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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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9789027267023
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2016011830
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E133
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Typological Studies in Language
Typological Studies in Language
01
01
Finiteness and Nominalization
Finiteness and Nominalization
1
B01
01
JB code
117253791
Claudine Chamoreau
Chamoreau, Claudine
Claudine
Chamoreau
CNRS (CEMCA/SeDyL-CELIA)
2
B01
01
JB code
256253792
Zarina Estrada-Fernández
Estrada-Fernández, Zarina
Zarina
Estrada-Fernández
Universidad de Sonora
01
eng
11
387
03
03
vii
03
00
380
03
24
JB code
LIN.MORPH
Morphology
24
JB code
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.TYP
Typology
10
LAN009000
12
CFK
01
06
02
00
This volume addresses the relation between finiteness and nominalization, which is far more complex than the simple opposition finite-nonfinite. The contributions analyze finiteness cross-linguistically from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives, focusing on a number of topics that has not been thoroughly explored in the literature.
03
00
This volume addresses the relation between finiteness and nominalization, which is far more complex than the simple opposition finite-nonfinite. The contributions analyze finiteness cross-linguistically from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives, focusing on a number of topics that has not been thoroughly explored in the literature. First, the correlation between finiteness and nominalization is also affected by a third factor, information structure. Second, there is a correlation between the continuum of finiteness and the scale from main/independent clauses to dependent clauses. Given that of nominalized constructions occur not only in dependent clauses, but also in independent clauses, it is possible to grade according to degree of nominalization, which can then be related to the scale of finiteness. Finally, each of these scales can also be seen as a product the diachronic process of re-finitization and of finitization.
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tsl.113.001ack
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vii
viii
2
Article
1
01
04
Acknowledgments
Acknowledgments
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.01cha
06
10.1075/tsl.113.01cha
1
10
10
Article
2
01
04
Finiteness and nominalization
Finiteness and nominalization
01
04
An
overview
An overview
1
A01
01
JB code
624264240
Claudine Chamoreau
Chamoreau, Claudine
Claudine
Chamoreau
CNRS, CEMCA/SeDyL-CELIA
2
A01
01
JB code
968264241
Zarina Estrada-Fernández
Estrada-Fernández, Zarina
Zarina
Estrada-Fernández
Universidad de Sonora
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s1
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s1
Section header
3
01
04
PART I. Finiteness, nominalization and information structure
PART I. Finiteness, nominalization and information structure
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.02bis
06
10.1075/tsl.113.02bis
13
42
30
Article
4
01
04
Finiteness, nominalization, and information structure
Finiteness, nominalization, and information structure
01
04
Convergence and divergence
Convergence and divergence
1
A01
01
JB code
411264242
Walter Bisang
Bisang, Walter
Walter
Bisang
University of Mainz
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.03est
06
10.1075/tsl.113.03est
43
68
26
Article
5
01
04
Exploring finiteness and non-finiteness in Pima Bajo (Uto-Aztecan)
Exploring finiteness and non-finiteness in Pima Bajo (Uto-Aztecan)
1
A01
01
JB code
874264243
Zarina Estrada-Fernández
Estrada-Fernández, Zarina
Zarina
Estrada-Fernández
Universidad de Sonora
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s2
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s2
Section header
6
01
04
PART II. Correlation between continuum of finiteness and scale from dependent to independent clause
PART II. Correlation between continuum of finiteness and scale from dependent to independent clause
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.04com
06
10.1075/tsl.113.04com
71
82
12
Article
7
01
04
Finiteness in Haruai
Finiteness in Haruai
1
A01
01
JB code
157264244
Bernard Comrie
Comrie, Bernard
Bernard
Comrie
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and University of California Santa Barbara
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.05cha
06
10.1075/tsl.113.05cha
83
104
22
Article
8
01
04
Non-finite chain-medial clauses on the continuum of finiteness in Purepecha
Non-finite chain-medial clauses on the continuum of finiteness in Purepecha
1
A01
01
JB code
599264245
Claudine Chamoreau
Chamoreau, Claudine
Claudine
Chamoreau
CNRS (CEMCA - SeDyL/CELIA)
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s3
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s3
Section header
9
01
04
PART III. Nominalization structures and their relation to the scale of finiteness
PART III. Nominalization structures and their relation to the scale of finiteness
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.06gon
06
10.1075/tsl.113.06gon
107
140
34
Article
10
01
04
The
evolution of grammatical nominalizations in Cahita languages
The evolution of grammatical nominalizations in Cahita languages
1
A01
01
JB code
20264246
Albert Álvarez González
Álvarez González, Albert
Albert
Álvarez González
Universidad de Sonora
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.07pal
06
10.1075/tsl.113.07pal
141
170
30
Article
11
01
04
On the tightrope between infinitives and action nouns
On the tightrope between infinitives and action nouns
01
04
The
case of Otomi nominalizations
The case of Otomi nominalizations
1
A01
01
JB code
271264247
Enrique L. Palancar
Palancar, Enrique L.
Enrique L.
Palancar
SeDyL (UMR-8202), CNRS
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.08moy
06
10.1075/tsl.113.08moy
171
204
34
Article
12
01
04
Referential markers in Oceanic nominalized constructions
Referential markers in Oceanic nominalized constructions
1
A01
01
JB code
745264248
Claire Moyse-Faurie
Moyse-Faurie, Claire
Claire
Moyse-Faurie
UMR 7107 LACITO-CNRS
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.09que
06
10.1075/tsl.113.09que
205
242
38
Article
13
01
04
The
role of nominalization in theticity
The role of nominalization in theticity
01
04
A
Sikuani contribution
A Sikuani contribution
1
A01
01
JB code
46264249
Francesc Queixalós
Queixalós, Francesc
Francesc
Queixalós
CNRS (SeDyL/CELIA)
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.10hei
06
10.1075/tsl.113.10hei
243
268
26
Article
14
01
04
On non-finiteness and canonical imperatives
On non-finiteness and canonical imperatives
1
A01
01
JB code
503264250
Bernd Heine
Heine, Bernd
Bernd
Heine
University of Cologne
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s4
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s4
Section header
15
01
04
PART IV. Diachronic process: re-finitization and finitization
PART IV. Diachronic process: re-finitization and finitization
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.11giv
06
10.1075/tsl.113.11giv
271
296
26
Article
16
01
04
Nominalization and re-finitization
Nominalization and re-finitization
1
A01
01
JB code
888264251
T. Givón
Givón, T.
