184027168 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code TSL 130 Eb 15 9789027260260 06 10.1075/tsl.130 13 2020048731 DG 002 02 01 TSL 02 0167-7373 Typological Studies in Language 130 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Antipassive</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Typology, diachrony, and related constructions</Subtitle> 01 tsl.130 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/tsl.130 1 B01 Katarzyna Janic Janic, Katarzyna Katarzyna Janic University of Leipzig 2 B01 Alena Witzlack-Makarevich Witzlack-Makarevich, Alena Alena Witzlack-Makarevich Hebrew University of Jerusalem 01 eng 653 vii 645 LAN009060 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.TYP Typology 06 01 This book provides a comprehensive treatment of the morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects of the antipassive construction from synchronic, diachronic, and typological perspectives. The nineteen contributions assembled in this volume address a wide range of aspects pertinent to the antipassive construction, such as lexical semantics, the properties of the antipassive markers, as well as the issue of fuzzy boundaries between the antipassive construction and a range of other formally and functionally similar constructions in genealogically and areally diverse languages. Purely synchronically oriented case studies are supplemented by contributions that shed light on the diachronic development of the antipassive construction and the antipassive markers. The book should be of central interest to many scholars, in particular to those working in the field of language typology, semantics, syntax, and historical linguists, as well as to specialists of the language families discussed in the individual contributions. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/tsl.130.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027208170.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027208170.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/tsl.130.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/tsl.130.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/tsl.130.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/tsl.130.hb.png 10 01 JB code tsl.130.01jan 1 40 40 Chapter 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 1. The multifaceted nature of the antipassive construction</TitleText> 1 A01 Katarzyna Janic Janic, Katarzyna Katarzyna Janic University of Leipzig 2 A01 Alena Witzlack-Makarevich Witzlack-Makarevich, Alena Alena Witzlack-Makarevich Hebrew University of Jerusalem 01 The present chapter opens the volume by proving an overview of the antipassive construction from the typological perspective. After setting the scene by introducing the major theoretical concepts used in this volume, we consider various aspects of the formal and functional variation of the antipassive construction. First, we show how the antipassive construction varies among languages with respect to the realization of the P argument. We then discuss various aspects of the antipassive marker, including its dedicatedness and obligatoriness, as well as its syncretism with other functions. This chapter also zooms in on various functions performed by the antipassive. In addition to semantic, discourse-pragmatic and syntactic functions commonly recognized in the literature, we also address a less typical stylistic function. Another parameter of variation discussed is the productivity of the antipassive. Finally, this chapter addresses the question of various constructions which formally or functionally overlap with antipassive constructions. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.p1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 1. Lexical semantics and event representation of antipassive constructions</TitleText> 10 01 JB code tsl.130.02mit 43 64 22 Chapter 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 2. Antipassive propensities and alignment</TitleText> 1 A01 Marianne Mithun Mithun, Marianne Marianne Mithun University of California 20 agent/patient patterning 20 Austronesian family 20 definiteness 20 ergativity 20 generics 20 Haida 20 Hiligaynon 20 Lakota 20 Mohawk 20 nominalization 20 Pomoan family 20 question formation 20 relativization; CentralPomo 20 Siouan family 01 Antipassive constructions were once thought to be unique to languages with ergative/absolutive alignment. Subsequent work demonstrated their existence in languages with nominative/accusative alignment as well. Here antipassives are described in languages with a third kind of system, agent/patient patterning. The languages come from four genealogically and areally unrelated families indigenous to North America: Siouan, Haida, Pomoan, and Iroquoian. Antipassives in all three types of systems, ergative, accusative, and agent/patient, serve similar semantic and discourse functions, eliminating less topicworthy participants from the core. But the perception of a special link to ergativity is not unmotivated. Two explanations are given. One is the formal salience of the shift in argument marking resulting from detransitivization in ergative systems. The other is a by-product of syntactic constructions which require absolutive status of one of the arguments. In many cases antipassivization is exploited to meet this requirement. These two factors are illustrated with material from Hiligaynon, a language of the Philippines. