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		<Text textformat="02">&lt;i&gt;The Interpersonal Level in Functional Discourse Grammar&lt;/i&gt; presents recent advancements in Functional Discourse Grammar since the framework’s introduction by Hengeveld and Mackenzie (2008). This volume refines the theory’s pragmatic level of analysis through theoretical innovation and application to diverse linguistic data. The contributions focus on the formal reflection of pragmatic distinctions in morphosyntactic and phonological encoding, a domain where FDG’s hierarchical top-down architecture is particularly effective. Key areas of investigation include the detailed study of prosody in FDG, the study of insultives as a grammatical category, the relevance of a Comment layer in FDG, the analysis of performatives, the study of morphopragmatic phenomena in FDG, among others. By synthesizing theoretical refinement with empirical work, the volume contributes to ongoing research into the interface between pragmatics and grammar, and as such it is intended for researchers and advanced students in specialized graduate-level courses.</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   In this introductory chapter, we first provide a description of the topic of this volume, the Interpersonal Level in Functional Discourse Grammar, stressing the fact that, in compliance with the Principle of Formal Encoding that is central in FDG, this level captures pragmatic distinctions to the extent that these are encoded morphosyntactically or phonologically. We then provide an overview of the model of Functional Discourse Grammar as a whole, so as to explain the place of the Interpersonal Level within it. Finally, we provide a preview of the remaining chapters in the volume, focusing on their contribution to the overall topic.</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter provides an overview of the organization of the Interpersonal Level in Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG). The Interpersonal Level in FDG captures the actional aspects of utterances to the extent that these are formally encoded, including, among many other aspects, rhetorical relations, illocutionary force, speaker attitude, and definiteness and specificity. The chapter pays special attention to the changes proposed as regards the architecture of the Interpersonal Level since its first full presentation in Hengeveld &amp;#38; Mackenzie (2008)</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter investigates the interaction of pragmatics and morphology within Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG) by exploiting the model’s recognition of a pragmatic Interpersonal Level, next to a semantic Representational, a Morphosyntactic and a Phonological Level. It identifies pragmatically motivated morphological phenomena for the analysis of which FDG appears particularly useful, both in word-formation, i.e. ‘morphopragmatics’ in the traditional sense (e.g. identical constituent and phrasal compounding, evaluative derivation, blending, expletive insertion), and inflection (e.g. participles conveying speech acts in Germanic languages). Tackling such ‘pragmato-morphological’ linguistic interface structures, the chapter puts long-standing tenets (e.g. the distinction between the grammar proper and the lexicon/Fund) as well as newer developments of the theory (e.g. the restricted possibility of certain bottom-up operations) to the test.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Illocution</TitleText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This paper re-examines modal particles (MPs) within the framework of Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG). MPs are syntactically integrated adverbial elements that scope over the entire clause and fine-tune speech acts by modifying illocutionary force in context. Drawing on extensive research on German MPs, the paper first reviews their formal and functional properties. The discussion focuses on two functional domains targeted by MPs — common ground management and illocutionary force specification — and evaluates their compatibility with the notion of the Illocution layer in FDG. The framework is then applied to the analysis of Italian data, which further illuminates the interpersonal strategies encoded by MPs and the role of contextual factors. The results shed light on illocutionary operators in FDG, clarifying their function within Discourse Acts and their relationship with adjacent layers of the Interpersonal Level.</Text>
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			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Insults as a sentence type</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A cross-linguistic perspective</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Riccardo Giomi</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Giomi, Riccardo</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Riccardo</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Giomi</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Amsterdam</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Daniël Van Olmen</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Van Olmen, Daniël</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Daniël</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Van Olmen</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Lancaster University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Denise van Oers</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>van Oers, Denise</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Denise</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>van Oers</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Amsterdam</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>evaluative Illocution</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>insultive Illocution</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>insults</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Interpersonal Level</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>speech act theory</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper asks whether insults are ever encoded as a distinct sentence type in natural languages, and hence form a distinct grammaticalized Illocution in the languages concerned. To assess this, we designed three mutually independent criteria and applied these to 29 constructions from 23 languages, gathering data via native speaker consultation, corpus searches and published literature. Our results indicate that seven of these constructions are exclusively used for the communicative goal of insulting the addressee, thus providing evidence for the existence of an Insultive Illocution. Moreover, we found evidence of an underspecified Evaluative Illocution in nine languages. We therefore propose that both the Insultive and the Evaluative be added to the inventory of grammaticalized Illocution recognized in Functional Discourse Grammar.