184027168
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
TSL 130 Eb
15
9789027260260
06
10.1075/tsl.130
13
2020048731
DG
002
02
01
TSL
02
0167-7373
Typological Studies in Language
130
01
Antipassive
Typology, diachrony, and related constructions
01
tsl.130
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/tsl.130
1
B01
Katarzyna Janic
Janic, Katarzyna
Katarzyna
Janic
University of Leipzig
2
B01
Alena Witzlack-Makarevich
Witzlack-Makarevich, Alena
Alena
Witzlack-Makarevich
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
01
eng
653
vii
645
LAN009060
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.TYP
Typology
06
01
This book provides a comprehensive treatment of the morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects of the antipassive construction from synchronic, diachronic, and typological perspectives. The nineteen contributions assembled in this volume address a wide range of aspects pertinent to the antipassive construction, such as lexical semantics, the properties of the antipassive markers, as well as the issue of fuzzy boundaries between the antipassive construction and a range of other formally and functionally similar constructions in genealogically and areally diverse languages. Purely synchronically oriented case studies are supplemented by contributions that shed light on the diachronic development of the antipassive construction and the antipassive markers. The book should be of central interest to many scholars, in particular to those working in the field of language typology, semantics, syntax, and historical linguists, as well as to specialists of the language families discussed in the individual contributions.
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JB code
tsl.130.01jan
1
40
40
Chapter
1
01
Chapter 1. The multifaceted nature of the antipassive construction
1
A01
Katarzyna Janic
Janic, Katarzyna
Katarzyna
Janic
University of Leipzig
2
A01
Alena Witzlack-Makarevich
Witzlack-Makarevich, Alena
Alena
Witzlack-Makarevich
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
01
The present chapter opens the volume by proving an overview of the antipassive construction from the typological perspective. After setting the scene by introducing the major theoretical concepts used in this volume, we consider various aspects of the formal and functional variation of the antipassive construction. First, we show how the antipassive construction varies among languages with respect to the realization of the P argument. We then discuss various aspects of the antipassive marker, including its dedicatedness and obligatoriness, as well as its syncretism with other functions. This chapter also zooms in on various functions performed by the antipassive. In addition to semantic, discourse-pragmatic and syntactic functions commonly recognized in the literature, we also address a less typical stylistic function. Another parameter of variation discussed is the productivity of the antipassive. Finally, this chapter addresses the question of various constructions which formally or functionally overlap with antipassive constructions.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.p1
Section header
2
01
Part 1. Lexical semantics and event representation of antipassive constructions
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.02mit
43
64
22
Chapter
3
01
Chapter 2. Antipassive propensities and alignment
1
A01
Marianne Mithun
Mithun, Marianne
Marianne
Mithun
University of California
20
agent/patient patterning
20
Austronesian family
20
definiteness
20
ergativity
20
generics
20
Haida
20
Hiligaynon
20
Lakota
20
Mohawk
20
nominalization
20
Pomoan family
20
question formation
20
relativization; CentralPomo
20
Siouan family
01
Antipassive constructions were once thought to be unique to languages with ergative/absolutive alignment. Subsequent work demonstrated their existence in languages with nominative/accusative alignment as well. Here antipassives are described in languages with a third kind of system, agent/patient patterning. The languages come from four genealogically and areally unrelated families indigenous to North America: Siouan, Haida, Pomoan, and Iroquoian. Antipassives in all three types of systems, ergative, accusative, and agent/patient, serve similar semantic and discourse functions, eliminating less topicworthy participants from the core. But the perception of a special link to ergativity is not unmotivated. Two explanations are given. One is the formal salience of the shift in argument marking resulting from detransitivization in ergative systems. The other is a by-product of syntactic constructions which require absolutive status of one of the arguments. In many cases antipassivization is exploited to meet this requirement. These two factors are illustrated with material from Hiligaynon, a language of the Philippines.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.03sap
65
96
32
Chapter
4
01
Chapter 3. Antipassive in the Cariban family
1
A01
Racquel-María Sapién
Sapién, Racquel-María
Racquel-María
Sapién
University of Oklahoma
2
A01
Natalia Cáceres Arandia
Arandia, Natalia Cáceres
Natalia Cáceres
Arandia
University of Oregon
3
A01
Spike Gildea
Gildea, Spike
Spike
Gildea
University of Oregon
4
A01
Sérgio Meira
Meira, Sérgio
Sérgio
Meira
Universidade Federal de Roraima
01
To date, no published reference grammar of a Cariban language has described an antipassive construction. However, all languages of the family have a cognate verbal morpheme, termed <sc>detransitivizer</sc>, which prefixes to a transitive verb to derive an intransitive verb. While monovalent, the detransitivized verb bears inflectional person morphology that is distinct from that of non-derived intransitive verbs. We collected all available text examples of detransitivized verbs from five Cariban languages (Akawaio, Hixkaryana, Kari’nja, Tiriyó, and Ye’kwana) and categorized them into formal and functional subtypes. Alongside the well-described functions of reflexive/reciprocal/middle, anticausative, and passive, we encountered a substantial number of examples that can only be characterized as antipassive: the S of the detransitivized verb corresponds to the A of the transitive verb from which it is derived and the P of the transitive verb is either absent or expressed in an oblique (locative) PP. <br />This paper has four goals: first, we present the detransitivized construction and explain the methodology by which we identify tokens of the construction functioning as an antipassive. Second, we present the results of our text counts – a significant number of the categorizable detransitivized tokens have the antipassive function – and we discuss why this phenomenon has been overlooked until now. Third, given that the detransitivized construction is semantically polysemous, we explore the conditions under which it has an antipassive reading, identifying one pragmatic and two semantic subtypes: Nontopical P, Semantically Absent P, and Locative P. Finally, we discuss the implications of these patterns for a diachronic typology of antipassive.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.04den
97
148
52
Chapter
5
01
Chapter 4. Aspect and modality in Pama-Nyungan antipassives
1
A01
Jessica Denniss
Denniss, Jessica
Jessica
Denniss
University of Toronto
01
I present data from Pama-Nyungan languages that display aspectual and modal readings in the antipassive construction, and propose that antipassives contain a predicate-internal aspectual morpheme that derives an atelic predicate. Taking a modal approach to aspect unifies the aspectual and modal readings. I detail the striking resemblance between the set of interpretations attested in antipassives and imperfectives more generally, and show how the compositional analysis I propose is able to provide insight into unexpected volitional and “total effect” readings.