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.03sap 65 96 32 Chapter 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 3. Antipassive in the Cariban family</TitleText> 1 A01 Racquel-María Sapién Sapién, Racquel-María Racquel-María Sapién University of Oklahoma 2 A01 Natalia Cáceres Arandia Arandia, Natalia Cáceres Natalia Cáceres Arandia University of Oregon 3 A01 Spike Gildea Gildea, Spike Spike Gildea University of Oregon 4 A01 Sérgio Meira Meira, Sérgio Sérgio Meira Universidade Federal de Roraima 01 To date, no published reference grammar of a Cariban language has described an antipassive construction. However, all languages of the family have a cognate verbal morpheme, termed <sc>detransitivizer</sc>, which prefixes to a transitive verb to derive an intransitive verb. While monovalent, the detransitivized verb bears inflectional person morphology that is distinct from that of non-derived intransitive verbs. We collected all available text examples of detransitivized verbs from five Cariban languages (Akawaio, Hixkaryana, Kari’nja, Tiriyó, and Ye’kwana) and categorized them into formal and functional subtypes. Alongside the well-described functions of reflexive/reciprocal/middle, anticausative, and passive, we encountered a substantial number of examples that can only be characterized as antipassive: the S of the detransitivized verb corresponds to the A of the transitive verb from which it is derived and the P of the transitive verb is either absent or expressed in an oblique (locative) PP. <br />This paper has four goals: first, we present the detransitivized construction and explain the methodology by which we identify tokens of the construction functioning as an antipassive. Second, we present the results of our text counts – a significant number of the categorizable detransitivized tokens have the antipassive function – and we discuss why this phenomenon has been overlooked until now. Third, given that the detransitivized construction is semantically polysemous, we explore the conditions under which it has an antipassive reading, identifying one pragmatic and two semantic subtypes: Nontopical P, Semantically Absent P, and Locative P. Finally, we discuss the implications of these patterns for a diachronic typology of antipassive. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.04den 97 148 52 Chapter 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 4. Aspect and modality in Pama-Nyungan antipassives</TitleText> 1 A01 Jessica Denniss Denniss, Jessica Jessica Denniss University of Toronto 01 I present data from Pama-Nyungan languages that display aspectual and modal readings in the antipassive construction, and propose that antipassives contain a predicate-internal aspectual morpheme that derives an atelic predicate. Taking a modal approach to aspect unifies the aspectual and modal readings. I detail the striking resemblance between the set of interpretations attested in antipassives and imperfectives more generally, and show how the compositional analysis I propose is able to provide insight into unexpected volitional and “total effect” readings. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.05moy 149 176 28 Chapter 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 5. Antipassive constructions in Oceanic languages</TitleText> 1 A01 Claire Moyse-Faurie Moyse-Faurie, Claire Claire Moyse-Faurie UMR 7107 – Lacito CNRS 01 This article will discuss the different constructions which could be relevant for identifying antipassives in Oceanic languages, in spite of the fact that there is no dedicated antipassive marker. Some of these constructions involve the backgrounding of the object, but are associated with different syntactic devices, discursive strategies and semantic functions, giving rise to either incompleteness of the action, low individuation of the patient, or restrictions on its uses. <br />Looking at their semantic and pragmatic specificities, I will investigate what these types of construction have in common and to which extent they can be labelled ‘antipassive’, as has been done inter alia by Cooreman (1994), Dixon (1992) and Janic (2013, 2016). 