219-7677
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7500817
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
201807201014
ONIX title feed
eng
01
EUR
764018576
03
01
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JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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JB code
SLCS 197 Eb
15
9789027263902
06
10.1075/slcs.197
13
2018032780
DG
002
02
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SLCS
02
0165-7763
Studies in Language Companion Series
197
01
Tense, Aspect, Modality, and Evidentiality
Crosslinguistic perspectives
01
slcs.197
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.197
1
B01
Dalila Ayoun
Ayoun, Dalila
Dalila
Ayoun
University of Arizona
2
B01
Agnès Celle
Celle, Agnès
Agnès
Celle
Paris Diderot University & University of Colorado
3
B01
Laure Lansari
Lansari, Laure
Laure
Lansari
Paris Diderot University
01
eng
374
viii
366
LAN016000
v.2006
CFG
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
After an introductory chapter that provides an overview to theoretical issues in tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality, this volume presents a variety of original contributions that are firmly empirically-grounded based on elicited or corpus data, while adopting different theoretical frameworks. Thus, some chapters rely on large diachronic corpora and provide new qualitative insight on the evolution of TAM systems through quantitative methods, while others carry out a collostructional analysis of past-tensed verbs using inferential statistics to explore the lexical grammar of verbs. A common goal is to uncover semantic regularities and variation in the TAM systems of the languages under study by taking a close look at context. Such a fine-grained approach contributes to our understanding of the TAM systems from a typological perspective. The focus on well-known Indo-European languages (e.g. French, German, English, Spanish) and also on less commonly studied languages (e.g. Hungarian, Estonian, Avar, Andi, Tagalog) provides a valuable cross-linguistic perspective.
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slcs.197.preface
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viii
2
Miscellaneous
1
01
Preface
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.01ayo
1
18
18
Chapter
2
01
Chapter 1. Introduction
On the gradience of TAM-E categories
1
A01
Dalila Ayoun
Ayoun, Dalila
Dalila
Ayoun
University of Arizona
2
A01
Agnès Celle
Celle, Agnès
Agnès
Celle
Université Paris Diderot and University of Colorado
3
A01
Laure Lansari
Lansari, Laure
Laure
Lansari
Université Paris Diderot
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.02hut
19
40
22
Chapter
3
01
Chapter 2. A quantitative perspective on modality and future tense in French and German
1
A01
Annalena Hütsch
Hütsch, Annalena
Annalena
Hütsch
Université de Neuchâtel
20
corpus study
20
French
20
future tense
20
German
20
modality
20
quantitative analysis
01
This chapter looks at modal nuances conveyed by future tenses in French (<i>futur simple</i>, <i>futur antérieur</i>) and German (<i>Futur I</i>, <i>Futur II</i>) via a corpus-based study, using comparable newspaper corpora (<i>Le Monde</i>, <i>Süddeutsche Zeitung</i>). In addition to a qualitative analysis based on an enunciative approach to modal forms (Rossari 2016), we will adopt a quantitative perspective in order to elicit statistical evidence on the nature and degree of modality expressed by the future tense in daily newspapers. Besides the fact that modal use of future tenses is rather rare in both languages compared to their temporal use, the quantitative analysis shows that French appears to have a more modal use of future tense than German in the text type sampled.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.03tre
41
64
24
Chapter
4
01
Chapter 3. The temporal uses of French <i>devoir</i> and Estonian <i>pidama</i> (‘must’)
1
A01
Anu Treikelder
Treikelder, Anu
Anu
Treikelder
University of Tartu
2
A01
Marri Amon
Amon, Marri
Marri
Amon
University of Tartu
20
Estonian
20
French
20
future
20
modal verbs
20
postmodal uses
01
Using a parallel corpus, we compare the temporal uses of <i>devoir</i> in French and <i>pidama</i> (‘must’) in Estonian in order to identify possible correspondences in their future time reference. While they share similar properties in their root modality, they differ in their epistemic and postmodal uses. For French, we mostly follow the analysis of Hans Kronning (2001) who distinguishes three types of future-tense uses of <i>devoir</i>: alethic future, “subjective” and “objective” alethic future in the past. Our analysis demonstrates that unlike <i>devoir</i>, <i>pidama</i> does not have the “objective future in the past”. In contrast, the data reveal a high degree of correspondence between the two verbs in the other future-related uses reported for <i>devoir</i> and generally absent in Estonian descriptions.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.04bre
65
82
18
Chapter
5
01
Chapter 4. The competition between the present conditional and the prospective imperfect in French over the centuries: First results
1
A01
Jacques Bres
Bres, Jacques
Jacques
Bres
Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3
2
A01
Sascha Diwersy
Diwersy, Sascha
Sascha
Diwersy
Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3
3
A01
Giancarlo Luxardo
Luxardo, Giancarlo
Giancarlo
Luxardo
Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3
20
grammaticalization
20
objective ulteriority
20
prospective
20
subjective ulteriority
01
While a significant number of works are known about the competition over the centuries between the synthetic future and the periphrastic prospective present, the parallel competition between the present conditional and the periphrastic construction with the prospective imperfect has received less attention. We focus here on the latter competition, limiting our study of the two forms to their temporal uses in discourse. We describe the uses for each form according to their order of appearance: imminence, subjective ulteriority and objective ulteriority. The two forms compete with each other in the expression of both subjective and objective ulteriority. We give an assessment of the diachronic evolution of the ratio present conditional / prospective imperfect in the expression of subjective ulteriority.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.05mar
83
108
26
Chapter
6
01
Chapter 5. Evidentiality and the TAM systems in English and Spanish
A cognitive and cross-linguistic perspective
1
A01
Juana I. Marín-Arrese
Marín-Arrese, Juana I.