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JB code
tsl.130.05moy
149
176
28
Chapter
6
01
Chapter 5. Antipassive constructions in Oceanic languages
1
A01
Claire Moyse-Faurie
Moyse-Faurie, Claire
Claire
Moyse-Faurie
UMR 7107 – Lacito CNRS
01
This article will discuss the different constructions which could be relevant for identifying antipassives in Oceanic languages, in spite of the fact that there is no dedicated antipassive marker. Some of these constructions involve the backgrounding of the object, but are associated with different syntactic devices, discursive strategies and semantic functions, giving rise to either incompleteness of the action, low individuation of the patient, or restrictions on its uses. <br />Looking at their semantic and pragmatic specificities, I will investigate what these types of construction have in common and to which extent they can be labelled ‘antipassive’, as has been done inter alia by Cooreman (1994), Dixon (1992) and Janic (2013, 2016).
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JB code
tsl.130.06say
177
212
36
Chapter
7
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Chapter 6. Antipassive and the lexical meaning of verbs
1
A01
Sergey Say
Say, Sergey
Sergey
Say
Institute for Linguistic Studies RAS, Laboratory for Typological Study of Languages
01
Descriptions of antipassive constructions in individual languages show that these constructions are often compatible with only a subset of transitive verbs. There are significant typological similarities between the sets of verbs that allow antipassivization. The following properties are typical of these verbs: (1) agentive A, (2) specification of the manner component in the verb meaning, (3) lack of inherent telicity (the transitive use can be compositionally transitive, but this is cancelled under antipassivization), (4) narrow class of potential Ps, and (5) affectedness of A. Verbs with all of the properties in (1)–(5), such as ‘eat’, constitute the core of “natural antipassives”, whereas verbs with only some of these properties are at the periphery of this class. Apart from being especially prone to enter antipassive constructions, the fuzzy class of natural antipassives is relevant for a number of phenomena. First, polyfunctional valency-related markers or constructions tend to yield antipassive reading when applied to natural antipassives. Second, natural antipassives tend to choose the less marked construction in languages with two antipassive constructions. Third, lexicalization of antipassives is more likely for verbs that lack natural antipassive properties, and a typical scenario of lexicalization involves coercion of some of these properties. Ultimately, I conjecture that it is the relevance of the P-argument for the meaning of the verb which accounts for the rarity of lexically unrestricted and semantically uniform antipassive constructions in the world’s languages.
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JB code
tsl.130.07bug
213
246
34
Chapter
8
01
Chapter 7. Unspecified participant
A case of antipassive in Ainu
1
A01
Anna Bugaeva
Bugaeva, Anna
Anna
Bugaeva
Tokyo University of Science/NINJAL
01
This paper shows that there are two synchronically distinct <i>i-</i> markers in Ainu, viz. the derivational antipassive <i>i-</i> and inflectional ‘fourth’ person object <i>i-</i> with the functions of first person plural inclusive, second person honorific, and logophoric. The derivational antipassive marker <i>i-</i> ‘person/thing’ can be regarded as an antipassive marker <i>per se</i> based on its syntactic (eliminating a patient/theme/recipient argument), semantic (denoting an unspecified generic participant or lexicalizing it to a single or subset of objects) and discourse (patient-defocusing) properties. Contrary to the accepted view, I adduce the ‘antipassive to 1<sc>pl.incl.o</sc>’ scenario based on extensive cross-linguistic and Ainu-internal evidence. The antipassive <i>i-</i>, in its turn, originated in the incorporation of a generic noun <i>*i</i> ‘thing/place/time’, which is not unusual in languages without overt expression of the demoted O participant in the antipassive. The extended use of the antipassive <i>i-</i> is attested on obligatorily possessed nouns to enable their use without possessive affixes. Finally, my corpus-based study of semantic classes of verbs with a predilection for antipassive derivation revealed that the antipassive in Ainu is most likely to apply to a ‘middle section’ of the semantic transitivity hierarchy since it belongs to the lower individuation of patients (LIP) type, which is assumed to be more typical of antipassives in non-ergative languages.