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.05kei</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>159</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>188</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>30</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>8</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">I hereby propose</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A modified analysis of performatives in FDG</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Evelien Keizer</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Keizer, Evelien</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Evelien</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Keizer</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Vienna</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>embedding</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>English</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>modification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>passives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>performatives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>pronominalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>self-referential hereby</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>syntax</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   Since Austin’s seminal 1955 lectures, numerous publications have been devoted to the pragmatic and semantic aspects of performatives; surprisingly little effort, however, has been made to integrate performatives, and their syntactic behaviour, into grammatical theory. One exception is the Functional Discourse Grammar analysis provided by Hengeveld &amp;#38; Mackenzie (2008), which captures not only the function of (English) performatives, but also accounts for some of their formal features. This chapter aims to improve and expand this analysis by considering a range of syntactic properties, such as the role of hereby, the occurrence of modifiers and the use of passive and embedded performatives. The result is a number of new analyses which together provide a more complete treatment of performatives in FDG.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.p3</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>189</FirstPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>1</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Section header</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>9</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Special constructions</TitleText>
		</Title>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.06mus</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>190</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>223</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>34</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>10</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">It’s just that they’re ambiguous</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">An FDG account of  &lt;i&gt;it BE (not) that&lt;/i&gt;  and fragmentary  &lt;i&gt;not that&lt;/i&gt;</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Ozan Mustafa</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Mustafa, Ozan</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Ozan</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Mustafa</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Graz</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>ambiguity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>discourse marker</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>existential</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>fragments</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>inferential</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>negation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>specificational</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper analyzes the construction &lt;i&gt;it be (not) that&lt;/i&gt;-clause, which has received conflicting analyses regarding its categorization and interpretation, and its corresponding fragment &lt;i&gt;not that&lt;/i&gt;-clause. Drawing on corpus data, I argue that both constructions are semantically ambiguous between an inferential/specificational reading (Declerck 1992; Delahunty 1995) and an existential (Bolinger 2018[1972]; Hurford 1973) reading, and show that the &lt;i&gt;not that-&lt;/i&gt;clause fragment displays formal and functional properties that set them apart from its full correspondence. In addition, &lt;i&gt;it’s just&lt;/i&gt; is shown to function as a discourse marker. Adopting a Functional Discourse Grammar framework, I account for the contrasts between the two forms, as well as their interpretation, in terms of differences in their interpersonal and representational formulations.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.07olb</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>224</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>253</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>30</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>11</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Cleft constructions with  &lt;i&gt;lo que&lt;/i&gt;  ‘what’ in spoken European Spanish</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Hella Olbertz</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Olbertz, Hella</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Hella</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Olbertz</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Santiago de Compostela</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Victoria Vázquez Rozas</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Vázquez Rozas, Victoria</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Victoria</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Vázquez Rozas</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Santiago de Compostela</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>clefting</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>copula-construction</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>corpus</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>European Spanish</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>focus</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>free relative clause</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>orality</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>pseudocleft</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>topic</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter deals with regular and reversed cleft constructions with &lt;i&gt;lo que&lt;/i&gt; ‘what’ and their use in a corpus of spoken Spanish. Regular &lt;i&gt;lo-que-&lt;/i&gt;clefts serve the expression of Focus. The complexity of the clefted constituent in Focus varies between (i) noun phrases, (ii) non-finite, and (iii) finite clauses. Independently of the complexity of the focal constituent, the free relative clause tends to contain information that contrasts in different ways with the preceding context. In reversed &lt;i&gt;lo-que-&lt;/i&gt;clefts, the clefted constituent has Topic function, and the free relative may contain an entity in Focus. It will be shown that Functional Discourse Grammar is a valuable descriptive tool for this account.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.08por</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>254</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>284</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>31</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>12</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Not for nothing</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">From justification to politeness. A Functional Discourse Grammar analysis</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Carmen Portero Muñoz</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Portero Muñoz, Carmen</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Carmen</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Portero Muñoz</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Universidad de Córdoba</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>aside</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>extension</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>justification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>politeness</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>prelude</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>rhetorical functions</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This article investigates the discourse functions of &lt;i&gt;not for nothing&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;not for nothing(,) but&lt;/i&gt; within the framework of Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG). Using corpus-based evidence, it shows that these expressions perform distinct interpersonal functions in the strategic design of Discourse Acts. &lt;i&gt;Not for nothing&lt;/i&gt; provides evidential justification for a prior claim, while &lt;i&gt;not for nothing(,) but&lt;/i&gt; functions as a politeness strategy that mitigates face‑threatening acts. The analysis demonstrates that these uses can be modeled through existing and proposed distinctions at the Interpersonal Level, particularly rhetorical macro- and micro-functions. The findings support the adequacy and descriptive strength of FDG in capturing fine-grained pragmatic meaning in discourse.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.09ten</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>285</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>315</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>31</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>13</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Clause linking and information structure</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A FDG analysis of English purpose and result adverbial clauses</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Elnora ten Wolde</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Wolde, Elnora ten</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Elnora</NamesBeforeKey>