Juana I.
Marín-Arrese
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
20
evidentiality
20
inferential
20
modality
20
reportative
20
TAM systems
01
This chapter examines and proposes plausible explanations for attested extensions of tense-aspect-modality (TAM) systems to inferential and reportative evidentiality based on the contrastive case study – British English (BrE) vs. Peninsular Spanish (PSp) – of some TAM markers realizing evidential functions: epistemic modals ‘must’, ‘must have’, and ‘<i>deber (de)</i>’, ‘<i>deber (de) haber’</i>; future perfect verbal forms ‘will have’, ‘<i>habrá/n</i>’; and conditional perfect verbal forms ‘would have’, ‘<i>habría/n</i>’. It is argued that the parameters playing a crucial role in facilitating these extensions include immediacy in relation to the ground and reality (cf. Langacker 2017) for inferential values, while irrealis (cf. Givon 1989) and frame-shifting to a counter point of view (Chilton 2014) are relevant for reportative evidentiality.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.06car
109
144
36
Chapter
7
01
Chapter 6. Expressing sources of information, knowledge and belief in English and Spanish informative financial texts
1
A01
Marta Carretero
Carretero, Marta
Marta
Carretero
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
2
A01
Yolanda Berdasco-Gancedo
Berdasco-Gancedo, Yolanda
Yolanda
Berdasco-Gancedo
Universidad a Distancia de Madrid (UDIMA)
20
epistemic modality
20
evidentiality
20
financial texts
20
future time
20
reporting
01
This chapter presents a qualitative and quantitative analysis of expressions of sources of information, knowledge and belief and their combination with grammaticalized devices of future time from the perspective of the present and the past (‘will’, ‘would’ and their Spanish equivalents) in a corpus of English and Spanish informative financial texts belonging to two levels of specialization. The qualitative analysis describes the expressions concerned and their use in the corpus. The quantitative analysis uncovers the influence of language and level of specialization on the relative frequency of different expressions of source of information, knowledge and belief, a tendency for future time devices to occur within their scope, and a positive relation between the relative frequencies of both kinds of expressions.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.07sen
145
164
20
Chapter
8
01
Chapter 7. Evidentiality and epistemic modality in Old Catalan
A diachronic cognitive approach to the semantics of modal verbs
1
A01
Andreu Sentí
Sentí, Andreu
Andreu
Sentí
Universitat de València
20
dynamic modality
20
epistemic modality
20
evidentiality
20
inference
20
possibility
20
subjectification
01
Epistemic modality and evidentiality are two categories that have not been clearly defined in the literature. In order to clarify the boundaries between them, I draw a detailed semantic map for Catalan modal verbs <i>deure</i> (‘must’), <i>haver de</i> (‘have to’) and <i>poder</i> (‘can/may’) in the Old period (11th–16th centuries). On the one hand, the modals <i>deure</i> and <i>haver de</i> develop an evidential reading (inferential process). On the other hand, an epistemic possibility value arises in the case of <i>poder</i>, which is not based on any explicit premise. I show that all these verbs are subjectively construed in different degrees and argue that a clear distinction between the subjective values and an evidential or epistemic interpretation is paramount.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.08ran
165
184
20
Chapter
9
01
Chapter 8. ‘I think’
An enunciative and corpus-based perspective
1
A01
Graham Ranger
Ranger, Graham
Graham
Ranger
Université d'Avignon
20
corpus linguistics
20
epistemic modality
20
evidentiality
20
schematic form
20
Theory of Enunciative Operations
01
This chapter focuses on the sequence ‘I think’ as a discourse marker, used in evidential or epistemic contexts. ‘I think’ is seen to assume a variety of different values, which Kaltenböck (2010), among others, identifies as “shielding”, “approximator”, “structural” or “booster” functions. I hypothesise that ‘I think’ is not inherently ambiguous, but that different values reflect specific configurations, which depend on identifiable contextual features. The present study explores this hypothesis, first with a corpus-based investigation of collocational affinities of the sequence, which reveals a number of characteristic environments. Secondly, I elaborate an enunciative description of ‘I think’ in terms of a basic schematic form, which undergoes certain controlled and calculable deformations to generate local “shapes” (Culioli 1990). I conclude that ‘I think’ in itself expresses neither evidentiality nor epistemic modality, but that these result from specific contextual configurations.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.09tan