T.
Givón
University of Oregon and White Cloud Ranch Ignacio, Colorado
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.12mit
06
10.1075/tsl.113.12mit
297
322
26
Article
17
01
04
Shifting finiteness in nominalization
Shifting finiteness in nominalization
01
04
From definitization to refinitization
From definitization to refinitization
1
A01
01
JB code
145264252
Marianne Mithun
Mithun, Marianne
Marianne
Mithun
University of California, Santa Barbara
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.13van
06
10.1075/tsl.113.13van
323
344
22
Article
18
01
04
The
Manner converb in Beja (Cushitic) and its refinitization
The Manner converb in Beja (Cushitic) and its refinitization
1
A01
01
JB code
530264253
Martine Vanhove
Vanhove, Martine
Martine
Vanhove
LLACAN (CNRS, INALCO, PRES Sorbonne Paris-Cité)
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.14ros
06
10.1075/tsl.113.14ros
345
370
26
Article
19
01
04
On finitization
On finitization
1
A01
01
JB code
901264254
Françoise Rose
Rose, Françoise
Françoise
Rose
Dynamique Du Langage (CNRS/Université Lyon2)
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.15lan
06
10.1075/tsl.113.15lan
371
372
2
Article
20
01
04
Language Index
Language Index
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.16nam
06
10.1075/tsl.113.16nam
373
376
4
Article
21
01
04
Name Index
Name Index
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.17sub
06
10.1075/tsl.113.17sub
377
380
4
Article
22
01
04
Subject Index
Subject Index
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
00
20160623
C
2016
John Benjamins
D
2016
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027206947
WORLD
03
01
JB
17
Google
03
https://play.google.com/store/books
21
01
00
Unqualified price
00
99.00
EUR
01
00
Unqualified price
00
83.00
GBP
01
00
Unqualified price
00
149.00
USD
876016804
03
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
TSL 113 Eb
15
9789027267023
06
10.1075/tsl.113
13
2016011830
00
EA
E107
10
01
JB code
TSL
02
0167-7373
02
113.00
01
02
Typological Studies in Language
Typological Studies in Language
11
01
JB code
jbe-all
01
02
Full EBA collection (ca. 4,200 titles)
11
01
JB code
jbe-2016
01
02
2016 collection (147 titles)
05
02
2016 collection
01
01
Finiteness and Nominalization
Finiteness and Nominalization
1
B01
01
JB code
117253791
Claudine Chamoreau
Chamoreau, Claudine
Claudine
Chamoreau
CNRS (CEMCA/SeDyL-CELIA)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/117253791
2
B01
01
JB code
256253792
Zarina Estrada-Fernández
Estrada-Fernández, Zarina
Zarina
Estrada-Fernández
Universidad de Sonora
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/256253792
01
eng
11
387
03
03
vii
03
00
380
03
01
23
415/.5
03
2016
P299.F56
04
Finiteness (Linguistics)
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Nominals.
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Morphosyntax.
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Parenthetical constructions.
04
Functionalism (Linguistics)
10
LAN009000
12
CFK
24
JB code
LIN.MORPH
Morphology
24
JB code
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.TYP
Typology
01
06
02
00
This volume addresses the relation between finiteness and nominalization, which is far more complex than the simple opposition finite-nonfinite. The contributions analyze finiteness cross-linguistically from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives, focusing on a number of topics that has not been thoroughly explored in the literature.
03
00
This volume addresses the relation between finiteness and nominalization, which is far more complex than the simple opposition finite-nonfinite. The contributions analyze finiteness cross-linguistically from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives, focusing on a number of topics that has not been thoroughly explored in the literature. First, the correlation between finiteness and nominalization is also affected by a third factor, information structure. Second, there is a correlation between the continuum of finiteness and the scale from main/independent clauses to dependent clauses. Given that of nominalized constructions occur not only in dependent clauses, but also in independent clauses, it is possible to grade according to degree of nominalization, which can then be related to the scale of finiteness. Finally, each of these scales can also be seen as a product the diachronic process of re-finitization and of finitization.