				<PrefixToKey>ten</PrefixToKey>
				<KeyNames>Wolde</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Graz</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbial clauses</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>corpus linguistics</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>imperatives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>purpose</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>result</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper examines English purpose and result clauses introduced by &lt;i&gt;so(that)&lt;/i&gt; within FDG, arguing that these categories are more heterogeneous than traditionally assumed. Looking at corpus data, I propose that purpose clauses are embedded Communicated Contents within the Comment layer, reflecting their shared illocution and focal status. Result clauses exhibit greater diversity; the paper identifies three types of result clauses, each associated with a distinct Content frame. The analysis further demonstrates that &lt;i&gt;so(that)&lt;/i&gt; clauses modifying directives cannot be treated merely as variants of purpose clauses, but that share key aspects of their information-structure organization with result clauses. The analysis refines FDG representations of adverbial clauses and clarifies the interaction between information structure and discourse organization.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.10ber</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>316</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>347</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>32</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>14</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">It is sort of complicated</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">An FDG account of the type noun  &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Felix Berner</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Berner, Felix</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Felix</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Berner</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Vienna</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>approximation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>degree modification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>English</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>qualification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>referentiality</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>sort of</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>type nouns</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter is concerned with the referential use (&lt;i&gt;a sort of screwdriver&lt;/i&gt;) and the qualifying use (&lt;i&gt;sort of proud&lt;/i&gt;) of the English type noun &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;. Specifically, it investigates (i) whether, in the referential use of &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;, N2 can be referential as well, (ii) whether there exists an additional separate modifying use (&lt;i&gt;a paternalistic sort of chap&lt;/i&gt;) of &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;, and (iii) whether all qualifying uses &lt;i&gt;of sort&lt;/i&gt; of are always non-truth-conditional. It is argued (i) that, in the referential use of &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;, N2 can indeed be referential if the whole construction makes reference to a subtype of an identifiable and specific supertype, (ii) that proposed modifying uses of &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt; are in fact better accounted for as instances of the referential use, and (iii) that two additional truth-conditional uses of &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;, expressing degree (&lt;i&gt;sort of tall&lt;/i&gt;) or approximation (&lt;i&gt;sort of dead&lt;/i&gt;) can be identified, depending on the gradability of the adjective.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.p4</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>349</FirstPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>1</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Section header</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>15</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Part IV. Pragmatic functions</TitleText>
		</Title>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.11hen</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
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				<PersonName>Kees Hengeveld</PersonName>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>Caribbean Spanish</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This paper discusses a construction in Colombian Spanish in which a form of the copula &lt;i&gt;ser&lt;/i&gt; ‘be’ is used as a focus marker. After introducing the construction and its properties and distinguishing it from the pseudo-cleft construction in Spanish, the question is raised to what extent the different uses of this construction corroborate the organization of the Communicated Content in Functional Discourse Grammar. It is shown that for every unit within the Communicated Content that is predicted to be focalizable, there is indeed a corresponding use of the focalizing copula construction in Colombian Spanish.</Text>
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				<PersonName>Matthias Mittendorfer</PersonName>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This paper presents an analysis of Contrast and contrastiveness in parallel structures. Although fulfilling all (semantic) criteria for Contrast, it is shown that structural parallelism is not an inherently contrastive construction. Instead, the paper argues that only in those cases where a contrastive discourse relation between the discourse segments is present is a contrastive analysis warranted. Moreover, the data suggests that prosodic Contrast-marking in English is gradient, i.e. sensitive to the degree of contrastiveness. The results are subsequently modelled in Functional Discourse Grammar. Introducing an additional rhetorical function Contrast, the paper shows that the morphosyntactic and prosodic reflexes of Contrast naturally follow from the pragmatic organisation of structural parallelism.</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This paper deals with the classification of Spanish Focus particles. Although there are previous proposals in this regard, none of them is entirely satisfactory. Thus, after revising the grammatical properties of these units, a new classification is put forward from a functional perspective. Assuming that Focus particles are fully grammaticalized items, their specific characteristics are explained as triggered by interpersonal and representational operators. Four basic categories are recognized: additive, restrictive, particularizing, and identifying Focus particles. While scalarity plays an essential role in the additive and identifying categories, it does not define a basic class &lt;i&gt;per se&lt;/i&gt;.</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   In this introductory chapter, we first provide a description of the topic of this volume, the Interpersonal Level in Functional Discourse Grammar, stressing the fact that, in compliance with the Principle of Formal Encoding that is central in FDG, this level captures pragmatic distinctions to the extent that these are encoded morphosyntactically or phonologically. We then provide an overview of the model of Functional Discourse Grammar as a whole, so as to explain the place of the Interpersonal Level within it. Finally, we provide a preview of the remaining chapters in the volume, focusing on their contribution to the overall topic.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">The Interpersonal Level in Functional Discourse Grammar</TitleText>