185
212
28
Chapter
10
01
Chapter 9. Embedding evidence in Tagalog and German
On two types of evidentials
1
A01
Jennifer Tan
Tan, Jennifer
Jennifer
Tan
Goethe University Frankfurt
2
A01
Johannes Mursell
Mursell, Johannes
Johannes
Mursell
ILLA-CSIC
20
(non-)root clauses
20
epistemic modality
20
evidentiality
20
inferential
20
Tagalog
01
We compare two particles with similar meaning contributions from two different languages, German <i>wohl</i> and Tagalog <i>yata</i>, both roughly translatable as ‘I infer’. Based on their context usage, we claim that both are inferential evidentials. Despite their identical meaning, we assume a non-uniform treatment of evidentials, in view of their differing behaviors. By applying well-established tests, we determine the level of meaning they operate on, the propositional level for <i>yata</i> and the illocutionary level for <i>wohl</i>. Our data show that the embeddability test needs modification, allowing for illocutionary operators to be embedded, but only in root-like clauses, as <i>wohl</i> does. <i>Yata</i>, being embeddable in both root and non-root clauses, operates on a propositional level, and is thus a modal evidential.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.10cel
213
238
26
Chapter
11
01
Chapter 10. Questions as indirect speech acts in surprise contexts
1
A01
Agnès Celle
Celle, Agnès
Agnès
Celle
Université Paris Diderot and University of Colorado
20
commitment
20
conjectural questions
20
expressivity
20
mirativity
20
rhetorical questions
20
surprise
20
unresolvable questions
01
This chapter offers an analysis of two types of interrogatives used as indirect speech acts in surprise contexts in English – unresolvable questions and rhetorical questions. The function of these questions is not to request information that is unknown to the speaker. It is argued that surprise-induced unresolvable questions are expressive speech acts devoid of epistemic goals. Surprise-induced rhetorical questions are shown not to suggest an obvious answer, but to request a commitment update from the addressee. Adopting a schema-theoretic approach to surprise, it is shown that unresolvable questions and rhetorical questions can express mirativity, the former at the initial stage of the cognitive processing of unexpectedness, the latter at the last stage.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.11uso
239
260
22
Chapter
12
01
Chapter 11. Non-finiteness, complementation and evidentiality
The Lithuanian <i>Accusativus cum Participio</i> in a cross-linguistic perspective
1
A01
Aurelija Usonienė
Usonienė, Aurelija
Aurelija
Usonienė
Vilnius University
2
A01
Nigel Vincent
Vincent, Nigel
Nigel
Vincent
University of Manchester
20
accusative plus participle
20
finiteness
20
Latin
20
Lithuanian
20
proposition
01
The relatedness of non-finite constructions and evidentiality has been observed in various European languages. Passive matrix verbs plus infinitive in English, the corresponding though less productive pattern in Dutch, reportive passives in Danish, and evidential participial constructions in Lithuanian have all received attention in the literature. We continue this line of investigation, focussing on the <i>Accusativus cum Participio</i>, found in contemporary Lithuanian only with verbs of communication, cognition and perception. Our quantitative and qualitative corpus-based analysis investigates its distribution in different types of discourse and provides evidence to support the claim that the use of the non-agreeing ‘be’-participle is obligatory because it marks a proposition. We compare our account with similar uses of non-finite verb in other languages.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.12ver
261
280
20
Chapter
13
01
Chapter 12. The perfect in Avar and Andi
Cross-linguistic variation among two closely-related East Caucasian languages
1
A01
Samira Verhees
Verhees, Samira
Samira
Verhees
National Research University, Higher School of Economics Moscow
20
Avar
20
East Caucasian languages
20
evidentiality
20
perfect
20
resultative
01