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tsl.130.p2
Section header
9
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Part 2. Antipassive marking
10
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JB code
tsl.130.08jan
249
292
44
Chapter
10
01
Chapter 8. Variation in the verbal marking of antipassive constructions
1
A01
Katarzyna Janic
Janic, Katarzyna
Katarzyna
Janic
Leipzig University
20
antipassivizer
20
diachronic sources
20
non-linear morphological coding
20
segmental coding
20
zero coding
01
The coding of antipassive constructions displays crosslinguistically irregular though noteworthy patterns. It commonly involves a phonologically overt form, labeled here <i>antipassivizer</i>. However, this segmental coding is not the only way to signal an antipassive meaning. In some languages, antipassive constructions can also involve a change in a verbal stem. This non-linear morphological type of coding has not, however, attracted much attention among linguists so far. It is the aim of this study to fill this gap. Given also that an antipassivizer may have different origins, another goal is to bridge the synchronic investigation of these markers with their diachronic description in order to provide a survey of the most common forms, which developed into an antipassive function.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.09cre
293
314
22
Chapter
11
01
Chapter 9. Antipassive derivation in Soninke (West Mande)
1
A01
Denis Creissels
Creissels, Denis
Denis
Creissels
Lumière University Lyon 2
01
Soninke, a West Mande language spoken in Mali, Mauritania, Gambia, and Senegal, provides crucial support to the view that accusative languages may have fully productive antipassive derivations. In Soninke, the distinction between transitive and intransitive predication is particularly clearcut. The alignment between transitive and intransitive predication is neutral in indexation, but accusative in flagging, and accusative alignment is found in constituent order too. Soninke has two verbal suffixes that can be involved in antipassivization defined as a morphologically marked alternation by which transitive verbs are converted into intransitive verbs whose sole core argument fulfills the same semantic role as the A argument of the transitive verbs from which they derive. One of these two suffixes is a dedicated antipassive suffix, whereas the other is a multifunction detransitivizing suffix acting as an antipassive marker with a limited number of verbs. In Soninke, there is no interaction between antipassive and aspect, and there is no constraint restricting the use of the antipassive form of transitive verbs to the encoding of habitual events or stereotyped activities either. Antipassive constructions can refer to specific events, provided no specific patient is mentioned. In Soninke, null objects are not allowed, only a tiny minority of transitive verbs can be used intransitively with a subject representing their agentive argument, and the high productivity of antipassive derivation follows from the use of derived intransitive verbs as the preferred strategy for not specifying the patientive argument of transitive verbs. Diachronically, there is evidence that the multipurpose detransitivizing suffix acting as an antipassive marker with a limited number of verbs was originally a reflexive marker, whereas the dedicated antipassive suffix results from the grammaticalization of a verb ‘do’ in a cross-linguistically common type of antipassive periphrasis.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.10jua
315
348
34
Chapter
12
01
Chapter 10. Explaining the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví (Guaycuruan)
1
A01
Cristian Juárez
Juárez, Cristian
Cristian
Juárez
The University of Texas at Austin
2
A01
Albert Álvarez González
Álvarez González, Albert
Albert
Álvarez González
Universidad de Sonora
01
Among the polyfunctional valency markers, an antipassive-causative marker is a rather typologically unusual grammatical feature. This paper tries to explain the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví, a Guaycuruan language spoken in northeastern Argentina, by examining the synchronic functions and the diachronic formation of the valency modifier <i>-aɢan</i>. We propose that both <i>-aɢan</i> antipassive and causative concentrate on the subject activity and involve the backgrounding of a core argument. These two functions, which are traceable to the formation of <i>-aɢan</i> from the state/change-of-state nominalizer <i>-aɢa</i> and the transitive verbalizer <i>-n</i>, work in tandem with the syntactic constraint of having only two core arguments per derived and non-derived transitive clauses, which crucially allows for the <i>-aɢan</i> reanalysis from causative to antipassive.
10
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JB code
tsl.130.11vid
349
382
34
Chapter
13
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Chapter 11. Polyfunctional <i>vanka-</i> in Nivaĉle and the antipassive category
1
A01
Alejandra Vidal
Vidal, Alejandra
Alejandra
Vidal
University of Formosa & CONICET
2
A01
Doris L. Payne
Payne, Doris L.
Doris L.
Payne
University of Oregon & SIL International
01
Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) is a non-ergative language of Argentina and Paraguay. It has a voice/valency mechanism that resembles an antipassive. Stell (1989: 310) refers to <i>vanka-</i> as an intransitive marker. Fabre (2015, 2016) glosses <i>vanka-</i> as ‘antipassive’ but does not provide an in-depth analysis. We examine <i>vanka-</i> as an antipassive marker, but also its connection to other functional domains and its use with certain intransitive stems. On intransitive stems, its semantic effects range from strongly agentive to middle meaning. It implies that there is an extra but unexpressible ‘non-specific participant’ in the context. The extra participant implication suggests that <i>vanka</i>- may originate in a third-person marker <i>va-</i> plus a ‘cislocative’ or ‘middle’ <i>n-</i>, plus a <i>ka-</i> which may correspond to an ‘indirect possessive’ formative.
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JB code
tsl.130.p3
Section header
14
01
Part 3. Diachrony of antipassive constructions
10
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JB code
tsl.130.12aud
385
426
42
Chapter
15
01
Chapter 12. The antipassive and its relationship to person markers
1
A01
Sandra Auderset
Auderset, Sandra
Sandra
Auderset
20
antipassive
20
diachronic typology
20
language change
20
person marking
01
This paper presents a cross-linguistic study of morphological overlaps between antipassive and person markers and their historical relationships, addressing the question of how frequent developments from antipassive to person marker or vice versa are and whether there are recurrent patterns of change. The results show that historical connections between antipassive and person markers are not confined to a specific macro-area or language family. The development from antipassive to first person plural patient marker is the most frequent pathway in the languages investigated. However, this diachronic pathway does not account for all cases, i.e. other pathways are also possible. While many uncertainties concerning the detailed history of such diachronic connections remain, this study shows that there are tendencies that contribute to the understanding of the history and subsequent development of antipassives.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.13jac
427
446
20
Chapter
16
01
Chapter 13. Antipassive derivations in Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan and their sources
1
A01
Guillaume Jacques
Jacques, Guillaume
Guillaume
Jacques
CNRS-CRLAO-INALCO
20
antipassive
20
denominal verbs
20
Dulong-Rawang
20
grammaticalization
20
Gyalrongic
20
incorporation
20
Kiranti
20
middle voice
20
nominalization
20
Old Chinese
20
West-Himalayish
01
This paper presents an overview of antipassive constructions in the Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan family. It shows that all of these constructions are relatively recent developments, and originate from three distinct historical sources, including the incorporation of generic nouns, the verbalization of action nominalizations and reflexive/middle markers. All productive antipassive constructions in the family are found in languages with polypersonal indexation and ergative case marking.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.14pay
447
480
34
Chapter
17
01
Chapter 14. The profile and development of the Maa (Eastern Nilotic) antipassive
1
A01
Doris L. Payne
Payne, Doris L.
Doris L.
Payne
University of Oregon & SIL International
01
Maa (Eastern Nilotic) language varieties have nominative/accusative syntactic patterns, but also an antipassive construction marked by the verb suffix -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i>. This suffix turns an otherwise transitive construction into an intransitive one that can no longer express the P. Semantically the -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> construction focuses on the action of the verb or profiles long-term characteristics or ability of the agent. It is not required in imperfective situations, but most commonly does correlate with them. Interestingly, -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> may occur on some intransitive roots where it appears to highlight imperfectivity. The -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> antipassive construction does not appear to reconstruct to proto-Eastern Nilotic, though a verb root cognate with Maa <i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> ‘give’ does go back to a Proto-Maa-Lotuko-Lopit genetic node (though non-Maa languages within this group may lack the antipassive function). Given similarities between <i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> ‘give’ and the suffix -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i>, the possibility of an antipassive developing from ‘give’ is explored. Potential “drift” or borrowing under Kalenjin (Southern Nilotic) influence is also noted.
