1697 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code SLCS 56 Hb 15 9789027230584 06 10.1075/slcs.56 13 2001025182 00 BB 08 570 gr 10 01 JB code SLCS 02 0165-7763 02 56.00 01 02 Studies in Language Companion Series Studies in Language Companion Series 01 01 Grammatical Relations in Change Grammatical Relations in Change 1 B01 01 JB code 2325 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund University of Oslo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/2325 01 eng 11 337 03 03 viii 03 00 326 03 01 21 415 03 2001 P201 04 Grammar, Comparative and general. 04 Historical linguistics. 10 LAN009000 12 CF 24 JB code LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 01 06 02 00 This work examines grammatical relations and their role in linguistic change. The topics of syntactic or morphosyntactic change and the related methodological questions are approached from different theoretical perpectives of generative grammar, valency grammar and functionalism. 03 00 The eleven selected contributions making up this volume deal with grammatical relations, their coding and behavioral properties, and the change that these properties have undergone in different languages. The focus of this collection is on the changing properties of subjects and objects, although the scope of the volume goes beyond the central problems pertaining to case marking and word order. The diachrony of syntactic and morphosyntactic phenomena are approached from different theoretical perspectives, generative grammar, valency grammar, and functionalism. The languages dealt with include Old English, Mainland Scandinavian, Icelandic, German and other Germanic languages, Latin, French and other Romance languages, Northeast Caucasian, Eskimo, and Popolocan. This book provides an opportunity to compare different theoretical approaches to similar phenomena in different languages and language families.
01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/slcs.56.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027230584.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027230584.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/slcs.56.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/slcs.56.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/slcs.56.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/slcs.56.hb.png
01 01 JB code slcs.56.01pre 06 10.1075/slcs.56.01pre vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 01 04 Preface Preface 01 eng 01 01 JB code slcs.56.02faa 06 10.1075/slcs.56.02faa 1 13 13 Miscellaneous 2 01 04 Introduction Introduction 1 A01 01 JB code 750018988 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/750018988 01 eng 01 01 JB code slcs.56.03abr 06 10.1075/slcs.56.03abr 15 63 49 Article 3 01 04 How far does semantic bleaching go How far does semantic bleaching go 01 04 About grammaticalization that does not terminate in functional categories About grammaticalization that does not terminate in functional categories 1 A01 01 JB code 468018989 Werner Abraham Abraham, Werner Werner Abraham Groningen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/468018989 01 eng 30 00

According to influential work on grammaticalization, the route grammaticalizing changes take is from lexical to functional categories (Lehmann 1985, van Gelderen 1993). It will be demonstrated on two grammatical relations that this is a too specific assumption. First, modal particles in German and Dutch emerge from adverbials and conjunctions — obviously, semantically more complete elements -, but, on their route to non-adverbial particles, they do not arrive at any functional status in any minimal sense. Second, as regards the infinitival preposition (IPrep), IPrep in German as well as other Germanic languages, bleaches out semantically from an original adverbial without, however, ever reaching the functional syntactic domain (in terms of Minimalism). The third relevant characteristic to be mentioned in this context is the fact that, despite heavy semantic bleaching and arriving at new syntactic functions, the original lexical semantics remains ‘shining through’ in the case of modal particles (MPs) in German and Dutch. This allows us to reconstruct an LF-status of modal particles as a triple COMP mapping. The decision which of the three COMPs is instantiated by an individual MP depends on its original categorial status as diachronic pre-MP.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.04ask 06 10.1075/slcs.56.04ask 65 97 33 Article 4 01 04 `Oblique subjects', structural and lexical case marking ‘Oblique subjects’, structural and lexical case marking 01 04 Some thoughts on case assignment in North Germanic and German Some thoughts on case assignment in North Germanic and German 1 A01 01 JB code 795018990 John Ole Askedal Askedal, John Ole John Ole Askedal University of Oslo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/795018990 01 eng 30 00

The present paper is an attempt to give an integrated account of certain developments in North Germanic syntax: (1) Modern Icelandic and Faroese have so-called oblique subjects, i.e. dative, accusative or even genitive NPs with essentially the same distribution and syntactic rule properties as modern Mainland Scandinavian subjects. (2) Both Old and Modern Icelandic have a rather intricate system of lexical case assignment which differs from, e.g., the predominantly structural case assignment of Modern German.