01
00
03
01
01
D503
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D502
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tsl.113.001ack
06
10.1075/tsl.113.001ack
vii
viii
2
Article
1
01
04
Acknowledgments
Acknowledgments
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.01cha
06
10.1075/tsl.113.01cha
1
10
10
Article
2
01
04
Finiteness and nominalization
Finiteness and nominalization
01
04
An
overview
An overview
1
A01
01
JB code
624264240
Claudine Chamoreau
Chamoreau, Claudine
Claudine
Chamoreau
CNRS, CEMCA/SeDyL-CELIA
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/624264240
2
A01
01
JB code
968264241
Zarina Estrada-Fernández
Estrada-Fernández, Zarina
Zarina
Estrada-Fernández
Universidad de Sonora
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/968264241
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s1
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s1
Section header
3
01
04
PART I. Finiteness, nominalization and information structure
PART I. Finiteness, nominalization and information structure
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.02bis
06
10.1075/tsl.113.02bis
13
42
30
Article
4
01
04
Finiteness, nominalization, and information structure
Finiteness, nominalization, and information structure
01
04
Convergence and divergence
Convergence and divergence
1
A01
01
JB code
411264242
Walter Bisang
Bisang, Walter
Walter
Bisang
University of Mainz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/411264242
01
eng
03
00
The correlation between finiteness and nominalization is frequently discussed in the literature. This paper will introduce information structure as a third factor that has an important impact on processes of grammaticalization. Nominalized verb forms can be used in the formation of relative clauses and clefting. With these functions, they can become part of focus constructions. At a subsequent stage, they are reanalyzed either as finite forms with tense-aspect functions or as markers of stance. With the integration of the focus function of nominalized verb forms, a considerable part of what is described as insubordination (Evans 2007) can be explained in terms of a grammaticalization process, moving from the use in a focus construction to the reanalysis as a finite form.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.03est
06
10.1075/tsl.113.03est
43
68
26
Article
5
01
04
Exploring finiteness and non-finiteness in Pima Bajo (Uto-Aztecan)
Exploring finiteness and non-finiteness in Pima Bajo (Uto-Aztecan)
1
A01
01
JB code
874264243
Zarina Estrada-Fernández
Estrada-Fernández, Zarina
Zarina
Estrada-Fernández
Universidad de Sonora
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/874264243
01
eng
03
00
This paper aims to provide a proper characterization of finite and non-finite clauses in Pima Bajo, a Uto-Aztecan language from the Tepiman branch. Our main research questions are, firstly, how to address the topic of finiteness in a language without morphological tense marking? And secondly, what are the relevant features or properties that distinguish finite and non-finite constructions in a language with no obligatory agreement markers? Finiteness and non-finiteness have long been discussed and analyzed in either formal or functional terms, mostly from a Eurocentric perspective. The most traditional notion takes finiteness to be associated with tense-aspect and agreement only, whereas functional approaches, consider finiteness to be a scalar, or gradient, phenomenon not reducible to tense-aspect marking and agreement. This paper analyzes finite and non-finite constructions in Pima Bajo, taking into consideration different morphosyntactic features, among them those that express illocutionary force and those that anchor the event. These features include aspect suffixes, personal pronouns, modals, and scope particles, among others. The analysis of finite and non-finite constructions in Pima Bajo shows that finiteness is a construction and language-particular phenomenon that cannot be reduced to morphological properties of the verb such as person and number agreement or tense marking.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s2
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s2
Section header
6
01
04
PART II. Correlation between continuum of finiteness and scale from dependent to independent clause
PART II. Correlation between continuum of finiteness and scale from dependent to independent clause
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.04com
06
10.1075/tsl.113.04com
71
82
12
Article
7
01
04
Finiteness in Haruai
Finiteness in Haruai
1
A01
01
JB code
157264244
Bernard Comrie
Comrie, Bernard
Bernard
Comrie
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and University of California Santa Barbara
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/157264244
01
eng
03
00
Haruai, a non-Austronesian (“Papuan”) language of Papua New Guinea distinguishes, in terms of the indexing of person-number in the verb, between finite, semi-finite, and non-finite verb forms. There is a high, though not absolute, correlation between this scale and the scale running from main clause to dependent clause.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.05cha
06
10.1075/tsl.113.05cha
83
104
22
Article
8
01
04
Non-finite chain-medial clauses on the continuum of finiteness in Purepecha
Non-finite chain-medial clauses on the continuum of finiteness in Purepecha
1
A01
01
JB code
599264245
Claudine Chamoreau
Chamoreau, Claudine
Claudine
Chamoreau
CNRS (CEMCA - SeDyL/CELIA)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/599264245
01
eng
03
00
On the continuum of finiteness that can characterize clauses, Purepecha is one of the languages in which the predicates of both independent and dependent clauses are usually finite. Some non-finite dependent clauses have been observed. The predicate is converted to a non-finite form by means of the non-finite marker -ni, without independent specification of tense or aspect. The use of non-finite clauses in clause-chaining, especially chain-medial clauses in narratives, is a phenomenon that appears to be frequent. Its primary function is to maintain event coherence. Reference tracking is almost always possible, but in specific contexts a new reference may be introduced in non-finite chain-medial clauses (participant discontinuity). Temporal continuity is generally attested, although some exceptions have been found with utterance predicates. Non-finite chain-medial clauses seem to display more finiteness features than the other non-finite clauses. In this paper, I describe and discuss in detail the uses of non-finite chain-medial clauses and the position of these non-finite clauses on the continuum of finiteness in Purepecha.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s3
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s3
Section header
9
01
04
PART III. Nominalization structures and their relation to the scale of finiteness
PART III. Nominalization structures and their relation to the scale of finiteness
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.06gon
06
10.1075/tsl.113.06gon
107
140
34
Article
10
01
04
The
evolution of grammatical nominalizations in Cahita languages
The evolution of grammatical nominalizations in Cahita languages
1
A01
01
JB code
20264246
Albert Álvarez González
Álvarez González, Albert
Albert
Álvarez González
Universidad de Sonora
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/20264246
01
eng
03
00
This paper studies the evolution of grammatical nominalizations in Cahita languages (Tehueco, Yaqui, and Mayo, from the Uto-Aztecan family) and also addresses the problem of the relation between nominalization and relativization in this kind of language. The analysis shows that as part of this evolution, the source of grammatical nominalizers is mainly postpositional in Cahita, and that an old agent nominalizer with tempo-aspectual restrictions (suffix -(’)u) has now become a new patient nominalizer. This change clearly demonstrates that the referential function associated with this grammatical nominalization is prior to the noun-modifying function, showing that in Cahita relativization has to be considered as merely one specialized function of nominalization, namely the modifying function of an appositive grammatical nominalization.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.07pal
06
10.1075/tsl.113.07pal
141
170
30
Article
11
01
04
On the tightrope between infinitives and action nouns
On the tightrope between infinitives and action nouns
01
04
The
case of Otomi nominalizations
The case of Otomi nominalizations
1
A01
01
JB code
271264247
Enrique L. Palancar
Palancar, Enrique L.
Enrique L.