This chapter deals with perfect forms of the verb in Avar and Andi, two East Caucasian languages. The presence of an ergative agent is shown to be an important parameter in distinguishing resultative constructions from resultative perfects in these languages. This distinction is relevant to determine whether current relevance meanings of the perfect are at all represented in these languages, alongside resultative proper and evidential usages. Based on elicitation as well as corpus data, this study shows that the Avar perfect represents a highly polysemic verb form that combines resultative proper, current relevance and indirect evidentiality, while its Andi counterpart shows a more advanced stage of grammaticalization of the indirect evidential meaning.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.13cor
281
308
28
Chapter
14
01
Chapter 13. The different grammars of event singularisation
A cross-linguistic corpus study
1
A01
Eric Corre
Corre, Eric
Eric
Corre
Université Sorbonne Nouvelle – Paris 3
20
aspect
20
coercion
20
prefixation
20
single situations
20
verb classes
01
This chapter is an empirical investigation into the expression of bounded single situations across four languages, based on a parallel corpus (Camus’s <i>The Stranger</i> and translations into English, Russian, Hungarian). Smith (1991)’s two-component theory of aspect, whereby situation aspect combines with viewpoint aspect to compute the aspectual composition of sentences, is used to highlight cross-linguistic differences. In the original, the French <i>passé composé</i> appears as perfective in the sense of Smith (1991) and Klein (1994) while the English simple past is aspectually ambiguous (perfective and imperfective). Russian relies on a morphosyntactic construction (prefix + bare verb) to create perfective verbs, while Hungarian has similar morphosyntactic resources, but no grammatical aspect.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.14wic
309
334
26
Chapter
15
01
Chapter 14. Phraseological usage patterns of past tenses
A corpus-driven look on French <i>passé composé</i> and <i>imparfait</i>
1
A01
Oliver Wicher
Wicher, Oliver
Oliver
Wicher
Paderborn University
20
collostructional analysis
20
corpus-driven
20
imparfait
20
lexical grammar
20
passé composé
01
This chapter presents a corpus-driven investigation into usage patterns of the French past tenses <i>passé composé</i> and <i>imparfait</i>. Using a new reference corpus of French, the <i>Corpus de référence du français contemporain</i>, and adopting a construction grammar perspective, we analyze past-tense occurrences of two highly frequent polysemous verbs, <i>vouloir</i> ‘want’ and <i>voir</i> ‘see’. Assuming that the two tenses are an alternation phenomenon, collostructions can be identified that differ in terms of their attracted complements. These highly distinctive collexemes indicate phraseological uses of past-tensed verbs whose tense choice is constrained. The results provide further evidence for the inseparability of lexis and grammar and the semantic-pragmatic shifts that are prevalent in past-tense constructions of highly frequent polysemous verbs.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.15rod
335
356
22
Chapter
16
01
Chapter 15. Path scales
Directed-motion verbs, prepositions and telicity in European Portuguese
1
A01
António José Rodriguez Leal
Rodriguez Leal, António José
António José
Rodriguez Leal
University of Porto
2
A01
Fátima Oliveira
Oliveira, Fátima
Fátima
Oliveira
University of Porto
3
A01
Purificação Silvano
Silvano, Purificação
Purificação
Silvano
University of Porto
20
inherently directed-motion verbs
20
prepositions
20
scale semantics
20
telicity
01
We put forward a proposal based on the notion of path scale (e.g., Kennedy & Levin 2008) to account for the semantics of inherently directed motion verbs <i>ir</i> (‘go’) and <i>vir</i> (‘come’) combined with prepositional phrases (PPs) with the thematic role of Goal, headed by the prepositions <i>para</i> (‘to/toward’) and <i>até</i> (‘to’) in European Portuguese. We describe our corpus before discussing the syntactic and semantic properties of the predications we analyze as well as their similarity to predications with manner of motion verbs. We assume that motion verbs have an underspecified underlying scalar structure and that PPs contribute in a distinct way to the specification of one of the parameters of these path scales.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.ni
357
362
6
Miscellaneous
17
01
Name Index
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.ind
363
366
4
Miscellaneous
18
01
Subject index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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20180802
2018
John Benjamins B.V.