				<TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix>
				<TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">Interpersonal Level in Functional Discourse Grammar</TitleWithoutPrefix>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Evelien Keizer</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Keizer, Evelien</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Evelien</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Keizer</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Vienna</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Kees Hengeveld</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Hengeveld, Kees</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Kees</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Hengeveld</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Amsterdam</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Riccardo Giomi</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Giomi, Riccardo</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Riccardo</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Giomi</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Amsterdam</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>discourse</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>layered structure</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>pragmatics</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter provides an overview of the organization of the Interpersonal Level in Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG). The Interpersonal Level in FDG captures the actional aspects of utterances to the extent that these are formally encoded, including, among many other aspects, rhetorical relations, illocutionary force, speaker attitude, and definiteness and specificity. The chapter pays special attention to the changes proposed as regards the architecture of the Interpersonal Level since its first full presentation in Hengeveld &amp;#38; Mackenzie (2008)</Text>
				</OtherText>
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	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.02sch</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>68</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>93</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>26</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>4</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">On the relationship between morphology and the Interpersonal Level in Functional Discourse Grammar</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Thomas Schwaiger</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Schwaiger, Thomas</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Thomas</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Schwaiger</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Vienna</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>compounding</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>derivation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Germanic languages</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>inflection</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Interpersonal Level</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>morphology</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>morphopragmatics</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>pragmatics</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>word-formation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter investigates the interaction of pragmatics and morphology within Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG) by exploiting the model’s recognition of a pragmatic Interpersonal Level, next to a semantic Representational, a Morphosyntactic and a Phonological Level. It identifies pragmatically motivated morphological phenomena for the analysis of which FDG appears particularly useful, both in word-formation, i.e. ‘morphopragmatics’ in the traditional sense (e.g. identical constituent and phrasal compounding, evaluative derivation, blending, expletive insertion), and inflection (e.g. participles conveying speech acts in Germanic languages). Tackling such ‘pragmato-morphological’ linguistic interface structures, the chapter puts long-standing tenets (e.g. the distinction between the grammar proper and the lexicon/Fund) as well as newer developments of the theory (e.g. the restricted possibility of certain bottom-up operations) to the test.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.p2</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>95</FirstPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>1</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Section header</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>5</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Part II. Illocution</TitleText>
		</Title>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.03fav</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>96</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>122</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>27</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>6</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Reassessing modal particles and their role within Discourse Acts</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A Functional Discourse Grammar perspective</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Marco Favaro</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Favaro, Marco</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Marco</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Favaro</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Lisbon</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>German</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>illocution</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>illocutionary modification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Italian</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>modal particles</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>speech acts</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper re-examines modal particles (MPs) within the framework of Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG). MPs are syntactically integrated adverbial elements that scope over the entire clause and fine-tune speech acts by modifying illocutionary force in context. Drawing on extensive research on German MPs, the paper first reviews their formal and functional properties. The discussion focuses on two functional domains targeted by MPs — common ground management and illocutionary force specification — and evaluates their compatibility with the notion of the Illocution layer in FDG. The framework is then applied to the analysis of Italian data, which further illuminates the interpersonal strategies encoded by MPs and the role of contextual factors. The results shed light on illocutionary operators in FDG, clarifying their function within Discourse Acts and their relationship with adjacent layers of the Interpersonal Level.