(3) Old Icelandic has DO-IO as well as IO-DO order, whereas Modern Icelandic, like non-case-marking Modern Mainland Scandinavian, to a greater extent has IO-DO. — On the basis of these data it is argued that after the North Germanic shift to SVO, the development has been in the direction of a modern topologically, not morphologically oriented syntax both in the non-case-marking and the case-marking languages. Among other things, this explains why case assignment has remained lexical and idiosyncratic in Icelandic instead of shifting to a simpler system of structural case assignment.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.05faa 06 10.1075/slcs.56.05faa 99 135 37 Article 5 01 04 The notion of oblique subject and its status in the history of Icelandic The notion of oblique subject and its status in the history of Icelandic 1 A01 01 JB code 155018991 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund University of Oslo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/155018991 01 eng 30 00

The term ‘oblique subject’ is used in recent descriptions of Icelandic about NPs that behave syntactically like subjects without having nominative case. Data in support of such an analysis can easily be found in Modern Icelandic. Various linguists have assumed that also Old Icelandic has oblique subjects. In this paper I first discuss the notion of oblique subject on a metatheoretical basis. My claim is that oblique subject is not an empirical entity, it is a result of a decision to use it as a descriptive device because it may yield a more economical or elegant description of certain facts about the language. The main body of the paper is a thorough examination of the kinds of data that have been used in support of an oblique subject analysis for Old Icelandic, supplemented by some of my own additional data. It turns out that the set of subject properties of Old Icelandic is different (smaller) than that of Modern Icelandic, and the result of this examination is that Old Icelandic does not exhibit data that call for an oblique subject analysis. The final section of the paper offers an account of the diachronic process that may have led to the kind of structure that justifies an oblique subject analysis of Modern Icelandic. This process is a reanalysis leading to a change in the possible content of the Specifier position of IP, whereby it has become an exclusive subject position. Non-nominative NPs in that position may have kept their oblique case, and become oblique subjects.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.06gel 06 10.1075/slcs.56.06gel 137 157 21 Article 6 01 04 Towards personal subjects in English Towards personal subjects in English 01 04 Variation in feature interpretability Variation in feature interpretability 1 A01 01 JB code 547018992 Elly Gelderen Gelderen, Elly Elly Gelderen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/547018992 01 eng 30 00

The paper examines the well-known change from impersonal to personal subject from the point of view of a slight person split in Old and Early Middle English: third person pronouns remain impersonal longer than first or second person. This split is shown to be linked to the different rates of disappearance of morphological Case in the first, second, and third person paradigm by arguing that the change from impersonal to personal involves the loss of inherent/lexical/semantic Case and the introduction of structural Case. Both changes are indicative of a larger typological change from synthetic to analytic, which can be seen as a change from Interpretable to Uninterpretable features.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.07har 06 10.1075/slcs.56.07har 159 170 12 Article 7 01 04 Focus and universal principles governing simplification of cleft structures Focus and universal principles governing simplification of cleft structures 1 A01 01 JB code 858018993 Alice C. Harris Harris, Alice C. Alice C. Harris 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/858018993 01 eng 30 00

Harris and Campbell (1995: Chapter 7) propose specific universals governing processes that simplify biclausal structures, including the simplification of focus clefts to monoclausal focus constructions. In particular, it is claimed there that after a biclausal construction is reanalyzed as monoclausal, the main verb governs the syntax of the single-clause structure, even though conservative coding rules (e.g. case marking, agreement, word order) at first make it appear that the derived auxiliary governs those constituents that originated in its clause.

Since the writing of that book, another example has come to light. Synchronic data on the typology of focus in North East Caucasian (NEC) languages by Konstantine Kazenin (1994, 1995, 1996) provide the basis for the present study of diachronic development of biclausal and monoclausal focus structures in these languages and make it possible to test the claims referred to above. It is argued in the present paper that some NEC languages have a focus cleft and/or a monoclausal focus construction, historically derived from (1). It is shown that the derived monoclausal structures in various NEC languages have the range of properties predicted in Harris and Campbell (1995). Additional data show a different development of biclausal focus in Udi, a NEC language not treated by Kazenin.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.08hel 06 10.1075/slcs.56.08hel 171 204 34 Article 8 01 04 Recasting Danish subjects Recasting Danish subjects 01 04 Case system, word order and subject development Case system, word order and subject development 1 A01 01 JB code 312018994 Lars Heltoft Heltoft, Lars Lars Heltoft Roskilde University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/312018994 01 eng 30 00

The present article is an attempt to construct a scenario for the typological change of the subject in the Scandinavian languages, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish, from nominative subjects to categorical subjects. This change must and will be seen in the context of the rise of the so-called subordinate clause word order. Most of the material will be taken from three stages of Danish. In addition to Modern Danish, the 13th century is represented by the language of the Scanic Law and the mid 15th century by the Danish Lucidarius.