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01
JB code
tsl.130.p4
Section header
18
01
Part 4. Fuzzy boundaries
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.15ark
483
514
32
Chapter
19
01
Chapter 15. Indirect antipassive in Circassian
1
A01
Peter M. Arkadiev
Arkadiev, Peter M.
Peter M.
Arkadiev
Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences / Russian State University for the Humanities
2
A01
Alexander Letuchiy
Letuchiy, Alexander
Alexander
Letuchiy
Higher School of Economics / Russian Language Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
01
The article focuses on antipassive formation in Adyghe and Kabardian (Circassian < West Caucasian), polysynthetic languages with ergative alignment of basic morphosyntax. The Circassian antipassive is typologically unusual in several respects. First, it is derived not only from transitive, but also from intransitive verbs: in these cases, it eliminates the indirect object. Thus, antipassive in Circassian targets an object argument, but not necessarily the direct object, contradicting the general ergative patterning. Second, the Circassian antipassive is expressed by the change of the root-final vowel, which complicates the determination of the direction of the valency change. Third, although the Circassian antipassive mainly fulfils the semantic functions typologically associated with antipassives, sometimes the syntactic type of the argument (i.e. nominal vs. clause) is relevant for the choice of the valency frame as well.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.16com
515
548
34
Chapter
20
01
Chapter 16. Antipassives in Nakh-Daghestanian languages
Exploring the margins of a construction
1
A01
Bernard Comrie
Comrie, Bernard
Bernard
Comrie
University of California
2
A01
Diana Forker
Forker, Diana
Diana
Forker
Friedrich Schiller University Jena
3
A01
Zaira Khalilova
Khalilova, Zaira
Zaira
Khalilova
Gamzat Tsadasa Institute of Language, Literature and Art
4
A01
Helma van den Berg
van den Berg, Helma
Helma
van den Berg
Dagestan Scientific Center, Russian Academy of Sciences
20
aktionsart
20
antipassive
20
canonical typology
20
Nakh-Daghestanian languages
20
transitivity
01
Several Nakh-Daghestanian languages present constructions that are candidate antipassives, in that the construction is intransitive and is (at least sometimes) related to a corresponding transitive construction, with A of the transitive construction appearing as S of the intransitive, and P of the transitive either corresponding to an oblique in the intransitive or being omitted. All Nakh-Daghestanian antipassives are lexically restricted, and their function is typically to shift aspectual value in the direction of durativity, atelicity, iterativity, etc. However, only Dargwa restricts the construction to transitive verbs, while other languages also allow it with intransitive verbs, in which case there is no change in argument structure. We explore the implications of this for the definition of “antipassive” from the perspective of canonical typology.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.17hea
549
578
30
Chapter
21
01
Chapter 17. Antipassive and antipassive-like constructions in Mayan languages
1
A01
Raina Heaton
Heaton, Raina
Raina
Heaton
University of Oklahoma
01
This chapter details the characteristics of the various constructions found in Mayan languages that exhibit some number of antipassive features (absolutive, incorporating, agent focus, reflexives/reciprocals). Although the label ‘antipassive’ has been applied to many of these structures historically, based on the features presented in this volume as diagnostics for antipassives cross-linguistically, only certain instantiations of the ‘absolutive’ antipassive qualify as antipassives.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.18hem
579
620
42
Chapter
22
01
Chapter 18. When an antipassive isn’t an antipassive anymore
The Actor Voice construction in Kelabit
1
A01
Charlotte Hemmings
Hemmings, Charlotte
Charlotte
Hemmings
University of Oxford
01
This paper presents the Actor Voice (<sc>av</sc>) construction in Kelabit, a Western Austronesian language spoken in Northern Sarawak, Malaysia. It compares Kelabit <sc>av</sc> with prototypical antipassives and related constructions in the more conservative Western Austronesian languages, using case studies of West Greenlandic and Tagalog. On the basis of morphosyntactic, semantic and discourse diagnostics, the paper demonstrates that Tagalog <sc>av</sc> constructions have the semantic and discourse characteristics of antipassives but are syntactically transitive. In contrast, Kelabit <sc>av</sc>, which is also syntactically transitive, has a mixture of semantic and discourse properties: some antipassive-like but many active-like. This has important implications for Western Austronesian and the theory of alignment shift, as well as the ways in which antipassives vary and change over time.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.19zun
621
640
20
Chapter
23
01
Chapter 19. Antipassivization in Basque revisited
1
A01
Fernando Zúñiga
Zúñiga, Fernando
Fernando
Zúñiga
University of Bern
2
A01
Beatriz Fernández
Fernández, Beatriz
Beatriz
Fernández
University of the Basque Country
01
In this paper, we explore three phenomena that have been considered to be antipassives in Basque linguistics. First, we briefly review “ergative displacement” (Laka 1988), related to antipassives as mentioned by Heath (1976). This is not a bona fide instance of the antipassive, since the ergative displacement affects only the agreement pattern (the A argument appears indexed as S in finite verb forms) while the case frame and syntactic status of A and P are as in the default transitive construction; besides, there is no demotion or suppression of the P argument. Second, we review two biclausal constructions, namely the <i>ari-</i>progressive (Hualde & Ortiz de Urbina 1987; Laka 2006) and participial clauses (Ortiz de Urbina & Uribe-Etxebarria 1991). Although regarded as antipassives by Postal (1977) and Coyos (2002), respectively, their biclausality, long argued by some Basque linguists, is incompatible with the antipassive, which is monoclausal by definition. Finally, de Rijk (2003) labels as antipassives some intransitive constructions that alternate with transitive ones. This is the closest to true antipassives that can be found in Basque, but these constructions are lexically constrained and idiosyncratic, and unlike canonical antipassives attested in other languages of the world.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.index
641
645
5
Miscellaneous
24
01
Index
02
JBENJAMINS
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
John Benjamins Publishing Company
Amsterdam/Philadelphia
NL
04
20210323
2021
John Benjamins B.V.