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.04gio</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>123</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>158</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>36</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>7</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Insults as a sentence type</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A cross-linguistic perspective</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Riccardo Giomi</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Giomi, Riccardo</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Riccardo</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Giomi</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Amsterdam</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Daniël Van Olmen</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Van Olmen, Daniël</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Daniël</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Van Olmen</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Lancaster University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Denise van Oers</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>van Oers, Denise</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Denise</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>van Oers</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Amsterdam</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>evaluative Illocution</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>insultive Illocution</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>insults</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Interpersonal Level</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>speech act theory</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper asks whether insults are ever encoded as a distinct sentence type in natural languages, and hence form a distinct grammaticalized Illocution in the languages concerned. To assess this, we designed three mutually independent criteria and applied these to 29 constructions from 23 languages, gathering data via native speaker consultation, corpus searches and published literature. Our results indicate that seven of these constructions are exclusively used for the communicative goal of insulting the addressee, thus providing evidence for the existence of an Insultive Illocution. Moreover, we found evidence of an underspecified Evaluative Illocution in nine languages. We therefore propose that both the Insultive and the Evaluative be added to the inventory of grammaticalized Illocution recognized in Functional Discourse Grammar.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.05kei</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>159</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>188</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>30</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>8</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">I hereby propose</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A modified analysis of performatives in FDG</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Evelien Keizer</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Keizer, Evelien</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Evelien</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Keizer</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Vienna</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>embedding</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>English</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>modification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>passives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>performatives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>pronominalization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>self-referential hereby</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>syntax</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   Since Austin’s seminal 1955 lectures, numerous publications have been devoted to the pragmatic and semantic aspects of performatives; surprisingly little effort, however, has been made to integrate performatives, and their syntactic behaviour, into grammatical theory. One exception is the Functional Discourse Grammar analysis provided by Hengeveld &amp;#38; Mackenzie (2008), which captures not only the function of (English) performatives, but also accounts for some of their formal features. This chapter aims to improve and expand this analysis by considering a range of syntactic properties, such as the role of hereby, the occurrence of modifiers and the use of passive and embedded performatives. The result is a number of new analyses which together provide a more complete treatment of performatives in FDG.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.p3</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>189</FirstPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>1</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Section header</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>9</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Part III. Special constructions</TitleText>
		</Title>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.06mus</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>190</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>223</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>34</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>10</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">It’s just that they’re ambiguous</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">An FDG account of  &lt;i&gt;it BE (not) that&lt;/i&gt;  and fragmentary  &lt;i&gt;not that&lt;/i&gt;</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Ozan Mustafa</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Mustafa, Ozan</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Ozan</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Mustafa</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Graz</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>ambiguity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>discourse marker</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>existential</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>fragments</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>inferential</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>negation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>specificational</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper analyzes the construction &lt;i&gt;it be (not) that&lt;/i&gt;-clause, which has received conflicting analyses regarding its categorization and interpretation, and its corresponding fragment &lt;i&gt;not that&lt;/i&gt;-clause. Drawing on corpus data, I argue that both constructions are semantically ambiguous between an inferential/specificational reading (Declerck 1992; Delahunty 1995) and an existential (Bolinger 2018[1972]; Hurford 1973) reading, and show that the &lt;i&gt;not that-&lt;/i&gt;clause fragment displays formal and functional properties that set them apart from its full correspondence. In addition, &lt;i&gt;it’s just&lt;/i&gt; is shown to function as a discourse marker. Adopting a Functional Discourse Grammar framework, I account for the contrasts between the two forms, as well as their interpretation, in terms of differences in their interpersonal and representational formulations.