Palancar
SeDyL (UMR-8202), CNRS
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/271264247
01
eng
03
00
In this paper, I study the distribution of two nominalization structures in two closely related Amerindian languages of Mexico (Eastern Otomi and Northern Otomi). The structures involve intransitive nominalizations depicting a customary activity performed by humans (‘hunting’, ‘sowing’, etc.) as they appear in a complementation frame. I address the question of whether these nominalization structures in Otomi are morphologically non-finite forms or are just nouns. I show how a cognate structure in two close languages can be found in the two opposing ends of a nominalization scale: in Eastern Otomi, the structure is inflectional and should be analyzed as an intransitive infinitive, while its equivalent in Northern Otomi should be seen as an action deverbal noun.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.08moy
06
10.1075/tsl.113.08moy
171
204
34
Article
12
01
04
Referential markers in Oceanic nominalized constructions
Referential markers in Oceanic nominalized constructions
1
A01
01
JB code
745264248
Claire Moyse-Faurie
Moyse-Faurie, Claire
Claire
Moyse-Faurie
UMR 7107 LACITO-CNRS
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/745264248
01
eng
03
00
Nominalized constructions are a very frequent phenomenon in Oceanic languages, used in nominal, relative, or imperative clauses as arguments, adjuncts, or the prototypical expression of exclamations. I provide evidence that contrary to widespread views, tense, negation, and aspect markers do occur in nominalizations. I then examine restrictions on the occurrence of these markers, as well as of some articles, and try to find historical explanations. Lastly, I show that hierarchical constraints often formulated for nominalization and deverbalization processes do not fully apply to Oceanic languages, since the occurrence of tense and aspect markers is not only attested in lexical nominalizations but is also quite frequent in phrasal and clausal nominalizations, that is, at the syntactic and discourse levels as well.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.09que
06
10.1075/tsl.113.09que
205
242
38
Article
13
01
04
The
role of nominalization in theticity
The role of nominalization in theticity
01
04
A
Sikuani contribution
A Sikuani contribution
1
A01
01
JB code
46264249
Francesc Queixalós
Queixalós, Francesc
Francesc
Queixalós
CNRS (SeDyL/CELIA)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/46264249
01
eng
03
00
When speakers need to communicate a piece of information in which they allocate all the components the same degree of informational density – especially the components expressing the state of the world described and the entities associated with it – they rely on linguistic mechanisms that may differ radically from those employed in speech-acts that involve a rhematic element (rather dense informationally) linked to a thematic element (rather thin informationally). In languages where existential predication does not require a verb of existence with the subject as the thematic element, this type of construction is well adapted to the thetic communicative intention, since it is organized around a noun phrase conveying rhematic information that is not connected to any thematic element apart from the world, or the situation. Since this element is not instantiated linguistically, or at least not by expressions capable of referring, the structure of this kind of existential predication is monadic. This is the most striking difference between the formal correlates of thetic constructions and those of the dyadic construction with rheme and theme. The Sikuani language makes a great deal of use of verb nominalization machinery (which provides a way to combine in the most parsimonious way the state of affairs described and the entities associated with it) in order to fulfill the goal of thetic communication. In particular, by playing with these mechanisms this language manages to modulate the degree of semantic reification of the state of the world described by the nominalized verb. Consequently a nominalized form with a thetic function becomes able to express semantic configurations (events, states, etc.) similar to those normally expressed by finite verbs.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.10hei
06
10.1075/tsl.113.10hei
243
268
26
Article
14
01
04
On non-finiteness and canonical imperatives
On non-finiteness and canonical imperatives
1
A01
01
JB code
503264250
Bernd Heine
Heine, Bernd
Bernd
Heine
University of Cologne
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/503264250
01
eng
03
00
Imperatives exhibit cross-linguistically a wide range of structures, which makes it difficult to generalize about them or to propose a structural definition that would apply to all or at least to most of them. This article is concerned with canonical imperatives, that is, information units that have an (implicit) second person singular subject referent as a hearer (or reader or signee) and express commands or requests directed at the hearer. Canonical imperatives have been called extragrammatical or extrasyntactical forms; they resemble nominalized verb forms in being non-finite. But non-finiteness appears to possess a different quality here from what it has, for example, in participial, infinitival, or other non-finite verb forms or clause types. Building on recent work on Discourse Grammar (Kaltenböck et al. 2011, Heine et al. 2013), the article attempts to account for this difference by looking at the role that imperatives play in structuring discourse.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s4
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s4
Section header
15
01
04
PART IV. Diachronic process: re-finitization and finitization
PART IV. Diachronic process: re-finitization and finitization
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.11giv
06
10.1075/tsl.113.11giv
271
296
26
Article
16
01
04
Nominalization and re-finitization
Nominalization and re-finitization
1
A01
01
JB code
888264251
T. Givón
Givón, T.
T.