The background is the Copenhagen version of functional grammar, as presented by the papers in Engberg-Pedersen et al. (1996), and the topological theory of Paul Diderichsen (1941, 1943). No specific knowledge of these traditions is presupposed.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.09joh 06 10.1075/slcs.56.09joh 205 221 17 Article 9 01 04 Ergative to accusative Ergative to accusative 01 04 Comparing evidence from Inuktitut Comparing evidence from Inuktitut 1 A01 01 JB code 687018995 Alana Johns Johns, Alana Alana Johns University of Toronto 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/687018995 01 eng 30 00

This paper examines the case of different dialects of Inuktitut which appear to vary in their distribution and function of the antipassive construction. It is hypothesized that a difference in grammatical restrictions on this construction will coincide with a quantitative difference in occurrence, i.e. some dialects have moved further along the continuum toward a nominative-accusative typology. However, it is shown that counting the number of tokens of the case marker in question does not show any statistical significance, due to the fact that this case marker has functions independent of object marking and that these functions appear to vary in inverse proportion to the degree to which it is used as an accusative marker.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.10mil 06 10.1075/slcs.56.10mil 223 239 17 Article 10 01 04 Subject and object in Old English and Latin copular deontics Subject and object in Old English and Latin copular deontics 1 A01 01 JB code 47018996 D. Gary Miller Miller, D. Gary D. Gary Miller University of Florida 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/47018996 01 eng 30 00

The history of deontic expressions in several languages reveals some naturalness in (a) constructions involving BE plus infinitive/gerundial, (b) thematic object initially surfacing in the nom, (c) reanalysis via case accommodation in neuters to a structure in which the thematic object surfaces in the acc, and (d) animates being first to adopt the change obligatorily. Neuters permitted two analyses of the theme argument: (i) nom subject; (ii) acc object. BE and non-neuters of most word-classes favor the nom subject analysis. In Latin, impersonals in -um favored an object analysis. In Latin and OE the possibility of analyzing the agentive dative as a quirky subject in the (OE) type us is to ponder the word/what is us to ponder shifted the cues in favor of an analysis of the theme as structural object, whence overt acc objects.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.11nor 06 10.1075/slcs.56.11nor 241 272 32 Article 11 01 04 The loss of lexical case in Swedish The loss of lexical case in Swedish 1 A01 01 JB code 390018997 Muriel Norde Norde, Muriel Muriel Norde University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/390018997 01 eng 30 00

One of the most fundamental changes in the history of the Germanic languages was the loss of inflectional case marking. This paper will discuss the mechanisms involved in the decline of inflectional case systems with special reference to the loss of lexical case in Swedish. It will be seen that the decline of lexical case was by no means a straightforward affair. The tendency towards loss was powerfully counteracted by tendencies of maintenance, which managed to slow down the eventual collapse of the case system. Ultimately, these opposed tendencies can be identified as the conflicting interests of the speaker and the hearer, or ease of production vs. ease of perception. This will be illustrated by a case study in changes in prepositional case assignment.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.12sch 06 10.1075/slcs.56.12sch 273 302 30 Article 12 01 04 The coding of the subject-object distinction from Latin to Modern French The coding of the subject–object distinction from Latin to Modern French 1 A01 01 JB code 218018998 Lene Schøsler Schøsler, Lene Lene Schøsler University of Copenhagen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/218018998 01 eng 30 00

In order to understand and decode the message of a sentence, it is necessary to understand its basic argument structure. This implies e.g. that one must be able to identify the subject and distinguish this from the other elements of the sentence, in particular from the direct object. As linguistic patterns provide the speakers or writers with different types of construction with more or less transparency, it should be possible to identify the linguistic clues ensuring communication; e.g. the clues helping to distinguish the subject and the object. This distinction is in fact one of the crucial distinctions in syntax, and I will focus only on that distinction. I want to consider the following three factors, belonging to different grammatical levels, which may help to identify the elements of the sentence: the organising power of verbal valency: the nominal and verbal inflection and the word order. It will be shown that these factors cooperate in order to facilitate the identification of the subject and the direct object.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.13vee 06 10.1075/slcs.56.13vee 303 322 20 Article 13 01 04 Changes in Popolocan word order and clause structure Changes in Popolocan word order and clause structure 1 A01 01 JB code 624018999 Annette Veerman-Leichsenring Veerman-Leichsenring, Annette Annette Veerman-Leichsenring University of Leiden 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/624018999 01 eng 30 00

The Popolocan languages (Otomanguean, Mexico) have historically a VSO basic word order. The subject is encoded in the verb, in some verbs subject and human object. For pragmatic reasons a subject or object may be moved into the preverbal prosition. The preverbal argument, often marked by a focus marker, is repeated after the predicate by a nominal or pronominal form — one may say to restore the basic word order. The four Popolocan languages are affected by a change from a VSO into a SVO word order. However, each language shows a different stage of this development by using or omitting the coreferential terms and the focus marker.