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01
JB code
SLCS 197 Hb
15
9789027200969
13
2018014182
BB
01
SLCS
02
0165-7763
Studies in Language Companion Series
197
01
Tense, Aspect, Modality, and Evidentiality
Crosslinguistic perspectives
01
slcs.197
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.197
1
B01
Dalila Ayoun
Ayoun, Dalila
Dalila
Ayoun
University of Arizona
2
B01
Agnès Celle
Celle, Agnès
Agnès
Celle
Paris Diderot University & University of Colorado
3
B01
Laure Lansari
Lansari, Laure
Laure
Lansari
Paris Diderot University
01
eng
374
viii
366
LAN016000
v.2006
CFG
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
06
01
After an introductory chapter that provides an overview to theoretical issues in tense, aspect, modality and evidentiality, this volume presents a variety of original contributions that are firmly empirically-grounded based on elicited or corpus data, while adopting different theoretical frameworks. Thus, some chapters rely on large diachronic corpora and provide new qualitative insight on the evolution of TAM systems through quantitative methods, while others carry out a collostructional analysis of past-tensed verbs using inferential statistics to explore the lexical grammar of verbs. A common goal is to uncover semantic regularities and variation in the TAM systems of the languages under study by taking a close look at context. Such a fine-grained approach contributes to our understanding of the TAM systems from a typological perspective. The focus on well-known Indo-European languages (e.g. French, German, English, Spanish) and also on less commonly studied languages (e.g. Hungarian, Estonian, Avar, Andi, Tagalog) provides a valuable cross-linguistic perspective.
04
09
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03
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10
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JB code
slcs.197.preface
vii
viii
2
Miscellaneous
1
01
Preface
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.01ayo
1
18
18
Chapter
2
01
Chapter 1. Introduction
On the gradience of TAM-E categories
1
A01
Dalila Ayoun
Ayoun, Dalila
Dalila
Ayoun
University of Arizona
2
A01
Agnès Celle
Celle, Agnès
Agnès
Celle
Université Paris Diderot and University of Colorado
3
A01
Laure Lansari
Lansari, Laure
Laure
Lansari
Université Paris Diderot
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.02hut
19
40
22
Chapter
3
01
Chapter 2. A quantitative perspective on modality and future tense in French and German
1
A01
Annalena Hütsch
Hütsch, Annalena
Annalena
Hütsch
Université de Neuchâtel
20
corpus study
20
French
20
future tense
20
German
20
modality
20
quantitative analysis
01
This chapter looks at modal nuances conveyed by future tenses in French (<i>futur simple</i>, <i>futur antérieur</i>) and German (<i>Futur I</i>, <i>Futur II</i>) via a corpus-based study, using comparable newspaper corpora (<i>Le Monde</i>, <i>Süddeutsche Zeitung</i>). In addition to a qualitative analysis based on an enunciative approach to modal forms (Rossari 2016), we will adopt a quantitative perspective in order to elicit statistical evidence on the nature and degree of modality expressed by the future tense in daily newspapers. Besides the fact that modal use of future tenses is rather rare in both languages compared to their temporal use, the quantitative analysis shows that French appears to have a more modal use of future tense than German in the text type sampled.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.03tre
41
64
24
Chapter
4
01
Chapter 3. The temporal uses of French <i>devoir</i> and Estonian <i>pidama</i> (‘must’)
1
A01
Anu Treikelder
Treikelder, Anu
Anu
Treikelder
University of Tartu
2
A01
Marri Amon
Amon, Marri
Marri
Amon
University of Tartu
20
Estonian
20
French
20
future
20
modal verbs
20
postmodal uses
01
Using a parallel corpus, we compare the temporal uses of <i>devoir</i> in French and <i>pidama</i> (‘must’) in Estonian in order to identify possible correspondences in their future time reference. While they share similar properties in their root modality, they differ in their epistemic and postmodal uses. For French, we mostly follow the analysis of Hans Kronning (2001) who distinguishes three types of future-tense uses of <i>devoir</i>: alethic future, “subjective” and “objective” alethic future in the past. Our analysis demonstrates that unlike <i>devoir</i>, <i>pidama</i> does not have the “objective future in the past”. In contrast, the data reveal a high degree of correspondence between the two verbs in the other future-related uses reported for <i>devoir</i> and generally absent in Estonian descriptions.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.04bre
65
82
18
Chapter
5
01
Chapter 4. The competition between the present conditional and the prospective imperfect in French over the centuries: First results
1
A01
Jacques Bres
Bres, Jacques
Jacques
Bres
Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3
2
A01
Sascha Diwersy
Diwersy, Sascha
Sascha
Diwersy
Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3
3
A01
Giancarlo Luxardo
Luxardo, Giancarlo
Giancarlo
Luxardo
Praxiling, UMR 5267, Université Paul-Valéry Montpellier 3
20
grammaticalization
20
objective ulteriority
20
prospective
20
subjective ulteriority
01
While a significant number of works are known about the competition over the centuries between the synthetic future and the periphrastic prospective present, the parallel competition between the present conditional and the periphrastic construction with the prospective imperfect has received less attention. We focus here on the latter competition, limiting our study of the two forms to their temporal uses in discourse. We describe the uses for each form according to their order of appearance: imminence, subjective ulteriority and objective ulteriority. The two forms compete with each other in the expression of both subjective and objective ulteriority. We give an assessment of the diachronic evolution of the ratio present conditional / prospective imperfect in the expression of subjective ulteriority.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.05mar
83
108
26
Chapter
6
01
Chapter 5. Evidentiality and the TAM systems in English and Spanish
A cognitive and cross-linguistic perspective
1
A01
Juana I. Marín-Arrese
Marín-Arrese, Juana I.