Givón
University of Oregon and White Cloud Ranch Ignacio, Colorado
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/888264251
01
eng
03
00
The mechanisms via which subordinate clauses arise are relatively well explored, involving two major diachronic pathways (Givón 2009): first, via clause-chaining constructions, as in many Niger-Congo, Papua-New Guinea, Southeast Asian, Athabaskan, or Southern Arawak languages; and second, via nominalization, as in Turkic, Bodic/Tibetan, Cariban, or Northern Uto-Aztecan languages. In many of the latter, erstwhile nominalized subordinate clauses later undergo re-finitization, and the question then arises: by what diachronic mechanism do nominalized clauses eventually revert to finite structure? I have suggested earlier (Givón 2000) that in Ute (Northern Uto-Aztecan), the mechanism may involve the gradual re-acquisition of finite-features such as tense-aspect, but the details of this proposal were never documented. Three other mechanisms seem to suggest themselves. First, in some Bodic/Tibetan languages (Watters 1998) a new generation of finite subordinate clauses emerges, co-exists with, and slowly supplants the older nominalized clauses. Second, in Cariban, Northern Uto-Aztecan, Indo-European, Bantu and many other languages, subordinate clauses, in particular V-complements, are de-subordinated through tense-aspect genesis and other grammaticalization processes, and their nominalized structure then becomes the new finite mainclause standard (Evans 2007, Gildea, 1998, Givón 1971). Finally, in some Northern Uto-Aztecan languages (Guarijio, Tarahumara), the re-finitization mechanism seem to involve a slow elimination of nominalized features, such as e.g. genitive subjects, or re-interpretation of their function. This paper lays the background for a more fine-grained investigation of the diachrony of re-finitization.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.12mit
06
10.1075/tsl.113.12mit
297
322
26
Article
17
01
04
Shifting finiteness in nominalization
Shifting finiteness in nominalization
01
04
From definitization to refinitization
From definitization to refinitization
1
A01
01
JB code
145264252
Marianne Mithun
Mithun, Marianne
Marianne
Mithun
University of California, Santa Barbara
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/145264252
01
eng
03
00
A significant effect of clause nominalization is the loss of finiteness, of such morphological features as tense, aspect, mood, and valency, and the acquisition of such nominal features as case, gender, number, possession, and determiners. The constructions cease to function syntactically as predications; however, their evolution does not necessarily end with a complete loss of finiteness. They can continue to develop, re-acquiring morphological and/or syntactic properties of finiteness via various pathways. Here some developments of this type are discussed and illustrated with material from Barbareño Chumash, a language indigenous to California. Barbareño contains nominalized clause constructions at various stages of development, from progressive de-finitization to re-finitization, where formerly syntactically dependent clauses now function as independent sentences with special pragmatic relations within discourse.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.13van
06
10.1075/tsl.113.13van
323
344
22
Article
18
01
04
The
Manner converb in Beja (Cushitic) and its refinitization
The Manner converb in Beja (Cushitic) and its refinitization
1
A01
01
JB code
530264253
Martine Vanhove
Vanhove, Martine
Martine
Vanhove
LLACAN (CNRS, INALCO, PRES Sorbonne Paris-Cité)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/530264253
01
eng
03
00
This paper focuses on the formal properties and uses of nonfinite constructions in Beja (Cushitic) with the Manner converb, and its refinitization as a Perfect paradigm. The analysis is carried out against the background of typological studies on converbs and copredicative constructions. This converb functions at several levels of juncture: predicate in deranked adverbial clauses, in complement and relative clauses for the encoding of inter-clausal relations; adverb and cognate object at the level of the verb phrase; verbal adjective in copredicative and attributive constructions at the level of the verb and noun phrases. The different uses and values in verbal periphrastic constructions (emphasis, volition), and the grammaticalization as a finite verb form (Perfect) in main and independent clauses, are also analyzed. A participial origin of the Manner converb is proposed on typological grounds alone, because of lack of Afroasiatic comparative evidence, with three different grammaticalization paths, one for each level of juncture, where nominal morphosyntax played a crucial role in the refinitization process.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.14ros
06
10.1075/tsl.113.14ros
345
370
26
Article
19
01
04
On finitization
On finitization
1
A01
01
JB code
901264254
Françoise Rose
Rose, Françoise
Françoise
Rose
Dynamique Du Langage (CNRS/Université Lyon2)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/901264254
01
eng
03
00
Most diachronic studies dealing with finiteness are centered on the functional shift between main and dependent clause status. In contrast, this paper focuses on the acquisition of morphosyntactic finiteness features by a non-finite dependent construction that remains dependent, namely “finitization.” Givón (2011) suggests a theoretical distinction between “gradual” and “instantaneous” finitization, depending on whether the intermediate stage of the evolution involves mixed finite/non-finite morphosyntax or a variation between finite and non-finite clauses. The main findings of this paper are that, first, diachronic data from various languages attest to both these theoretical models, and second, that this distinction does not reside in the diachronic mechanisms at play (reanalysis or extension), but rather in the functional motivation for the change.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.15lan
06
10.1075/tsl.113.15lan
371
372
2
Article
20
01
04
Language Index
Language Index
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.16nam
06
10.1075/tsl.113.16nam
373
376
4
Article
21
01
04
Name Index
Name Index
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.17sub
06
10.1075/tsl.113.17sub
377
380
4
Article
22
01
04
Subject Index
Subject Index
01
eng
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/tsl.113
Amsterdam
NL
00
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Marketing Department / Karin Plijnaar, Pieter Lamers
onix@benjamins.nl
04
01
00
20160623
C
2016
John Benjamins
D
2016
John Benjamins
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027206947
WORLD
09
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
https://jbe-platform.com
29
https://jbe-platform.com/content/books/9789027267023
21
01
00
Unqualified price
02
99.00
EUR
01
00
Unqualified price
02
83.00
GBP
GB
01
00
Unqualified price
02
149.00
USD
996016803
03
01
01
JB code
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
TSL 113 Hb
15
9789027206947
06
10.1075/tsl.113
13
2016009025
00
BB
08
830
gr
10
01
JB code
TSL
02
0167-7373
02
113.00
01
02
Typological Studies in Language
Typological Studies in Language
01
01
Finiteness and Nominalization
Finiteness and Nominalization
1
B01
01
JB code
117253791
Claudine Chamoreau
Chamoreau, Claudine
Claudine
Chamoreau
CNRS (CEMCA/SeDyL-CELIA)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/117253791
2
B01
01
JB code
256253792
Zarina Estrada-Fernández
Estrada-Fernández, Zarina
Zarina
Estrada-Fernández
Universidad de Sonora
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/256253792
01
eng
11
387
03
03
vii
03
00
380
03
01
23
415/.5
03
2016
P299.F56
04
Finiteness (Linguistics)
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Nominals.
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Morphosyntax.
04
Grammar, Comparative and general--Parenthetical constructions.
04
Functionalism (Linguistics)
10
LAN009000
12
CFK
24
JB code
LIN.MORPH
Morphology
24
JB code
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB code
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB code
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
24
JB code
LIN.TYP
Typology
01
06
02
00
This volume addresses the relation between finiteness and nominalization, which is far more complex than the simple opposition finite-nonfinite. The contributions analyze finiteness cross-linguistically from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives, focusing on a number of topics that has not been thoroughly explored in the literature.
03
00
This volume addresses the relation between finiteness and nominalization, which is far more complex than the simple opposition finite-nonfinite. The contributions analyze finiteness cross-linguistically from both synchronic and diachronic perspectives, focusing on a number of topics that has not been thoroughly explored in the literature. First, the correlation between finiteness and nominalization is also affected by a third factor, information structure. Second, there is a correlation between the continuum of finiteness and the scale from main/independent clauses to dependent clauses. Given that of nominalized constructions occur not only in dependent clauses, but also in independent clauses, it is possible to grade according to degree of nominalization, which can then be related to the scale of finiteness. Finally, each of these scales can also be seen as a product the diachronic process of re-finitization and of finitization.