Comparable observations are made with reference to the instrumental and comitative categories. The encoding in the verb of these arguments is gradually replaced by the use of prepositions, in some languages together with word order changes, each language showing a different degree of development.

As the vast majority of Popolocan speakers are bilingual, these developments are likely to be influenced by the Spanish SVO order.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.14ind 06 10.1075/slcs.56.14ind 323 326 4 Miscellaneous 14 01 04 Index Index 01 eng
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818006348 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code SLCS 56 Eb 15 9789027298041 06 10.1075/slcs.56 00 EA E107 10 01 JB code SLCS 02 0165-7763 02 56.00 01 02 Studies in Language Companion Series Studies in Language Companion Series 11 01 JB code jbe-all 01 02 Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles) 11 01 JB code jbe-2015-all 01 02 Complete backlist (3,208 titles, 1967–2015) 05 02 Complete backlist (1967–2015) 11 01 JB code jbe-2015-linguistics 01 02 Subject collection: Linguistics (2,773 titles, 1967–2015) 05 02 Linguistics (1967–2015) 11 01 JB code jbe-2015-slcs 01 02 Studies in Language Companion Series (vols. 1–171, 1978–2015) 05 02 SLCS (vols. 1–171, 1978–2015) 01 01 Grammatical Relations in Change Grammatical Relations in Change 1 B01 01 JB code 2325 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund University of Oslo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/2325 01 eng 11 337 03 03 viii 03 00 326 03 01 21 415 03 2001 P201 04 Grammar, Comparative and general. 04 Historical linguistics. 10 LAN009000 12 CF 24 JB code LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 01 06 02 00 This work examines grammatical relations and their role in linguistic change. The topics of syntactic or morphosyntactic change and the related methodological questions are approached from different theoretical perpectives of generative grammar, valency grammar and functionalism. 03 00 The eleven selected contributions making up this volume deal with grammatical relations, their coding and behavioral properties, and the change that these properties have undergone in different languages. The focus of this collection is on the changing properties of subjects and objects, although the scope of the volume goes beyond the central problems pertaining to case marking and word order. The diachrony of syntactic and morphosyntactic phenomena are approached from different theoretical perspectives, generative grammar, valency grammar, and functionalism. The languages dealt with include Old English, Mainland Scandinavian, Icelandic, German and other Germanic languages, Latin, French and other Romance languages, Northeast Caucasian, Eskimo, and Popolocan. This book provides an opportunity to compare different theoretical approaches to similar phenomena in different languages and language families.
01 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/slcs.56.png 01 01 D502 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027230584.jpg 01 01 D504 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027230584.tif 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/slcs.56.hb.png 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/slcs.56.png 02 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/slcs.56.hb.png 03 00 03 01 01 D503 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/slcs.56.hb.png
01 01 JB code slcs.56.01pre 06 10.1075/slcs.56.01pre vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 01 04 Preface Preface 01 eng 01 01 JB code slcs.56.02faa 06 10.1075/slcs.56.02faa 1 13 13 Miscellaneous 2 01 04 Introduction Introduction 1 A01 01 JB code 750018988 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/750018988 01 eng 01 01 JB code slcs.56.03abr 06 10.1075/slcs.56.03abr 15 63 49 Article 3 01 04 How far does semantic bleaching go How far does semantic bleaching go 01 04 About grammaticalization that does not terminate in functional categories About grammaticalization that does not terminate in functional categories 1 A01 01 JB code 468018989 Werner Abraham Abraham, Werner Werner Abraham Groningen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/468018989 01 eng 30 00