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.07olb</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>224</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>253</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>30</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>11</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Cleft constructions with  &lt;i&gt;lo que&lt;/i&gt;  ‘what’ in spoken European Spanish</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Hella Olbertz</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Olbertz, Hella</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Hella</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Olbertz</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Santiago de Compostela</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Victoria Vázquez Rozas</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Vázquez Rozas, Victoria</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Victoria</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Vázquez Rozas</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Santiago de Compostela</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>clefting</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>copula-construction</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>corpus</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>European Spanish</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>focus</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>free relative clause</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>orality</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>pseudocleft</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>topic</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter deals with regular and reversed cleft constructions with &lt;i&gt;lo que&lt;/i&gt; ‘what’ and their use in a corpus of spoken Spanish. Regular &lt;i&gt;lo-que-&lt;/i&gt;clefts serve the expression of Focus. The complexity of the clefted constituent in Focus varies between (i) noun phrases, (ii) non-finite, and (iii) finite clauses. Independently of the complexity of the focal constituent, the free relative clause tends to contain information that contrasts in different ways with the preceding context. In reversed &lt;i&gt;lo-que-&lt;/i&gt;clefts, the clefted constituent has Topic function, and the free relative may contain an entity in Focus. It will be shown that Functional Discourse Grammar is a valuable descriptive tool for this account.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
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			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.08por</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>254</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>284</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>31</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>12</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Not for nothing</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">From justification to politeness. A Functional Discourse Grammar analysis</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Carmen Portero Muñoz</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Portero Muñoz, Carmen</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Carmen</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Portero Muñoz</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Universidad de Córdoba</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>aside</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>extension</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>justification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>politeness</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>prelude</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>rhetorical functions</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This article investigates the discourse functions of &lt;i&gt;not for nothing&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;not for nothing(,) but&lt;/i&gt; within the framework of Functional Discourse Grammar (FDG). Using corpus-based evidence, it shows that these expressions perform distinct interpersonal functions in the strategic design of Discourse Acts. &lt;i&gt;Not for nothing&lt;/i&gt; provides evidential justification for a prior claim, while &lt;i&gt;not for nothing(,) but&lt;/i&gt; functions as a politeness strategy that mitigates face‑threatening acts. The analysis demonstrates that these uses can be modeled through existing and proposed distinctions at the Interpersonal Level, particularly rhetorical macro- and micro-functions. The findings support the adequacy and descriptive strength of FDG in capturing fine-grained pragmatic meaning in discourse.</Text>
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				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.09ten</IDValue>
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				<FirstPageNumber>285</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>315</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>31</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>13</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Clause linking and information structure</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A FDG analysis of English purpose and result adverbial clauses</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Elnora ten Wolde</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Wolde, Elnora ten</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Elnora</NamesBeforeKey>
				<PrefixToKey>ten</PrefixToKey>
				<KeyNames>Wolde</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Graz</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>adverbial clauses</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>corpus linguistics</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>imperatives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>purpose</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>result</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper examines English purpose and result clauses introduced by &lt;i&gt;so(that)&lt;/i&gt; within FDG, arguing that these categories are more heterogeneous than traditionally assumed. Looking at corpus data, I propose that purpose clauses are embedded Communicated Contents within the Comment layer, reflecting their shared illocution and focal status. Result clauses exhibit greater diversity; the paper identifies three types of result clauses, each associated with a distinct Content frame. The analysis further demonstrates that &lt;i&gt;so(that)&lt;/i&gt; clauses modifying directives cannot be treated merely as variants of purpose clauses, but that share key aspects of their information-structure organization with result clauses. The analysis refines FDG representations of adverbial clauses and clarifies the interaction between information structure and discourse organization.</Text>
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				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.10ber</IDValue>
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				<FirstPageNumber>316</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>347</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>32</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>14</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">It is sort of complicated</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">An FDG account of the type noun  &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Felix Berner</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Berner, Felix</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Felix</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Berner</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Vienna</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>approximation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>degree modification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>English</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>qualification</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>referentiality</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>sort of</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>type nouns</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter is concerned with the referential