02
WORLD
13
15
9789027208170
01
JB
3
John Benjamins e-Platform
03
jbe-platform.com
09
WORLD
21
01
00
105.00
EUR
R
01
00
88.00
GBP
Z
01
gen
00
158.00
USD
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330027167
03
01
01
JB
John Benjamins Publishing Company
01
JB code
TSL 130 Hb
15
9789027208170
13
2020048730
BB
01
TSL
02
0167-7373
Typological Studies in Language
130
01
Antipassive
Typology, diachrony, and related constructions
01
tsl.130
01
https://benjamins.com
02
https://benjamins.com/catalog/tsl.130
1
B01
Katarzyna Janic
Janic, Katarzyna
Katarzyna
Janic
University of Leipzig
2
B01
Alena Witzlack-Makarevich
Witzlack-Makarevich, Alena
Alena
Witzlack-Makarevich
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
01
eng
653
vii
645
LAN009060
v.2006
CFK
2
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SEMAN
Semantics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.SYNTAX
Syntax
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.THEOR
Theoretical linguistics
24
JB Subject Scheme
LIN.TYP
Typology
06
01
This book provides a comprehensive treatment of the morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects of the antipassive construction from synchronic, diachronic, and typological perspectives. The nineteen contributions assembled in this volume address a wide range of aspects pertinent to the antipassive construction, such as lexical semantics, the properties of the antipassive markers, as well as the issue of fuzzy boundaries between the antipassive construction and a range of other formally and functionally similar constructions in genealogically and areally diverse languages. Purely synchronically oriented case studies are supplemented by contributions that shed light on the diachronic development of the antipassive construction and the antipassive markers. The book should be of central interest to many scholars, in particular to those working in the field of language typology, semantics, syntax, and historical linguists, as well as to specialists of the language families discussed in the individual contributions.
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10
01
JB code
tsl.130.01jan
1
40
40
Chapter
1
01
Chapter 1. The multifaceted nature of the antipassive construction
1
A01
Katarzyna Janic
Janic, Katarzyna
Katarzyna
Janic
University of Leipzig
2
A01
Alena Witzlack-Makarevich
Witzlack-Makarevich, Alena
Alena
Witzlack-Makarevich
Hebrew University of Jerusalem
01
The present chapter opens the volume by proving an overview of the antipassive construction from the typological perspective. After setting the scene by introducing the major theoretical concepts used in this volume, we consider various aspects of the formal and functional variation of the antipassive construction. First, we show how the antipassive construction varies among languages with respect to the realization of the P argument. We then discuss various aspects of the antipassive marker, including its dedicatedness and obligatoriness, as well as its syncretism with other functions. This chapter also zooms in on various functions performed by the antipassive. In addition to semantic, discourse-pragmatic and syntactic functions commonly recognized in the literature, we also address a less typical stylistic function. Another parameter of variation discussed is the productivity of the antipassive. Finally, this chapter addresses the question of various constructions which formally or functionally overlap with antipassive constructions.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.p1
Section header
2
01
Part 1. Lexical semantics and event representation of antipassive constructions
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.02mit
43
64
22
Chapter
3
01
Chapter 2. Antipassive propensities and alignment
1
A01
Marianne Mithun
Mithun, Marianne
Marianne
Mithun
University of California
20
agent/patient patterning
20
Austronesian family
20
definiteness
20
ergativity
20
generics
20
Haida
20
Hiligaynon
20
Lakota
20
Mohawk
20
nominalization
20
Pomoan family
20
question formation
20
relativization; CentralPomo
20
Siouan family
01
Antipassive constructions were once thought to be unique to languages with ergative/absolutive alignment. Subsequent work demonstrated their existence in languages with nominative/accusative alignment as well. Here antipassives are described in languages with a third kind of system, agent/patient patterning. The languages come from four genealogically and areally unrelated families indigenous to North America: Siouan, Haida, Pomoan, and Iroquoian. Antipassives in all three types of systems, ergative, accusative, and agent/patient, serve similar semantic and discourse functions, eliminating less topicworthy participants from the core. But the perception of a special link to ergativity is not unmotivated. Two explanations are given. One is the formal salience of the shift in argument marking resulting from detransitivization in ergative systems. The other is a by-product of syntactic constructions which require absolutive status of one of the arguments. In many cases antipassivization is exploited to meet this requirement. These two factors are illustrated with material from Hiligaynon, a language of the Philippines.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.03sap
65
96
32
Chapter
4
01
Chapter 3. Antipassive in the Cariban family
1
A01
Racquel-María Sapién
Sapién, Racquel-María
Racquel-María
Sapién
University of Oklahoma
2
A01
Natalia Cáceres Arandia
Arandia, Natalia Cáceres
Natalia Cáceres
Arandia
University of Oregon
3
A01
Spike Gildea
Gildea, Spike
Spike
Gildea
University of Oregon
4
A01
Sérgio Meira
Meira, Sérgio
Sérgio
Meira
Universidade Federal de Roraima
01
To date, no published reference grammar of a Cariban language has described an antipassive construction. However, all languages of the family have a cognate verbal morpheme, termed <sc>detransitivizer</sc>, which prefixes to a transitive verb to derive an intransitive verb. While monovalent, the detransitivized verb bears inflectional person morphology that is distinct from that of non-derived intransitive verbs. We collected all available text examples of detransitivized verbs from five Cariban languages (Akawaio, Hixkaryana, Kari’nja, Tiriyó, and Ye’kwana) and categorized them into formal and functional subtypes. Alongside the well-described functions of reflexive/reciprocal/middle, anticausative, and passive, we encountered a substantial number of examples that can only be characterized as antipassive: the S of the detransitivized verb corresponds to the A of the transitive verb from which it is derived and the P of the transitive verb is either absent or expressed in an oblique (locative) PP. <br />This paper has four goals: first, we present the detransitivized construction and explain the methodology by which we identify tokens of the construction functioning as an antipassive. Second, we present the results of our text counts – a significant number of the categorizable detransitivized tokens have the antipassive function – and we discuss why this phenomenon has been overlooked until now. Third, given that the detransitivized construction is semantically polysemous, we explore the conditions under which it has an antipassive reading, identifying one pragmatic and two semantic subtypes: Nontopical P, Semantically Absent P, and Locative P. Finally, we discuss the implications of these patterns for a diachronic typology of antipassive.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.04den
97
148
52
Chapter
5
01
Chapter 4. Aspect and modality in Pama-Nyungan antipassives
1
A01
Jessica Denniss
Denniss, Jessica
Jessica
Denniss
University of Toronto
01
I present data from Pama-Nyungan languages that display aspectual and modal readings in the antipassive construction, and propose that antipassives contain a predicate-internal aspectual morpheme that derives an atelic predicate. Taking a modal approach to aspect unifies the aspectual and modal readings. I detail the striking resemblance between the set of interpretations attested in antipassives and imperfectives more generally, and show how the compositional analysis I propose is able to provide insight into unexpected volitional and “total effect” readings.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.05moy
149
176
28
Chapter
6
01
Chapter 5. Antipassive constructions in Oceanic languages
1
A01
Claire Moyse-Faurie
Moyse-Faurie, Claire
Claire
Moyse-Faurie
UMR 7107 – Lacito CNRS
01
This article will discuss the different constructions which could be relevant for identifying antipassives in Oceanic languages, in spite of the fact that there is no dedicated antipassive marker. Some of these constructions involve the backgrounding of the object, but are associated with different syntactic devices, discursive strategies and semantic functions, giving rise to either incompleteness of the action, low individuation of the patient, or restrictions on its uses. <br />Looking at their semantic and pragmatic specificities, I will investigate what these types of construction have in common and to which extent they can be labelled ‘antipassive’, as has been done inter alia by Cooreman (1994), Dixon (1992) and Janic (2013, 2016).