According to influential work on grammaticalization, the route grammaticalizing changes take is from lexical to functional categories (Lehmann 1985, van Gelderen 1993). It will be demonstrated on two grammatical relations that this is a too specific assumption. First, modal particles in German and Dutch emerge from adverbials and conjunctions — obviously, semantically more complete elements -, but, on their route to non-adverbial particles, they do not arrive at any functional status in any minimal sense. Second, as regards the infinitival preposition (IPrep), IPrep in German as well as other Germanic languages, bleaches out semantically from an original adverbial without, however, ever reaching the functional syntactic domain (in terms of Minimalism). The third relevant characteristic to be mentioned in this context is the fact that, despite heavy semantic bleaching and arriving at new syntactic functions, the original lexical semantics remains ‘shining through’ in the case of modal particles (MPs) in German and Dutch. This allows us to reconstruct an LF-status of modal particles as a triple COMP mapping. The decision which of the three COMPs is instantiated by an individual MP depends on its original categorial status as diachronic pre-MP.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.04ask 06 10.1075/slcs.56.04ask 65 97 33 Article 4 01 04 `Oblique subjects', structural and lexical case marking ‘Oblique subjects’, structural and lexical case marking 01 04 Some thoughts on case assignment in North Germanic and German Some thoughts on case assignment in North Germanic and German 1 A01 01 JB code 795018990 John Ole Askedal Askedal, John Ole John Ole Askedal University of Oslo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/795018990 01 eng 30 00

The present paper is an attempt to give an integrated account of certain developments in North Germanic syntax: (1) Modern Icelandic and Faroese have so-called oblique subjects, i.e. dative, accusative or even genitive NPs with essentially the same distribution and syntactic rule properties as modern Mainland Scandinavian subjects. (2) Both Old and Modern Icelandic have a rather intricate system of lexical case assignment which differs from, e.g., the predominantly structural case assignment of Modern German.

(3) Old Icelandic has DO-IO as well as IO-DO order, whereas Modern Icelandic, like non-case-marking Modern Mainland Scandinavian, to a greater extent has IO-DO. — On the basis of these data it is argued that after the North Germanic shift to SVO, the development has been in the direction of a modern topologically, not morphologically oriented syntax both in the non-case-marking and the case-marking languages. Among other things, this explains why case assignment has remained lexical and idiosyncratic in Icelandic instead of shifting to a simpler system of structural case assignment.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.05faa 06 10.1075/slcs.56.05faa 99 135 37 Article 5 01 04 The notion of oblique subject and its status in the history of Icelandic The notion of oblique subject and its status in the history of Icelandic 1 A01 01 JB code 155018991 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund University of Oslo 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/155018991 01 eng 30 00

The term ‘oblique subject’ is used in recent descriptions of Icelandic about NPs that behave syntactically like subjects without having nominative case. Data in support of such an analysis can easily be found in Modern Icelandic. Various linguists have assumed that also Old Icelandic has oblique subjects. In this paper I first discuss the notion of oblique subject on a metatheoretical basis. My claim is that oblique subject is not an empirical entity, it is a result of a decision to use it as a descriptive device because it may yield a more economical or elegant description of certain facts about the language. The main body of the paper is a thorough examination of the kinds of data that have been used in support of an oblique subject analysis for Old Icelandic, supplemented by some of my own additional data. It turns out that the set of subject properties of Old Icelandic is different (smaller) than that of Modern Icelandic, and the result of this examination is that Old Icelandic does not exhibit data that call for an oblique subject analysis. The final section of the paper offers an account of the diachronic process that may have led to the kind of structure that justifies an oblique subject analysis of Modern Icelandic. This process is a reanalysis leading to a change in the possible content of the Specifier position of IP, whereby it has become an exclusive subject position. Non-nominative NPs in that position may have kept their oblique case, and become oblique subjects.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.06gel 06 10.1075/slcs.56.06gel 137 157 21 Article 6 01 04 Towards personal subjects in English Towards personal subjects in English 01 04 Variation in feature interpretability Variation in feature interpretability 1 A01 01 JB code 547018992 Elly Gelderen Gelderen, Elly Elly Gelderen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/547018992 01 eng 30 00

The paper examines the well-known change from impersonal to personal subject from the point of view of a slight person split in Old and Early Middle English: third person pronouns remain impersonal longer than first or second person. This split is shown to be linked to the different rates of disappearance of morphological Case in the first, second, and third person paradigm by arguing that the change from impersonal to personal involves the loss of inherent/lexical/semantic Case and the introduction of structural Case. Both changes are indicative of a larger typological change from synthetic to analytic, which can be seen as a change from Interpretable to Uninterpretable features.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.07har 06 10.1075/slcs.56.07har 159 170 12 Article 7 01 04 Focus and universal principles governing simplification of cleft structures Focus and universal principles governing simplification of cleft structures 1 A01 01 JB code 858018993 Alice C. Harris Harris, Alice C. Alice C. Harris 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/858018993 01 eng 30 00

Harris and Campbell (1995: Chapter 7) propose specific universals governing processes that simplify biclausal structures, including the simplification of focus clefts to monoclausal focus constructions. In particular, it is claimed there that after a biclausal construction is reanalyzed as monoclausal, the main verb governs the syntax of the single-clause structure, even though conservative coding rules (e.g. case marking, agreement, word order) at first make it appear that the derived auxiliary governs those constituents that originated in its clause.