Juana I.
Marín-Arrese
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
20
evidentiality
20
inferential
20
modality
20
reportative
20
TAM systems
01
This chapter examines and proposes plausible explanations for attested extensions of tense-aspect-modality (TAM) systems to inferential and reportative evidentiality based on the contrastive case study – British English (BrE) vs. Peninsular Spanish (PSp) – of some TAM markers realizing evidential functions: epistemic modals ‘must’, ‘must have’, and ‘<i>deber (de)</i>’, ‘<i>deber (de) haber’</i>; future perfect verbal forms ‘will have’, ‘<i>habrá/n</i>’; and conditional perfect verbal forms ‘would have’, ‘<i>habría/n</i>’. It is argued that the parameters playing a crucial role in facilitating these extensions include immediacy in relation to the ground and reality (cf. Langacker 2017) for inferential values, while irrealis (cf. Givon 1989) and frame-shifting to a counter point of view (Chilton 2014) are relevant for reportative evidentiality.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.06car
109
144
36
Chapter
7
01
Chapter 6. Expressing sources of information, knowledge and belief in English and Spanish informative financial texts
1
A01
Marta Carretero
Carretero, Marta
Marta
Carretero
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
2
A01
Yolanda Berdasco-Gancedo
Berdasco-Gancedo, Yolanda
Yolanda
Berdasco-Gancedo
Universidad a Distancia de Madrid (UDIMA)
20
epistemic modality
20
evidentiality
20
financial texts
20
future time
20
reporting
01
This chapter presents a qualitative and quantitative analysis of expressions of sources of information, knowledge and belief and their combination with grammaticalized devices of future time from the perspective of the present and the past (‘will’, ‘would’ and their Spanish equivalents) in a corpus of English and Spanish informative financial texts belonging to two levels of specialization. The qualitative analysis describes the expressions concerned and their use in the corpus. The quantitative analysis uncovers the influence of language and level of specialization on the relative frequency of different expressions of source of information, knowledge and belief, a tendency for future time devices to occur within their scope, and a positive relation between the relative frequencies of both kinds of expressions.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.07sen
145
164
20
Chapter
8
01
Chapter 7. Evidentiality and epistemic modality in Old Catalan
A diachronic cognitive approach to the semantics of modal verbs
1
A01
Andreu Sentí
Sentí, Andreu
Andreu
Sentí
Universitat de València
20
dynamic modality
20
epistemic modality
20
evidentiality
20
inference
20
possibility
20
subjectification
01
Epistemic modality and evidentiality are two categories that have not been clearly defined in the literature. In order to clarify the boundaries between them, I draw a detailed semantic map for Catalan modal verbs <i>deure</i> (‘must’), <i>haver de</i> (‘have to’) and <i>poder</i> (‘can/may’) in the Old period (11th–16th centuries). On the one hand, the modals <i>deure</i> and <i>haver de</i> develop an evidential reading (inferential process). On the other hand, an epistemic possibility value arises in the case of <i>poder</i>, which is not based on any explicit premise. I show that all these verbs are subjectively construed in different degrees and argue that a clear distinction between the subjective values and an evidential or epistemic interpretation is paramount.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.08ran
165
184
20
Chapter
9
01
Chapter 8. ‘I think’
An enunciative and corpus-based perspective
1
A01
Graham Ranger
Ranger, Graham
Graham
Ranger
Université d'Avignon
20
corpus linguistics
20
epistemic modality
20
evidentiality
20
schematic form
20
Theory of Enunciative Operations
01
This chapter focuses on the sequence ‘I think’ as a discourse marker, used in evidential or epistemic contexts. ‘I think’ is seen to assume a variety of different values, which Kaltenböck (2010), among others, identifies as “shielding”, “approximator”, “structural” or “booster” functions. I hypothesise that ‘I think’ is not inherently ambiguous, but that different values reflect specific configurations, which depend on identifiable contextual features. The present study explores this hypothesis, first with a corpus-based investigation of collocational affinities of the sequence, which reveals a number of characteristic environments. Secondly, I elaborate an enunciative description of ‘I think’ in terms of a basic schematic form, which undergoes certain controlled and calculable deformations to generate local “shapes” (Culioli 1990). I conclude that ‘I think’ in itself expresses neither evidentiality nor epistemic modality, but that these result from specific contextual configurations.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.09tan
