials</Subtitle> 1 A01 Jennifer Tan Tan, Jennifer Jennifer Tan Goethe University Frankfurt 2 A01 Johannes Mursell Mursell, Johannes Johannes Mursell ILLA-CSIC 20 (non-)root clauses 20 epistemic modality 20 evidentiality 20 inferential 20 Tagalog 01 We compare two particles with similar meaning contributions from two different languages, German <i>wohl</i> and Tagalog <i>yata</i>, both roughly translatable as &#8216;I infer&#8217;. Based on their context usage, we claim that both are inferential evidentials. Despite their identical meaning, we assume a non-uniform treatment of evidentials, in view of their differing behaviors. By applying well-established tests, we determine the level of meaning they operate on, the propositional level for <i>yata</i> and the illocutionary level for <i>wohl</i>. Our data show that the embeddability test needs modification, allowing for illocutionary operators to be embedded, but only in root-like clauses, as <i>wohl</i> does. <i>Yata</i>, being embeddable in both root and non-root clauses, operates on a propositional level, and is thus a modal evidential. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.10cel 213 238 26 Chapter 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;10. Questions as indirect speech acts in surprise contexts</TitleText> 1 A01 Agnès Celle Celle, Agnès Agnès Celle Université Paris Diderot and University of Colorado 20 commitment 20 conjectural questions 20 expressivity 20 mirativity 20 rhetorical questions 20 surprise 20 unresolvable questions 01 This chapter offers an analysis of two types of interrogatives used as indirect speech acts in surprise contexts in English&#160;&#8211; unresolvable questions and rhetorical questions. The function of these questions is not to request information that is unknown to the speaker. It is argued that surprise-induced unresolvable questions are expressive speech acts devoid of epistemic goals. Surprise-induced rhetorical questions are shown not to suggest an obvious answer, but to request a commitment update from the addressee. Adopting a schema-theoretic approach to surprise, it is shown that unresolvable questions and rhetorical questions can express mirativity, the former at the initial stage of the cognitive processing of unexpectedness, the latter at the last stage. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.11uso 239 260 22 Chapter 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;11. Non-finiteness, complementation and evidentiality</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Lithuanian <i>Accusativus cum Participio</i> in a cross-linguistic perspective</Subtitle> 1 A01 Aurelija Usonienė Usonienė, Aurelija Aurelija Usonienė Vilnius University 2 A01 Nigel Vincent Vincent, Nigel Nigel Vincent University of Manchester 20 accusative plus participle 20 finiteness 20 Latin 20 Lithuanian 20 proposition 01 The relatedness of non-finite constructions and evidentiality has been observed in various European languages. Passive matrix verbs plus infinitive in English, the corresponding though less productive pattern in Dutch, reportive passives in Danish, and evidential participial constructions in Lithuanian have all received attention in the literature. We continue this line of investigation, focussing on the <i>Accusativus cum Participio</i>, found in contemporary Lithuanian only with verbs of communication, cognition and perception. Our quantitative and qualitative corpus-based analysis investigates its distribution in different types of discourse and provides evidence to support the claim that the use of the non-agreeing &#8216;be&#8217;-participle is obligatory because it marks a proposition. We compare our account with similar uses of non-finite verb in other languages. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.12ver 261 280 20 Chapter 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;12. The perfect in Avar and Andi</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Cross-linguistic variation among two closely-related East Caucasian languages</Subtitle> 1 A01 Samira Verhees Verhees, Samira Samira Verhees National Research University, Higher School of Economics Moscow 20 Avar 20 East Caucasian languages 20 evidentiality 20 perfect 20 resultative 01 This chapter deals with perfect forms of the verb in Avar and Andi, two East Caucasian languages. The presence of an ergative agent is shown to be an important parameter in distinguishing resultative constructions from resultative perfects in these languages. This distinction is relevant to determine whether current relevance meanings of the perfect are at all represented in these languages, alongside resultative proper and evidential usages. Based on elicitation as well as corpus data, this study shows that the Avar perfect represents a highly polysemic verb form that combines resultative proper, current relevance and indirect evidentiality, while its Andi counterpart shows a more advanced stage of grammaticalization of the indirect evidential meaning. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.13cor 281 308 28 Chapter 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;13. The different grammars of event singularisation</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A cross-linguistic corpus study</Subtitle> 1 A01 Eric Corre Corre, Eric Eric Corre Université Sorbonne Nouvelle – Paris 3 20 aspect 20 coercion 20 prefixation 20 single situations 20 verb classes 01 This chapter is an empirical investigation into the expression of bounded single situations across four languages, based on a parallel corpus (Camus&#8217;s <i>The Stranger</i> and translations into English, Russian, Hungarian). Smith (1991)&#8217;s two-component theory of aspect, whereby situation aspect combines with viewpoint aspect to compute the aspectual composition of sentences, is used to highlight cross-linguistic differences. In the original, the French <i>pass&#233; compos&#233;</i> appears as perfective in the sense of Smith (1991) and Klein (1994) while the English simple past is aspectually ambiguous (perfective and imperfective). Russian relies on a morphosyntactic construction (prefix + bare verb) to create perfective verbs, while Hungarian has similar morphosyntactic resources, but no grammatical aspect. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.14wic 309 334 26 Chapter 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;14. Phraseological usage patterns of past tenses</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A corpus-driven look on French <i>pass&#233; compos&#233;</i> and <i>imparfait</i></Subtitle> 1 A01 Oliver Wicher Wicher, Oliver Oliver Wicher Paderborn University 20 collostructional analysis 20 corpus-driven 20 imparfait 20 lexical grammar 20 passé composé 01 This chapter presents a corpus-driven investigation into usage patterns of the French past tenses <i>pass&#233; compos&#233;</i> and <i>imparfait</i>. Using a new reference corpus of French, the <i>Corpus de r&#233;f&#233;rence du fran&#231;ais contemporain</i>, and adopting a construction grammar perspective, we analyze past-tense occurrences of two highly frequent polysemous verbs, <i>vouloir</i> &#8216;want&#8217; and <i>voir</i> &#8216;see&#8217;. Assuming that the two tenses are an alternation phenomenon, collostructions can be identified that differ in terms of their attracted complements. These highly distinctive collexemes indicate phraseological uses of past-tensed verbs whose tense choice is constrained. The results provide further evidence for the inseparability of lexis and grammar and the semantic-pragmatic shifts that are prevalent in past-tense constructions of highly frequent polysemous verbs. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.15rod 335 356 22 Chapter 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter&#160;15. Path scales</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Directed-motion verbs, prepositions and telicity in European Portuguese</Subtitle> 1 A01 António José Rodriguez Leal Rodriguez Leal, António José António José Rodriguez Leal University of Porto 2 A01 Fátima Oliveira Oliveira, Fátima Fátima Oliveira University of Porto 3 A01 Purificação Silvano Silvano, Purificação Purificação Silvano University of Porto 20 inherently directed-motion verbs 20 prepositions 20 scale semantics 20 telicity 01 We put forward a proposal based on the notion of path scale (e.g., Kennedy &#38; Levin 2008) to account for the semantics of inherently directed motion verbs <i>ir</i> (&#8216;go&#8217;) and <i>vir</i> (&#8216;come&#8217;) combined with prepositional phrases (PPs) with the thematic role of Goal, headed by the prepositions <i>para</i> (&#8216;to/toward&#8217;) and <i>at&#233;</i> (&#8216;to&#8217;) in European Portuguese. We describe our corpus before discussing the syntactic and semantic properties of the predications we analyze as well as their similarity to predications with manner of motion verbs. We assume that motion verbs have an underspecified underlying scalar structure and that PPs contribute in a distinct way to the specification of one of the parameters of these path scales. 10 01 JB code slcs.197.ni 357 362 6 Miscellaneous 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Name Index</TitleText> 10 01 JB code slcs.197.ind 363 366 4 Miscellaneous 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Subject index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20180802 2018 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 08 810 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 18 28 01 02 JB 1 00 105.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 111.30 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 28 02 02 JB 1 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 1 28 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 158.00 USD