Since the writing of that book, another example has come to light. Synchronic data on the typology of focus in North East Caucasian (NEC) languages by Konstantine Kazenin (1994, 1995, 1996) provide the basis for the present study of diachronic development of biclausal and monoclausal focus structures in these languages and make it possible to test the claims referred to above. It is argued in the present paper that some NEC languages have a focus cleft and/or a monoclausal focus construction, historically derived from (1). It is shown that the derived monoclausal structures in various NEC languages have the range of properties predicted in Harris and Campbell (1995). Additional data show a different development of biclausal focus in Udi, a NEC language not treated by Kazenin.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.08hel 06 10.1075/slcs.56.08hel 171 204 34 Article 8 01 04 Recasting Danish subjects Recasting Danish subjects 01 04 Case system, word order and subject development Case system, word order and subject development 1 A01 01 JB code 312018994 Lars Heltoft Heltoft, Lars Lars Heltoft Roskilde University 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/312018994 01 eng 30 00

The present article is an attempt to construct a scenario for the typological change of the subject in the Scandinavian languages, Danish, Norwegian and Swedish, from nominative subjects to categorical subjects. This change must and will be seen in the context of the rise of the so-called subordinate clause word order. Most of the material will be taken from three stages of Danish. In addition to Modern Danish, the 13th century is represented by the language of the Scanic Law and the mid 15th century by the Danish Lucidarius.

The background is the Copenhagen version of functional grammar, as presented by the papers in Engberg-Pedersen et al. (1996), and the topological theory of Paul Diderichsen (1941, 1943). No specific knowledge of these traditions is presupposed.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.09joh 06 10.1075/slcs.56.09joh 205 221 17 Article 9 01 04 Ergative to accusative Ergative to accusative 01 04 Comparing evidence from Inuktitut Comparing evidence from Inuktitut 1 A01 01 JB code 687018995 Alana Johns Johns, Alana Alana Johns University of Toronto 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/687018995 01 eng 30 00

This paper examines the case of different dialects of Inuktitut which appear to vary in their distribution and function of the antipassive construction. It is hypothesized that a difference in grammatical restrictions on this construction will coincide with a quantitative difference in occurrence, i.e. some dialects have moved further along the continuum toward a nominative-accusative typology. However, it is shown that counting the number of tokens of the case marker in question does not show any statistical significance, due to the fact that this case marker has functions independent of object marking and that these functions appear to vary in inverse proportion to the degree to which it is used as an accusative marker.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.10mil 06 10.1075/slcs.56.10mil 223 239 17 Article 10 01 04 Subject and object in Old English and Latin copular deontics Subject and object in Old English and Latin copular deontics 1 A01 01 JB code 47018996 D. Gary Miller Miller, D. Gary D. Gary Miller University of Florida 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/47018996 01 eng 30 00

The history of deontic expressions in several languages reveals some naturalness in (a) constructions involving BE plus infinitive/gerundial, (b) thematic object initially surfacing in the nom, (c) reanalysis via case accommodation in neuters to a structure in which the thematic object surfaces in the acc, and (d) animates being first to adopt the change obligatorily. Neuters permitted two analyses of the theme argument: (i) nom subject; (ii) acc object. BE and non-neuters of most word-classes favor the nom subject analysis. In Latin, impersonals in -um favored an object analysis. In Latin and OE the possibility of analyzing the agentive dative as a quirky subject in the (OE) type us is to ponder the word/what is us to ponder shifted the cues in favor of an analysis of the theme as structural object, whence overt acc objects.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.11nor 06 10.1075/slcs.56.11nor 241 272 32 Article 11 01 04 The loss of lexical case in Swedish The loss of lexical case in Swedish 1 A01 01 JB code 390018997 Muriel Norde Norde, Muriel Muriel Norde University of Amsterdam 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/390018997 01 eng 30 00

One of the most fundamental changes in the history of the Germanic languages was the loss of inflectional case marking. This paper will discuss the mechanisms involved in the decline of inflectional case systems with special reference to the loss of lexical case in Swedish. It will be seen that the decline of lexical case was by no means a straightforward affair. The tendency towards loss was powerfully counteracted by tendencies of maintenance, which managed to slow down the eventual collapse of the case system. Ultimately, these opposed tendencies can be identified as the conflicting interests of the speaker and the hearer, or ease of production vs. ease of perception. This will be illustrated by a case study in changes in prepositional case assignment.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.12sch 06 10.1075/slcs.56.12sch 273 302 30 Article 12 01 04 The coding of the subject-object distinction from Latin to Modern French The coding of the subject–object distinction from Latin to Modern French 1 A01 01 JB code 218018998 Lene Schøsler Schøsler, Lene Lene Schøsler University of Copenhagen 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/218018998 01 eng 30 00