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.06say
177
212
36
Chapter
7
01
Chapter 6. Antipassive and the lexical meaning of verbs
1
A01
Sergey Say
Say, Sergey
Sergey
Say
Institute for Linguistic Studies RAS, Laboratory for Typological Study of Languages
01
Descriptions of antipassive constructions in individual languages show that these constructions are often compatible with only a subset of transitive verbs. There are significant typological similarities between the sets of verbs that allow antipassivization. The following properties are typical of these verbs: (1) agentive A, (2) specification of the manner component in the verb meaning, (3) lack of inherent telicity (the transitive use can be compositionally transitive, but this is cancelled under antipassivization), (4) narrow class of potential Ps, and (5) affectedness of A. Verbs with all of the properties in (1)–(5), such as ‘eat’, constitute the core of “natural antipassives”, whereas verbs with only some of these properties are at the periphery of this class. Apart from being especially prone to enter antipassive constructions, the fuzzy class of natural antipassives is relevant for a number of phenomena. First, polyfunctional valency-related markers or constructions tend to yield antipassive reading when applied to natural antipassives. Second, natural antipassives tend to choose the less marked construction in languages with two antipassive constructions. Third, lexicalization of antipassives is more likely for verbs that lack natural antipassive properties, and a typical scenario of lexicalization involves coercion of some of these properties. Ultimately, I conjecture that it is the relevance of the P-argument for the meaning of the verb which accounts for the rarity of lexically unrestricted and semantically uniform antipassive constructions in the world’s languages.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.07bug
213
246
34
Chapter
8
01
Chapter 7. Unspecified participant
A case of antipassive in Ainu
1
A01
Anna Bugaeva
Bugaeva, Anna
Anna
Bugaeva
Tokyo University of Science/NINJAL
01
This paper shows that there are two synchronically distinct <i>i-</i> markers in Ainu, viz. the derivational antipassive <i>i-</i> and inflectional ‘fourth’ person object <i>i-</i> with the functions of first person plural inclusive, second person honorific, and logophoric. The derivational antipassive marker <i>i-</i> ‘person/thing’ can be regarded as an antipassive marker <i>per se</i> based on its syntactic (eliminating a patient/theme/recipient argument), semantic (denoting an unspecified generic participant or lexicalizing it to a single or subset of objects) and discourse (patient-defocusing) properties. Contrary to the accepted view, I adduce the ‘antipassive to 1<sc>pl.incl.o</sc>’ scenario based on extensive cross-linguistic and Ainu-internal evidence. The antipassive <i>i-</i>, in its turn, originated in the incorporation of a generic noun <i>*i</i> ‘thing/place/time’, which is not unusual in languages without overt expression of the demoted O participant in the antipassive. The extended use of the antipassive <i>i-</i> is attested on obligatorily possessed nouns to enable their use without possessive affixes. Finally, my corpus-based study of semantic classes of verbs with a predilection for antipassive derivation revealed that the antipassive in Ainu is most likely to apply to a ‘middle section’ of the semantic transitivity hierarchy since it belongs to the lower individuation of patients (LIP) type, which is assumed to be more typical of antipassives in non-ergative languages.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.p2
Section header
9
01
Part 2. Antipassive marking
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.08jan
249
292
44
Chapter
10
01
Chapter 8. Variation in the verbal marking of antipassive constructions
1
A01
Katarzyna Janic
Janic, Katarzyna
Katarzyna
Janic
Leipzig University
20
antipassivizer
20
diachronic sources
20
non-linear morphological coding
20
segmental coding
20
zero coding
01
The coding of antipassive constructions displays crosslinguistically irregular though noteworthy patterns. It commonly involves a phonologically overt form, labeled here <i>antipassivizer</i>. However, this segmental coding is not the only way to signal an antipassive meaning. In some languages, antipassive constructions can also involve a change in a verbal stem. This non-linear morphological type of coding has not, however, attracted much attention among linguists so far. It is the aim of this study to fill this gap. Given also that an antipassivizer may have different origins, another goal is to bridge the synchronic investigation of these markers with their diachronic description in order to provide a survey of the most common forms, which developed into an antipassive function.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.09cre
293
314
22
Chapter
11
01
Chapter 9. Antipassive derivation in Soninke (West Mande)
1
A01
Denis Creissels
Creissels, Denis
Denis
Creissels
Lumière University Lyon 2
01
Soninke, a West Mande language spoken in Mali, Mauritania, Gambia, and Senegal, provides crucial support to the view that accusative languages may have fully productive antipassive derivations. In Soninke, the distinction between transitive and intransitive predication is particularly clearcut. The alignment between transitive and intransitive predication is neutral in indexation, but accusative in flagging, and accusative alignment is found in constituent order too. Soninke has two verbal suffixes that can be involved in antipassivization defined as a morphologically marked alternation by which transitive verbs are converted into intransitive verbs whose sole core argument fulfills the same semantic role as the A argument of the transitive verbs from which they derive. One of these two suffixes is a dedicated antipassive suffix, whereas the other is a multifunction detransitivizing suffix acting as an antipassive marker with a limited number of verbs. In