185
212
28
Chapter
10
01
Chapter 9. Embedding evidence in Tagalog and German
On two types of evidentials
1
A01
Jennifer Tan
Tan, Jennifer
Jennifer
Tan
Goethe University Frankfurt
2
A01
Johannes Mursell
Mursell, Johannes
Johannes
Mursell
ILLA-CSIC
20
(non-)root clauses
20
epistemic modality
20
evidentiality
20
inferential
20
Tagalog
01
We compare two particles with similar meaning contributions from two different languages, German <i>wohl</i> and Tagalog <i>yata</i>, both roughly translatable as ‘I infer’. Based on their context usage, we claim that both are inferential evidentials. Despite their identical meaning, we assume a non-uniform treatment of evidentials, in view of their differing behaviors. By applying well-established tests, we determine the level of meaning they operate on, the propositional level for <i>yata</i> and the illocutionary level for <i>wohl</i>. Our data show that the embeddability test needs modification, allowing for illocutionary operators to be embedded, but only in root-like clauses, as <i>wohl</i> does. <i>Yata</i>, being embeddable in both root and non-root clauses, operates on a propositional level, and is thus a modal evidential.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.10cel
213
238
26
Chapter
11
01
Chapter 10. Questions as indirect speech acts in surprise contexts
1
A01
Agnès Celle
Celle, Agnès
Agnès
Celle
Université Paris Diderot and University of Colorado
20
commitment
20
conjectural questions
20
expressivity
20
mirativity
20
rhetorical questions
20
surprise
20
unresolvable questions
01
This chapter offers an analysis of two types of interrogatives used as indirect speech acts in surprise contexts in English – unresolvable questions and rhetorical questions. The function of these questions is not to request information that is unknown to the speaker. It is argued that surprise-induced unresolvable questions are expressive speech acts devoid of epistemic goals. Surprise-induced rhetorical questions are shown not to suggest an obvious answer, but to request a commitment update from the addressee. Adopting a schema-theoretic approach to surprise, it is shown that unresolvable questions and rhetorical questions can express mirativity, the former at the initial stage of the cognitive processing of unexpectedness, the latter at the last stage.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.11uso
239
260
22
Chapter
12
01
Chapter 11. Non-finiteness, complementation and evidentiality
The Lithuanian <i>Accusativus cum Participio</i> in a cross-linguistic perspective
1
A01
Aurelija Usonienė
Usonienė, Aurelija
Aurelija
Usonienė
Vilnius University
2
A01
Nigel Vincent
Vincent, Nigel
Nigel
Vincent
University of Manchester
20
accusative plus participle
20
finiteness
20
Latin
20
Lithuanian
20
proposition
01
The relatedness of non-finite constructions and evidentiality has been observed in various European languages. Passive matrix verbs plus infinitive in English, the corresponding though less productive pattern in Dutch, reportive passives in Danish, and evidential participial constructions in Lithuanian have all received attention in the literature. We continue this line of investigation, focussing on the <i>Accusativus cum Participio</i>, found in contemporary Lithuanian only with verbs of communication, cognition and perception. Our quantitative and qualitative corpus-based analysis investigates its distribution in different types of discourse and provides evidence to support the claim that the use of the non-agreeing ‘be’-participle is obligatory because it marks a proposition. We compare our account with similar uses of non-finite verb in other languages.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.12ver
261
280
20
Chapter
13
01
Chapter 12. The perfect in Avar and Andi
Cross-linguistic variation among two closely-related East Caucasian languages
1
A01
Samira Verhees
Verhees, Samira
Samira
Verhees
National Research University, Higher School of Economics Moscow
20
Avar
20
East Caucasian languages
20
evidentiality
20
perfect
20
resultative
01