01
00
03
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https://benjamins.com/covers/475/tsl.113.png
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https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/tsl.113.hb.png
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.001ack
06
10.1075/tsl.113.001ack
vii
viii
2
Article
1
01
04
Acknowledgments
Acknowledgments
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.01cha
06
10.1075/tsl.113.01cha
1
10
10
Article
2
01
04
Finiteness and nominalization
Finiteness and nominalization
01
04
An
overview
An overview
1
A01
01
JB code
624264240
Claudine Chamoreau
Chamoreau, Claudine
Claudine
Chamoreau
CNRS, CEMCA/SeDyL-CELIA
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/624264240
2
A01
01
JB code
968264241
Zarina Estrada-Fernández
Estrada-Fernández, Zarina
Zarina
Estrada-Fernández
Universidad de Sonora
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/968264241
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s1
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s1
Section header
3
01
04
PART I. Finiteness, nominalization and information structure
PART I. Finiteness, nominalization and information structure
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.02bis
06
10.1075/tsl.113.02bis
13
42
30
Article
4
01
04
Finiteness, nominalization, and information structure
Finiteness, nominalization, and information structure
01
04
Convergence and divergence
Convergence and divergence
1
A01
01
JB code
411264242
Walter Bisang
Bisang, Walter
Walter
Bisang
University of Mainz
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/411264242
01
eng
03
00
The correlation between finiteness and nominalization is frequently discussed in the literature. This paper will introduce information structure as a third factor that has an important impact on processes of grammaticalization. Nominalized verb forms can be used in the formation of relative clauses and clefting. With these functions, they can become part of focus constructions. At a subsequent stage, they are reanalyzed either as finite forms with tense-aspect functions or as markers of stance. With the integration of the focus function of nominalized verb forms, a considerable part of what is described as insubordination (Evans 2007) can be explained in terms of a grammaticalization process, moving from the use in a focus construction to the reanalysis as a finite form.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.03est
06
10.1075/tsl.113.03est
43
68
26
Article
5
01
04
Exploring finiteness and non-finiteness in Pima Bajo (Uto-Aztecan)
Exploring finiteness and non-finiteness in Pima Bajo (Uto-Aztecan)
1
A01
01
JB code
874264243
Zarina Estrada-Fernández
Estrada-Fernández, Zarina
Zarina
Estrada-Fernández
Universidad de Sonora
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/874264243
01
eng
03
00
This paper aims to provide a proper characterization of finite and non-finite clauses in Pima Bajo, a Uto-Aztecan language from the Tepiman branch. Our main research questions are, firstly, how to address the topic of finiteness in a language without morphological tense marking? And secondly, what are the relevant features or properties that distinguish finite and non-finite constructions in a language with no obligatory agreement markers? Finiteness and non-finiteness have long been discussed and analyzed in either formal or functional terms, mostly from a Eurocentric perspective. The most traditional notion takes finiteness to be associated with tense-aspect and agreement only, whereas functional approaches, consider finiteness to be a scalar, or gradient, phenomenon not reducible to tense-aspect marking and agreement. This paper analyzes finite and non-finite constructions in Pima Bajo, taking into consideration different morphosyntactic features, among them those that express illocutionary force and those that anchor the event. These features include aspect suffixes, personal pronouns, modals, and scope particles, among others. The analysis of finite and non-finite constructions in Pima Bajo shows that finiteness is a construction and language-particular phenomenon that cannot be reduced to morphological properties of the verb such as person and number agreement or tense marking.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s2
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s2
Section header
6
01
04
PART II. Correlation between continuum of finiteness and scale from dependent to independent clause
PART II. Correlation between continuum of finiteness and scale from dependent to independent clause
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.04com
06
10.1075/tsl.113.04com
71
82
12
Article
7
01
04
Finiteness in Haruai
Finiteness in Haruai
1
A01
01
JB code
157264244
Bernard Comrie
Comrie, Bernard
Bernard
Comrie
Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology and University of California Santa Barbara
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/157264244
01
eng
03
00
Haruai, a non-Austronesian (“Papuan”) language of Papua New Guinea distinguishes, in terms of the indexing of person-number in the verb, between finite, semi-finite, and non-finite verb forms. There is a high, though not absolute, correlation between this scale and the scale running from main clause to dependent clause.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.05cha
06
10.1075/tsl.113.05cha
83
104
22
Article
8
01
04
Non-finite chain-medial clauses on the continuum of finiteness in Purepecha
Non-finite chain-medial clauses on the continuum of finiteness in Purepecha
1
A01
01
JB code
599264245
Claudine Chamoreau
Chamoreau, Claudine
Claudine
Chamoreau
CNRS (CEMCA - SeDyL/CELIA)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/599264245
01
eng
03
00
On the continuum of finiteness that can characterize clauses, Purepecha is one of the languages in which the predicates of both independent and dependent clauses are usually finite. Some non-finite dependent clauses have been observed. The predicate is converted to a non-finite form by means of the non-finite marker -ni, without independent specification of tense or aspect. The use of non-finite clauses in clause-chaining, especially chain-medial clauses in narratives, is a phenomenon that appears to be frequent. Its primary function is to maintain event coherence. Reference tracking is almost always possible, but in specific contexts a new reference may be introduced in non-finite chain-medial clauses (participant discontinuity). Temporal continuity is generally attested, although some exceptions have been found with utterance predicates. Non-finite chain-medial clauses seem to display more finiteness features than the other non-finite clauses. In this paper, I describe and discuss in detail the uses of non-finite chain-medial clauses and the position of these non-finite clauses on the continuum of finiteness in Purepecha.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s3
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s3
Section header
9
01
04
PART III. Nominalization structures and their relation to the scale of finiteness
PART III. Nominalization structures and their relation to the scale of finiteness
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.06gon
06
10.1075/tsl.113.06gon
107
140
34
Article
10
01
04
The
evolution of grammatical nominalizations in Cahita languages
The evolution of grammatical nominalizations in Cahita languages
1
A01
01
JB code
20264246
Albert Álvarez González
Álvarez González, Albert
Albert
Álvarez González
Universidad de Sonora
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/20264246
01
eng
03
00
This paper studies the evolution of grammatical nominalizations in Cahita languages (Tehueco, Yaqui, and Mayo, from the Uto-Aztecan family) and also addresses the problem of the relation between nominalization and relativization in this kind of language. The analysis shows that as part of this evolution, the source of grammatical nominalizers is mainly postpositional in Cahita, and that an old agent nominalizer with tempo-aspectual restrictions (suffix -(’)u) has now become a new patient nominalizer. This change clearly demonstrates that the referential function associated with this grammatical nominalization is prior to the noun-modifying function, showing that in Cahita relativization has to be considered as merely one specialized function of nominalization, namely the modifying function of an appositive grammatical nominalization.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.07pal
06
10.1075/tsl.113.07pal
141
170
30
Article
11
01
04
On the tightrope between infinitives and action nouns
On the tightrope between infinitives and action nouns
01
04
The
case of Otomi nominalizations
The case of Otomi nominalizations
1
A01
01
JB code
271264247
Enrique L. Palancar
Palancar, Enrique L.