Soninke, there is no interaction between antipassive and aspect, and there is no constraint restricting the use of the antipassive form of transitive verbs to the encoding of habitual events or stereotyped activities either. Antipassive constructions can refer to specific events, provided no specific patient is mentioned. In Soninke, null objects are not allowed, only a tiny minority of transitive verbs can be used intransitively with a subject representing their agentive argument, and the high productivity of antipassive derivation follows from the use of derived intransitive verbs as the preferred strategy for not specifying the patientive argument of transitive verbs. Diachronically, there is evidence that the multipurpose detransitivizing suffix acting as an antipassive marker with a limited number of verbs was originally a reflexive marker, whereas the dedicated antipassive suffix results from the grammaticalization of a verb ‘do’ in a cross-linguistically common type of antipassive periphrasis.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.10jua
315
348
34
Chapter
12
01
Chapter 10. Explaining the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví (Guaycuruan)
1
A01
Cristian Juárez
Juárez, Cristian
Cristian
Juárez
The University of Texas at Austin
2
A01
Albert Álvarez González
Álvarez González, Albert
Albert
Álvarez González
Universidad de Sonora
01
Among the polyfunctional valency markers, an antipassive-causative marker is a rather typologically unusual grammatical feature. This paper tries to explain the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví, a Guaycuruan language spoken in northeastern Argentina, by examining the synchronic functions and the diachronic formation of the valency modifier <i>-aɢan</i>. We propose that both <i>-aɢan</i> antipassive and causative concentrate on the subject activity and involve the backgrounding of a core argument. These two functions, which are traceable to the formation of <i>-aɢan</i> from the state/change-of-state nominalizer <i>-aɢa</i> and the transitive verbalizer <i>-n</i>, work in tandem with the syntactic constraint of having only two core arguments per derived and non-derived transitive clauses, which crucially allows for the <i>-aɢan</i> reanalysis from causative to antipassive.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.11vid
349
382
34
Chapter
13
01
Chapter 11. Polyfunctional <i>vanka-</i> in Nivaĉle and the antipassive category
1
A01
Alejandra Vidal
Vidal, Alejandra
Alejandra
Vidal
University of Formosa & CONICET
2
A01
Doris L. Payne
Payne, Doris L.
Doris L.
Payne
University of Oregon & SIL International
01
Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) is a non-ergative language of Argentina and Paraguay. It has a voice/valency mechanism that resembles an antipassive. Stell (1989: 310) refers to <i>vanka-</i> as an intransitive marker. Fabre (2015, 2016) glosses <i>vanka-</i> as ‘antipassive’ but does not provide an in-depth analysis. We examine <i>vanka-</i> as an antipassive marker, but also its connection to other functional domains and its use with certain intransitive stems. On intransitive stems, its semantic effects range from strongly agentive to middle meaning. It implies that there is an extra but unexpressible ‘non-specific participant’ in the context. The extra participant implication suggests that <i>vanka</i>- may originate in a third-person marker <i>va-</i> plus a ‘cislocative’ or ‘middle’ <i>n-</i>, plus a <i>ka-</i> which may correspond to an ‘indirect possessive’ formative.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.p3
Section header
14
01
Part 3. Diachrony of antipassive constructions
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.12aud
385
426
42
Chapter
15
01
Chapter 12. The antipassive and its relationship to person markers
1
A01
Sandra Auderset
Auderset, Sandra
Sandra
Auderset
20
antipassive
20
diachronic typology
20
language change
20
person marking
01
This paper presents a cross-linguistic study of morphological overlaps between antipassive and person markers and their historical relationships, addressing the question of how frequent developments from antipassive to person marker or vice versa are and whether there are recurrent patterns of change. The results show that historical connections between antipassive and person markers are not confined to a specific macro-area or language family. The development from antipassive to first person plural patient marker is the most frequent pathway in the languages investigated. However, this diachronic pathway does not account for all cases, i.e. other pathways are also possible. While many uncertainties concerning the detailed history of such diachronic connections remain, this study shows that there are tendencies that contribute to the understanding of the history and subsequent development of antipassives.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.13jac
427
446
20
Chapter
16
01
Chapter 13. Antipassive derivations in Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan and their sources
1
A01
Guillaume Jacques
Jacques, Guillaume
Guillaume
Jacques
CNRS-CRLAO-INALCO
20
antipassive
20
denominal verbs
20
Dulong-Rawang
20
grammaticalization
20
Gyalrongic
20
incorporation
20
Kiranti
20
middle voice
20
nominalization
20
Old Chinese
20
West-Himalayish
01
This paper presents an overview of antipassive constructions in the Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan family. It shows that all of these constructions are relatively recent developments, and originate from three distinct historical sources, including the incorporation of generic nouns, the verbalization of action nominalizations and reflexive/middle markers. All productive antipassive constructions in the family are found in languages with polypersonal indexation and ergative case marking.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.14pay
447
480
34
Chapter
17
01
Chapter 14. The profile and development of the Maa (Eastern Nilotic) antipassive
1
A01
Doris L. Payne
Payne, Doris L.
Doris L.