In order to understand and decode the message of a sentence, it is necessary to understand its basic argument structure. This implies e.g. that one must be able to identify the subject and distinguish this from the other elements of the sentence, in particular from the direct object. As linguistic patterns provide the speakers or writers with different types of construction with more or less transparency, it should be possible to identify the linguistic clues ensuring communication; e.g. the clues helping to distinguish the subject and the object. This distinction is in fact one of the crucial distinctions in syntax, and I will focus only on that distinction. I want to consider the following three factors, belonging to different grammatical levels, which may help to identify the elements of the sentence: the organising power of verbal valency: the nominal and verbal inflection and the word order. It will be shown that these factors cooperate in order to facilitate the identification of the subject and the direct object.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.13vee 06 10.1075/slcs.56.13vee 303 322 20 Article 13 01 04 Changes in Popolocan word order and clause structure Changes in Popolocan word order and clause structure 1 A01 01 JB code 624018999 Annette Veerman-Leichsenring Veerman-Leichsenring, Annette Annette Veerman-Leichsenring University of Leiden 07 https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/624018999 01 eng 30 00

The Popolocan languages (Otomanguean, Mexico) have historically a VSO basic word order. The subject is encoded in the verb, in some verbs subject and human object. For pragmatic reasons a subject or object may be moved into the preverbal prosition. The preverbal argument, often marked by a focus marker, is repeated after the predicate by a nominal or pronominal form — one may say to restore the basic word order. The four Popolocan languages are affected by a change from a VSO into a SVO word order. However, each language shows a different stage of this development by using or omitting the coreferential terms and the focus marker.

Comparable observations are made with reference to the instrumental and comitative categories. The encoding in the verb of these arguments is gradually replaced by the use of prepositions, in some languages together with word order changes, each language showing a different degree of development.

As the vast majority of Popolocan speakers are bilingual, these developments are likely to be influenced by the Spanish SVO order.