Enrique L.
Palancar
SeDyL (UMR-8202), CNRS
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/271264247
01
eng
03
00
In this paper, I study the distribution of two nominalization structures in two closely related Amerindian languages of Mexico (Eastern Otomi and Northern Otomi). The structures involve intransitive nominalizations depicting a customary activity performed by humans (‘hunting’, ‘sowing’, etc.) as they appear in a complementation frame. I address the question of whether these nominalization structures in Otomi are morphologically non-finite forms or are just nouns. I show how a cognate structure in two close languages can be found in the two opposing ends of a nominalization scale: in Eastern Otomi, the structure is inflectional and should be analyzed as an intransitive infinitive, while its equivalent in Northern Otomi should be seen as an action deverbal noun.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.08moy
06
10.1075/tsl.113.08moy
171
204
34
Article
12
01
04
Referential markers in Oceanic nominalized constructions
Referential markers in Oceanic nominalized constructions
1
A01
01
JB code
745264248
Claire Moyse-Faurie
Moyse-Faurie, Claire
Claire
Moyse-Faurie
UMR 7107 LACITO-CNRS
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/745264248
01
eng
03
00
Nominalized constructions are a very frequent phenomenon in Oceanic languages, used in nominal, relative, or imperative clauses as arguments, adjuncts, or the prototypical expression of exclamations. I provide evidence that contrary to widespread views, tense, negation, and aspect markers do occur in nominalizations. I then examine restrictions on the occurrence of these markers, as well as of some articles, and try to find historical explanations. Lastly, I show that hierarchical constraints often formulated for nominalization and deverbalization processes do not fully apply to Oceanic languages, since the occurrence of tense and aspect markers is not only attested in lexical nominalizations but is also quite frequent in phrasal and clausal nominalizations, that is, at the syntactic and discourse levels as well.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.09que
06
10.1075/tsl.113.09que
205
242
38
Article
13
01
04
The
role of nominalization in theticity
The role of nominalization in theticity
01
04
A
Sikuani contribution
A Sikuani contribution
1
A01
01
JB code
46264249
Francesc Queixalós
Queixalós, Francesc
Francesc
Queixalós
CNRS (SeDyL/CELIA)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/46264249
01
eng
03
00
When speakers need to communicate a piece of information in which they allocate all the components the same degree of informational density – especially the components expressing the state of the world described and the entities associated with it – they rely on linguistic mechanisms that may differ radically from those employed in speech-acts that involve a rhematic element (rather dense informationally) linked to a thematic element (rather thin informationally). In languages where existential predication does not require a verb of existence with the subject as the thematic element, this type of construction is well adapted to the thetic communicative intention, since it is organized around a noun phrase conveying rhematic information that is not connected to any thematic element apart from the world, or the situation. Since this element is not instantiated linguistically, or at least not by expressions capable of referring, the structure of this kind of existential predication is monadic. This is the most striking difference between the formal correlates of thetic constructions and those of the dyadic construction with rheme and theme. The Sikuani language makes a great deal of use of verb nominalization machinery (which provides a way to combine in the most parsimonious way the state of affairs described and the entities associated with it) in order to fulfill the goal of thetic communication. In particular, by playing with these mechanisms this language manages to modulate the degree of semantic reification of the state of the world described by the nominalized verb. Consequently a nominalized form with a thetic function becomes able to express semantic configurations (events, states, etc.) similar to those normally expressed by finite verbs.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.10hei
06
10.1075/tsl.113.10hei
243
268
26
Article
14
01
04
On non-finiteness and canonical imperatives
On non-finiteness and canonical imperatives
1
A01
01
JB code
503264250
Bernd Heine
Heine, Bernd
Bernd
Heine
University of Cologne
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/503264250
01
eng
03
00
Imperatives exhibit cross-linguistically a wide range of structures, which makes it difficult to generalize about them or to propose a structural definition that would apply to all or at least to most of them. This article is concerned with canonical imperatives, that is, information units that have an (implicit) second person singular subject referent as a hearer (or reader or signee) and express commands or requests directed at the hearer. Canonical imperatives have been called extragrammatical or extrasyntactical forms; they resemble nominalized verb forms in being non-finite. But non-finiteness appears to possess a different quality here from what it has, for example, in participial, infinitival, or other non-finite verb forms or clause types. Building on recent work on Discourse Grammar (Kaltenböck et al. 2011, Heine et al. 2013), the article attempts to account for this difference by looking at the role that imperatives play in structuring discourse.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.s4
06
10.1075/tsl.113.s4
Section header
15
01
04
PART IV. Diachronic process: re-finitization and finitization
PART IV. Diachronic process: re-finitization and finitization
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.11giv
06
10.1075/tsl.113.11giv
271
296
26
Article
16
01
04
Nominalization and re-finitization
Nominalization and re-finitization
1
A01
01
JB code
888264251
T. Givón
Givón, T.