Payne
University of Oregon & SIL International
01
Maa (Eastern Nilotic) language varieties have nominative/accusative syntactic patterns, but also an antipassive construction marked by the verb suffix -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i>. This suffix turns an otherwise transitive construction into an intransitive one that can no longer express the P. Semantically the -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> construction focuses on the action of the verb or profiles long-term characteristics or ability of the agent. It is not required in imperfective situations, but most commonly does correlate with them. Interestingly, -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> may occur on some intransitive roots where it appears to highlight imperfectivity. The -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> antipassive construction does not appear to reconstruct to proto-Eastern Nilotic, though a verb root cognate with Maa <i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> ‘give’ does go back to a Proto-Maa-Lotuko-Lopit genetic node (though non-Maa languages within this group may lack the antipassive function). Given similarities between <i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> ‘give’ and the suffix -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i>, the possibility of an antipassive developing from ‘give’ is explored. Potential “drift” or borrowing under Kalenjin (Southern Nilotic) influence is also noted.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.p4
Section header
18
01
Part 4. Fuzzy boundaries
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.15ark
483
514
32
Chapter
19
01
Chapter 15. Indirect antipassive in Circassian
1
A01
Peter M. Arkadiev
Arkadiev, Peter M.
Peter M.
Arkadiev
Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences / Russian State University for the Humanities
2
A01
Alexander Letuchiy
Letuchiy, Alexander
Alexander
Letuchiy
Higher School of Economics / Russian Language Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences
01
The article focuses on antipassive formation in Adyghe and Kabardian (Circassian < West Caucasian), polysynthetic languages with ergative alignment of basic morphosyntax. The Circassian antipassive is typologically unusual in several respects. First, it is derived not only from transitive, but also from intransitive verbs: in these cases, it eliminates the indirect object. Thus, antipassive in Circassian targets an object argument, but not necessarily the direct object, contradicting the general ergative patterning. Second, the Circassian antipassive is expressed by the change of the root-final vowel, which complicates the determination of the direction of the valency change. Third, although the Circassian antipassive mainly fulfils the semantic functions typologically associated with antipassives, sometimes the syntactic type of the argument (i.e. nominal vs. clause) is relevant for the choice of the valency frame as well.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.16com
515
548
34
Chapter
20
01
Chapter 16. Antipassives in Nakh-Daghestanian languages
Exploring the margins of a construction
1
A01
Bernard Comrie
Comrie, Bernard
Bernard
Comrie
University of California
2
A01
Diana Forker
Forker, Diana
Diana
Forker
Friedrich Schiller University Jena
3
A01
Zaira Khalilova
Khalilova, Zaira
Zaira
Khalilova
Gamzat Tsadasa Institute of Language, Literature and Art
4
A01
Helma van den Berg
van den Berg, Helma
Helma
van den Berg
Dagestan Scientific Center, Russian Academy of Sciences
20
aktionsart
20
antipassive
20
canonical typology
20
Nakh-Daghestanian languages
20
transitivity
01
Several Nakh-Daghestanian languages present constructions that are candidate antipassives, in that the construction is intransitive and is (at least sometimes) related to a corresponding transitive construction, with A of the transitive construction appearing as S of the intransitive, and P of the transitive either corresponding to an oblique in the intransitive or being omitted. All Nakh-Daghestanian antipassives are lexically restricted, and their function is typically to shift aspectual value in the direction of durativity, atelicity, iterativity, etc. However, only Dargwa restricts the construction to transitive verbs, while other languages also allow it with intransitive verbs, in which case there is no change in argument structure. We explore the implications of this for the definition of “antipassive” from the perspective of canonical typology.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.17hea
549
578
30
Chapter
21
01
Chapter 17. Antipassive and antipassive-like constructions in Mayan languages
1
A01
Raina Heaton
Heaton, Raina
Raina
Heaton
University of Oklahoma
01
This chapter details the characteristics of the various constructions found in Mayan languages that exhibit some number of antipassive features (absolutive, incorporating, agent focus, reflexives/reciprocals). Although the label ‘antipassive’ has been applied to many of these structures historically, based on the features presented in this volume as diagnostics for antipassives cross-linguistically, only certain instantiations of the ‘absolutive’ antipassive qualify as antipassives.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.18hem
579
620
42
Chapter
22
01
Chapter 18. When an antipassive isn’t an antipassive anymore
The Actor Voice construction in Kelabit
1
A01
Charlotte Hemmings
Hemmings, Charlotte
Charlotte
Hemmings
University of Oxford
01
This paper presents the Actor Voice (<sc>av</sc>) construction in Kelabit, a Western Austronesian language spoken in Northern Sarawak, Malaysia. It compares Kelabit <sc>av</sc> with prototypical antipassives and related constructions in the more conservative Western Austronesian languages, using case studies of West Greenlandic and Tagalog. On the basis of morphosyntactic, semantic and discourse diagnostics, the paper demonstrates that Tagalog <sc>av</sc> constructions have the semantic and discourse characteristics of antipassives but are syntactically transitive. In contrast, Kelabit <sc>av</sc>, which is also syntactically transitive, has a mixture of semantic and discourse properties: some antipassive-like but many active-like. This has important implications for Western Austronesian and the theory of alignment shift, as well as the ways in which antipassives vary and change over time.
10
01
JB code
tsl.130.19zun
621
640
20
Chapter
23
01
Chapter 19. Antipassivization in Basque revisited
1
A01
Fernando Zúñiga
Zúñiga, Fernando
Fernando
Zúñiga
University of Bern
2
A01
Beatriz Fernández
Fernández, Beatriz
Beatriz
Fernández
University of the Basque Country
01
In this paper, we explore three phenomena that have been considered to be antipassives in Basque linguistics. First, we briefly review “ergative displacement” (Laka 1988), related to antipassives as mentioned by Heath (1976). This is not a bona fide instance of the antipassive, since the ergative displacement affects only the agreement pattern (the A argument appears indexed as S in finite verb forms) while the case frame and syntactic status of A and P are as in the default transitive construction; besides, there is no demotion or suppression of the P argument. Second, we review two biclausal constructions, namely the <i>ari-</i>progressive (Hualde & Ortiz de Urbina 1987; Laka 2006) and participial clauses (Ortiz de Urbina & Uribe-Etxebarria 1991). Although regarded as antipassives by Postal (1977) and Coyos (2002), respectively, their biclausality, long argued by some Basque linguists, is incompatible with the antipassive, which is monoclausal by definition. Finally, de Rijk (2003) labels as antipassives some intransitive constructions that alternate with transitive ones. This is the closest to true antipassives that can be found in Basque, but these constructions are lexically constrained and idiosyncratic, and unlike canonical antipassives attested in other languages of the world.
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