01 01 JB code slcs.56.14ind 06 10.1075/slcs.56.14ind 323 326 4 Miscellaneous 14 01 04 Index Index 01 eng
01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/slcs.56 Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20010713 C 2001 John Benjamins Publishing Company D 2001 John Benjamins Publishing Company 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027230584 WORLD 09 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 https://jbe-platform.com 29 https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027298041 21 01 00 Unqualified price 02 115.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 02 97.00 GBP GB 01 00 Unqualified price 02 173.00 USD
837014151 03 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code SLCS 56 GE 15 9789027298041 06 10.1075/slcs.56 00 EA E133 10 01 JB code SLCS 02 JB code 0165-7763 02 56.00 01 02 Studies in Language Companion Series Studies in Language Companion Series 01 01 Grammatical Relations in Change Grammatical Relations in Change 1 B01 01 JB code 2325 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund University of Oslo 01 eng 11 337 03 03 viii 03 00 326 03 24 JB code LIN.HL Historical linguistics 24 JB code LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 10 LAN009000 12 CF 01 06 02 00 This work examines grammatical relations and their role in linguistic change. The topics of syntactic or morphosyntactic change and the related methodological questions are approached from different theoretical perpectives of generative grammar, valency grammar and functionalism. 03 00 The eleven selected contributions making up this volume deal with grammatical relations, their coding and behavioral properties, and the change that these properties have undergone in different languages. The focus of this collection is on the changing properties of subjects and objects, although the scope of the volume goes beyond the central problems pertaining to case marking and word order. The diachrony of syntactic and morphosyntactic phenomena are approached from different theoretical perspectives, generative grammar, valency grammar, and functionalism. The languages dealt with include Old English, Mainland Scandinavian, Icelandic, German and other Germanic languages, Latin, French and other Romance languages, Northeast Caucasian, Eskimo, and Popolocan. This book provides an opportunity to compare different theoretical approaches to similar phenomena in different languages and language families.
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01 01 JB code slcs.56.01pre 06 10.1075/slcs.56.01pre vii viii 2 Miscellaneous 1 01 04 Preface Preface 01 01 JB code slcs.56.02faa 06 10.1075/slcs.56.02faa 1 13 13 Miscellaneous 2 01 04 Introduction Introduction 1 A01 01 JB code 750018988 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund 01 01 JB code slcs.56.03abr 06 10.1075/slcs.56.03abr 15 63 49 Article 3 01 04 How far does semantic bleaching go How far does semantic bleaching go 01 04 About grammaticalization that does not terminate in functional categories About grammaticalization that does not terminate in functional categories 1 A01 01 JB code 468018989 Werner Abraham Abraham, Werner Werner Abraham Groningen 01 01 JB code slcs.56.04ask 06 10.1075/slcs.56.04ask 65 97 33 Article 4 01 04 `Oblique subjects', structural and lexical case marking ‘Oblique subjects’, structural and lexical case marking 01 04 Some thoughts on case assignment in North Germanic and German Some thoughts on case assignment in North Germanic and German 1 A01 01 JB code 795018990 John Ole Askedal Askedal, John Ole John Ole Askedal University of Oslo 01 01 JB code slcs.56.05faa 06 10.1075/slcs.56.05faa 99 135 37 Article 5 01 04 The notion of oblique subject and its status in the history of Icelandic The notion of oblique subject and its status in the history of Icelandic 1 A01 01 JB code 155018991 Jan Terje Faarlund Faarlund, Jan Terje Jan Terje Faarlund University of Oslo 01 01 JB code slcs.56.06gel 06 10.1075/slcs.56.06gel 137 157 21 Article 6 01 04 Towards personal subjects in English Towards personal subjects in English 01 04 Variation in feature interpretability Variation in feature interpretability 1 A01 01 JB code 547018992 Elly Gelderen Gelderen, Elly Elly Gelderen 01 01 JB code slcs.56.07har 06 10.1075/slcs.56.07har 159 170 12 Article 7 01 04 Focus and universal principles governing simplification of cleft structures Focus and universal principles governing simplification of cleft structures 1 A01 01 JB code 858018993 Alice C. Harris Harris, Alice C. Alice C. Harris 01 01 JB code slcs.56.08hel 06 10.1075/slcs.56.08hel 171 204 34 Article 8 01 04 Recasting Danish subjects Recasting Danish subjects 01 04 Case system, word order and subject development Case system, word order and subject development 1 A01 01 JB code 312018994 Lars Heltoft Heltoft, Lars Lars Heltoft Roskilde University 01 01 JB code slcs.56.09joh 06 10.1075/slcs.56.09joh 205 221 17 Article 9 01 04 Ergative to accusative Ergative to accusative 01 04 Comparing evidence from Inuktitut Comparing evidence from Inuktitut 1 A01 01 JB code 687018995 Alana Johns Johns, Alana Alana Johns University of Toronto 01 01 JB code slcs.56.10mil 06 10.1075/slcs.56.10mil 223 239 17 Article 10 01 04 Subject and object in Old English and Latin copular deontics Subject and object in Old English and Latin copular deontics 1 A01 01 JB code 47018996 D. Gary Miller Miller, D. Gary D. Gary Miller University of Florida 01 01 JB code slcs.56.11nor 06 10.1075/slcs.56.11nor 241 272 32 Article 11 01 04 The loss of lexical case in Swedish The loss of lexical case in Swedish 1 A01 01 JB code 390018997 Muriel Norde Norde, Muriel Muriel Norde University of Amsterdam 01 01 JB code slcs.56.12sch 06 10.1075/slcs.56.12sch 273 302 30 Article 12 01 04 The coding of the subject-object distinction from Latin to Modern French The coding of the subject–object distinction from Latin to Modern French 1 A01 01 JB code 218018998 Lene Schøsler Schøsler, Lene Lene Schøsler University of Copenhagen 01 01 JB code slcs.56.13vee 06 10.1075/slcs.56.13vee 303 322 20 Article 13 01 04 Changes in Popolocan word order and clause structure Changes in Popolocan word order and clause structure 1 A01 01 JB code 624018999 Annette Veerman-Leichsenring Veerman-Leichsenring, Annette Annette Veerman-Leichsenring University of Leiden 01 01 JB code slcs.56.14ind 06 10.1075/slcs.56.14ind 323 326 4 Miscellaneous 14 01 04 Index Index 01 JB code JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 01 JB code JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 https://benjamins.com Amsterdam NL 00 John Benjamins Publishing Company Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers onix@benjamins.nl 04 01 00 20010713 C 2001 John Benjamins Publishing Company D 2001 John Benjamins Publishing Company 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027230584 WORLD 03 01 JB 17 Google 03 https://play.google.com/store/books 21 01 00 Unqualified price 00 115.00 EUR 01 00 Unqualified price 00 97.00 GBP 01 00 Unqualified price 00 173.00 USD