use (&lt;i&gt;a sort of screwdriver&lt;/i&gt;) and the qualifying use (&lt;i&gt;sort of proud&lt;/i&gt;) of the English type noun &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;. Specifically, it investigates (i) whether, in the referential use of &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;, N2 can be referential as well, (ii) whether there exists an additional separate modifying use (&lt;i&gt;a paternalistic sort of chap&lt;/i&gt;) of &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;, and (iii) whether all qualifying uses &lt;i&gt;of sort&lt;/i&gt; of are always non-truth-conditional. It is argued (i) that, in the referential use of &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;, N2 can indeed be referential if the whole construction makes reference to a subtype of an identifiable and specific supertype, (ii) that proposed modifying uses of &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt; are in fact better accounted for as instances of the referential use, and (iii) that two additional truth-conditional uses of &lt;i&gt;sort of&lt;/i&gt;, expressing degree (&lt;i&gt;sort of tall&lt;/i&gt;) or approximation (&lt;i&gt;sort of dead&lt;/i&gt;) can be identified, depending on the gradability of the adjective.</Text>
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			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.p4</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>349</FirstPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>1</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Section header</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>15</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Part IV. Pragmatic functions</TitleText>
		</Title>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>slcs.241.11hen</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>350</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>372</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>23</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>16</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">The focalizing copula in Colombian Spanish</TitleText>
				<TitlePrefix>The </TitlePrefix>
				<TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">focalizing copula in Colombian Spanish</TitleWithoutPrefix>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Kees Hengeveld</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Hengeveld, Kees</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Kees</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Hengeveld</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Amsterdam</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Caribbean Spanish</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Colombian Spanish</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>focus constructions</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Functional Discourse Grammar</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>information structure</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper discusses a construction in Colombian Spanish in which a form of the copula &lt;i&gt;ser&lt;/i&gt; ‘be’ is used as a focus marker. After introducing the construction and its properties and distinguishing it from the pseudo-cleft construction in Spanish, the question is raised to what extent the different uses of this construction corroborate the organization of the Communicated Content in Functional Discourse Grammar. It is shown that for every unit within the Communicated Content that is predicted to be focalizable, there is indeed a corresponding use of the focalizing copula construction in Colombian Spanish.</Text>
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				<IDValue>slcs.241.12mit</IDValue>
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				<FirstPageNumber>373</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>404</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>32</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentNumber>17</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">On contrast and contrastiveness in structural parallelism</TitleText>
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			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Matthias Mittendorfer</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Mittendorfer, Matthias</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Matthias</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Mittendorfer</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Vienna</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>contrast</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>contrastive pitch accent</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>contrastive topics</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>discourse relations</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>emphasis</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>focus</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>H*</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>L+H*</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>parallelism</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper presents an analysis of Contrast and contrastiveness in parallel structures. Although fulfilling all (semantic) criteria for Contrast, it is shown that structural parallelism is not an inherently contrastive construction. Instead, the paper argues that only in those cases where a contrastive discourse relation between the discourse segments is present is a contrastive analysis warranted. Moreover, the data suggests that prosodic Contrast-marking in English is gradient, i.e. sensitive to the degree of contrastiveness. The results are subsequently modelled in Functional Discourse Grammar. Introducing an additional rhetorical function Contrast, the paper shows that the morphosyntactic and prosodic reflexes of Contrast naturally follow from the pragmatic organisation of structural parallelism.</Text>
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				<FirstPageNumber>405</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>433</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>29</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>18</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">A functional classification of Spanish Focus particles</TitleText>
				<TitlePrefix>A </TitlePrefix>
				<TitleWithoutPrefix textformat="02">functional classification of Spanish Focus particles</TitleWithoutPrefix>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Ventura Salazar-García</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Salazar-García, Ventura</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Ventura</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Salazar-García</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Jaén</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Focus particles</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>information structure</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>pragmatic functions</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>scalarity</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Spanish</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This paper deals with the classification of Spanish Focus particles. Although there are previous proposals in this regard, none of them is entirely satisfactory. Thus, after revising the grammatical properties of these units, a new classification is put forward from a functional perspective. Assuming that Focus particles are fully grammaticalized items, their specific characteristics are explained as triggered by interpersonal and representational operators. Four basic categories are recognized: additive, restrictive, particularizing, and identifying Focus particles. While scalarity plays an essential role in the additive and identifying categories, it does not define a basic class &lt;i&gt;per se&lt;/i&gt;.</Text>
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