T.
Givón
University of Oregon and White Cloud Ranch Ignacio, Colorado
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/888264251
01
eng
03
00
The mechanisms via which subordinate clauses arise are relatively well explored, involving two major diachronic pathways (Givón 2009): first, via clause-chaining constructions, as in many Niger-Congo, Papua-New Guinea, Southeast Asian, Athabaskan, or Southern Arawak languages; and second, via nominalization, as in Turkic, Bodic/Tibetan, Cariban, or Northern Uto-Aztecan languages. In many of the latter, erstwhile nominalized subordinate clauses later undergo re-finitization, and the question then arises: by what diachronic mechanism do nominalized clauses eventually revert to finite structure? I have suggested earlier (Givón 2000) that in Ute (Northern Uto-Aztecan), the mechanism may involve the gradual re-acquisition of finite-features such as tense-aspect, but the details of this proposal were never documented. Three other mechanisms seem to suggest themselves. First, in some Bodic/Tibetan languages (Watters 1998) a new generation of finite subordinate clauses emerges, co-exists with, and slowly supplants the older nominalized clauses. Second, in Cariban, Northern Uto-Aztecan, Indo-European, Bantu and many other languages, subordinate clauses, in particular V-complements, are de-subordinated through tense-aspect genesis and other grammaticalization processes, and their nominalized structure then becomes the new finite mainclause standard (Evans 2007, Gildea, 1998, Givón 1971). Finally, in some Northern Uto-Aztecan languages (Guarijio, Tarahumara), the re-finitization mechanism seem to involve a slow elimination of nominalized features, such as e.g. genitive subjects, or re-interpretation of their function. This paper lays the background for a more fine-grained investigation of the diachrony of re-finitization.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.12mit
06
10.1075/tsl.113.12mit
297
322
26
Article
17
01
04
Shifting finiteness in nominalization
Shifting finiteness in nominalization
01
04
From definitization to refinitization
From definitization to refinitization
1
A01
01
JB code
145264252
Marianne Mithun
Mithun, Marianne
Marianne
Mithun
University of California, Santa Barbara
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/145264252
01
eng
03
00
A significant effect of clause nominalization is the loss of finiteness, of such morphological features as tense, aspect, mood, and valency, and the acquisition of such nominal features as case, gender, number, possession, and determiners. The constructions cease to function syntactically as predications; however, their evolution does not necessarily end with a complete loss of finiteness. They can continue to develop, re-acquiring morphological and/or syntactic properties of finiteness via various pathways. Here some developments of this type are discussed and illustrated with material from Barbareño Chumash, a language indigenous to California. Barbareño contains nominalized clause constructions at various stages of development, from progressive de-finitization to re-finitization, where formerly syntactically dependent clauses now function as independent sentences with special pragmatic relations within discourse.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.13van
06
10.1075/tsl.113.13van
323
344
22
Article
18
01
04
The
Manner converb in Beja (Cushitic) and its refinitization
The Manner converb in Beja (Cushitic) and its refinitization
1
A01
01
JB code
530264253
Martine Vanhove
Vanhove, Martine
Martine
Vanhove
LLACAN (CNRS, INALCO, PRES Sorbonne Paris-Cité)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/530264253
01
eng
03
00
This paper focuses on the formal properties and uses of nonfinite constructions in Beja (Cushitic) with the Manner converb, and its refinitization as a Perfect paradigm. The analysis is carried out against the background of typological studies on converbs and copredicative constructions. This converb functions at several levels of juncture: predicate in deranked adverbial clauses, in complement and relative clauses for the encoding of inter-clausal relations; adverb and cognate object at the level of the verb phrase; verbal adjective in copredicative and attributive constructions at the level of the verb and noun phrases. The different uses and values in verbal periphrastic constructions (emphasis, volition), and the grammaticalization as a finite verb form (Perfect) in main and independent clauses, are also analyzed. A participial origin of the Manner converb is proposed on typological grounds alone, because of lack of Afroasiatic comparative evidence, with three different grammaticalization paths, one for each level of juncture, where nominal morphosyntax played a crucial role in the refinitization process.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.14ros
06
10.1075/tsl.113.14ros
345
370
26
Article
19
01
04
On finitization
On finitization
1
A01
01
JB code
901264254
Françoise Rose
Rose, Françoise
Françoise
Rose
Dynamique Du Langage (CNRS/Université Lyon2)
07
https://benjamins.com/catalog/persons/901264254
01
eng
03
00
Most diachronic studies dealing with finiteness are centered on the functional shift between main and dependent clause status. In contrast, this paper focuses on the acquisition of morphosyntactic finiteness features by a non-finite dependent construction that remains dependent, namely “finitization.” Givón (2011) suggests a theoretical distinction between “gradual” and “instantaneous” finitization, depending on whether the intermediate stage of the evolution involves mixed finite/non-finite morphosyntax or a variation between finite and non-finite clauses. The main findings of this paper are that, first, diachronic data from various languages attest to both these theoretical models, and second, that this distinction does not reside in the diachronic mechanisms at play (reanalysis or extension), but rather in the functional motivation for the change.
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.15lan
06
10.1075/tsl.113.15lan
371
372
2
Article
20
01
04
Language Index
Language Index
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.16nam
06
10.1075/tsl.113.16nam
373
376
4
Article
21
01
04
Name Index
Name Index
01
eng
01
01
JB code
tsl.113.17sub
06
10.1075/tsl.113.17sub
377
380
4
Article
22
01
04
Subject Index
Subject Index
01
eng
01
JB code
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
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JB code
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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https://benjamins.com
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https://benjamins.com/catalog/tsl.113
Amsterdam
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John Benjamins Publishing Company
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20160623
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2016
John Benjamins
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2016
John Benjamins
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