This chapter deals with perfect forms of the verb in Avar and Andi, two East Caucasian languages. The presence of an ergative agent is shown to be an important parameter in distinguishing resultative constructions from resultative perfects in these languages. This distinction is relevant to determine whether current relevance meanings of the perfect are at all represented in these languages, alongside resultative proper and evidential usages. Based on elicitation as well as corpus data, this study shows that the Avar perfect represents a highly polysemic verb form that combines resultative proper, current relevance and indirect evidentiality, while its Andi counterpart shows a more advanced stage of grammaticalization of the indirect evidential meaning.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.13cor
281
308
28
Chapter
14
01
Chapter 13. The different grammars of event singularisation
A cross-linguistic corpus study
1
A01
Eric Corre
Corre, Eric
Eric
Corre
Université Sorbonne Nouvelle – Paris 3
20
aspect
20
coercion
20
prefixation
20
single situations
20
verb classes
01
This chapter is an empirical investigation into the expression of bounded single situations across four languages, based on a parallel corpus (Camus’s <i>The Stranger</i> and translations into English, Russian, Hungarian). Smith (1991)’s two-component theory of aspect, whereby situation aspect combines with viewpoint aspect to compute the aspectual composition of sentences, is used to highlight cross-linguistic differences. In the original, the French <i>passé composé</i> appears as perfective in the sense of Smith (1991) and Klein (1994) while the English simple past is aspectually ambiguous (perfective and imperfective). Russian relies on a morphosyntactic construction (prefix + bare verb) to create perfective verbs, while Hungarian has similar morphosyntactic resources, but no grammatical aspect.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.14wic
309
334
26
Chapter
15
01
Chapter 14. Phraseological usage patterns of past tenses
A corpus-driven look on French <i>passé composé</i> and <i>imparfait</i>
1
A01
Oliver Wicher
Wicher, Oliver
Oliver
Wicher
Paderborn University
20
collostructional analysis
20
corpus-driven
20
imparfait
20
lexical grammar
20
passé composé
01
This chapter presents a corpus-driven investigation into usage patterns of the French past tenses <i>passé composé</i> and <i>imparfait</i>. Using a new reference corpus of French, the <i>Corpus de référence du français contemporain</i>, and adopting a construction grammar perspective, we analyze past-tense occurrences of two highly frequent polysemous verbs, <i>vouloir</i> ‘want’ and <i>voir</i> ‘see’. Assuming that the two tenses are an alternation phenomenon, collostructions can be identified that differ in terms of their attracted complements. These highly distinctive collexemes indicate phraseological uses of past-tensed verbs whose tense choice is constrained. The results provide further evidence for the inseparability of lexis and grammar and the semantic-pragmatic shifts that are prevalent in past-tense constructions of highly frequent polysemous verbs.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.15rod
335
356
22
Chapter
16
01
Chapter 15. Path scales
Directed-motion verbs, prepositions and telicity in European Portuguese
1
A01
António José Rodriguez Leal
Rodriguez Leal, António José
António José
Rodriguez Leal
University of Porto
2
A01
Fátima Oliveira
Oliveira, Fátima
Fátima
Oliveira
University of Porto
3
A01
Purificação Silvano
Silvano, Purificação
Purificação
Silvano
University of Porto
20
inherently directed-motion verbs
20
prepositions
20
scale semantics
20
telicity
01
We put forward a proposal based on the notion of path scale (e.g., Kennedy & Levin 2008) to account for the semantics of inherently directed motion verbs <i>ir</i> (‘go’) and <i>vir</i> (‘come’) combined with prepositional phrases (PPs) with the thematic role of Goal, headed by the prepositions <i>para</i> (‘to/toward’) and <i>até</i> (‘to’) in European Portuguese. We describe our corpus before discussing the syntactic and semantic properties of the predications we analyze as well as their similarity to predications with manner of motion verbs. We assume that motion verbs have an underspecified underlying scalar structure and that PPs contribute in a distinct way to the specification of one of the parameters of these path scales.
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.ni
357
362
6
Miscellaneous
17
01
Name Index
10
01
JB code
slcs.197.ind
363
366
4
Miscellaneous
18
01
Subject index
02
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