10 01 JB code tsl.130.06say 177 212 36 Chapter 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 6. Antipassive and the lexical meaning of verbs</TitleText> 1 A01 Sergey Say Say, Sergey Sergey Say Institute for Linguistic Studies RAS, Laboratory for Typological Study of Languages 01 Descriptions of antipassive constructions in individual languages show that these constructions are often compatible with only a subset of transitive verbs. There are significant typological similarities between the sets of verbs that allow antipassivization. The following properties are typical of these verbs: (1) agentive A, (2) specification of the manner component in the verb meaning, (3) lack of inherent telicity (the transitive use can be compositionally transitive, but this is cancelled under antipassivization), (4) narrow class of potential Ps, and (5) affectedness of A. Verbs with all of the properties in (1)–(5), such as ‘eat’, constitute the core of “natural antipassives”, whereas verbs with only some of these properties are at the periphery of this class. Apart from being especially prone to enter antipassive constructions, the fuzzy class of natural antipassives is relevant for a number of phenomena. First, polyfunctional valency-related markers or constructions tend to yield antipassive reading when applied to natural antipassives. Second, natural antipassives tend to choose the less marked construction in languages with two antipassive constructions. Third, lexicalization of antipassives is more likely for verbs that lack natural antipassive properties, and a typical scenario of lexicalization involves coercion of some of these properties. Ultimately, I conjecture that it is the relevance of the P-argument for the meaning of the verb which accounts for the rarity of lexically unrestricted and semantically uniform antipassive constructions in the world’s languages. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.07bug 213 246 34 Chapter 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 7. Unspecified participant</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A case of antipassive in Ainu</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anna Bugaeva Bugaeva, Anna Anna Bugaeva Tokyo University of Science/NINJAL 01 This paper shows that there are two synchronically distinct <i>i-</i> markers in Ainu, viz. the derivational antipassive <i>i-</i> and inflectional ‘fourth’ person object <i>i-</i> with the functions of first person plural inclusive, second person honorific, and logophoric. The derivational antipassive marker <i>i-</i> ‘person/thing’ can be regarded as an antipassive marker <i>per se</i> based on its syntactic (eliminating a patient/theme/recipient argument), semantic (denoting an unspecified generic participant or lexicalizing it to a single or subset of objects) and discourse (patient-defocusing) properties. Contrary to the accepted view, I adduce the ‘antipassive to 1<sc>pl.incl.o</sc>’ scenario based on extensive cross-linguistic and Ainu-internal evidence. The antipassive <i>i-</i>, in its turn, originated in the incorporation of a generic noun <i>*i</i> ‘thing/place/time’, which is not unusual in languages without overt expression of the demoted O participant in the antipassive. The extended use of the antipassive <i>i-</i> is attested on obligatorily possessed nouns to enable their use without possessive affixes. Finally, my corpus-based study of semantic classes of verbs with a predilection for antipassive derivation revealed that the antipassive in Ainu is most likely to apply to a ‘middle section’ of the semantic transitivity hierarchy since it belongs to the lower individuation of patients (LIP) type, which is assumed to be more typical of antipassives in non-ergative languages. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.p2 Section header 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 2. Antipassive marking</TitleText> 10 01 JB code tsl.130.08jan 249 292 44 Chapter 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 8. Variation in the verbal marking of antipassive constructions</TitleText> 1 A01 Katarzyna Janic Janic, Katarzyna Katarzyna Janic Leipzig University 20 antipassivizer 20 diachronic sources 20 non-linear morphological coding 20 segmental coding 20 zero coding 01 The coding of antipassive constructions displays crosslinguistically irregular though noteworthy patterns. It commonly involves a phonologically overt form, labeled here <i>antipassivizer</i>. However, this segmental coding is not the only way to signal an antipassive meaning. In some languages, antipassive constructions can also involve a change in a verbal stem. This non-linear morphological type of coding has not, however, attracted much attention among linguists so far. It is the aim of this study to fill this gap. Given also that an antipassivizer may have different origins, another goal is to bridge the synchronic investigation of these markers with their diachronic description in order to provide a survey of the most common forms, which developed into an antipassive function. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.09cre 293 314 22 Chapter 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 9. Antipassive derivation in Soninke (West Mande)</TitleText> 1 A01 Denis Creissels Creissels, Denis Denis Creissels Lumière University Lyon 2 01 Soninke, a West Mande language spoken in Mali, Mauritania, Gambia, and Senegal, provides crucial support to the view that accusative languages may have fully productive antipassive derivations. In Soninke, the distinction between transitive and intransitive predication is particularly clearcut. The alignment between transitive and intransitive predication is neutral in indexation, but accusative in flagging, and accusative alignment is found in constituent order too. Soninke has two verbal suffixes that can be involved in antipassivization defined as a morphologically marked alternation by which transitive verbs are converted into intransitive verbs whose sole core argument fulfills the same semantic role as the A argument of the transitive verbs from which they derive. One of these two suffixes is a dedicated antipassive suffix, whereas the other is a multifunction detransitivizing suffix acting as an antipassive marker with a limited number of verbs. In Soninke, there is no interaction between antipassive and aspect, and there is no constraint restricting the use of the antipassive form of transitive verbs to the encoding of habitual events or stereotyped activities either. Antipassive constructions can refer to specific events, provided no specific patient is mentioned. In Soninke, null objects are not allowed, only a tiny minority of transitive verbs can be used intransitively with a subject representing their agentive argument, and the high productivity of antipassive derivation follows from the use of derived intransitive verbs as the preferred strategy for not specifying the patientive argument of transitive verbs. Diachronically, there is evidence that the multipurpose detransitivizing suffix acting as an antipassive marker with a limited number of verbs was originally a reflexive marker, whereas the dedicated antipassive suffix results from the grammaticalization of a verb ‘do’ in a cross-linguistically common type of antipassive periphrasis. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.10jua 315 348 34 Chapter 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 10. Explaining the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví (Guaycuruan)</TitleText> 1 A01 Cristian Juárez Juárez, Cristian Cristian Juárez The University of Texas at Austin 2 A01 Albert Álvarez González Álvarez González, Albert Albert Álvarez González Universidad de Sonora 01 Among the polyfunctional valency markers, an antipassive-causative marker is a rather typologically unusual grammatical feature. This paper tries to explain the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví, a Guaycuruan language spoken in northeastern Argentina, by examining the synchronic functions and the diachronic formation of the valency modifier <i>-aɢan</i>. We propose that both <i>-aɢan</i> antipassive and causative concentrate on the subject activity and involve the backgrounding of a core argument. These two functions, which are traceable to the formation of <i>-aɢan</i> from the state/change-of-state nominalizer <i>-aɢa</i> and the transitive verbalizer <i>-n</i>, work in tandem with the syntactic constraint of having only two core arguments per derived and non-derived transitive clauses, which crucially allows for the <i>-aɢan</i> reanalysis from causative to antipassive. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.11vid 349 382 34 Chapter 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 11. Polyfunctional <i>vanka-</i> in Nivaĉle and the antipassive category</TitleText> 1 A01 Alejandra Vidal Vidal, Alejandra Alejandra Vidal University of Formosa & CONICET 2 A01 Doris L. Payne Payne, Doris L. Doris L. Payne University of Oregon & SIL International 01 Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) is a non-ergative language of Argentina and Paraguay. It has a voice/valency mechanism that resembles an antipassive. Stell (1989: 310) refers to <i>vanka-</i> as an intransitive marker. Fabre (2015, 2016) glosses <i>vanka-</i> as ‘antipassive’ but does not provide an in-depth analysis. We examine <i>vanka-</i> as an antipassive marker, but also its connection to other functional domains and its use with certain intransitive stems. On intransitive stems, its semantic effects range from strongly agentive to middle meaning. It implies that there is an extra but unexpressible ‘non-specific participant’ in the context. The extra participant implication suggests that <i>vanka</i>- may originate in a third-person marker <i>va-</i> plus a ‘cislocative’ or ‘middle’ <i>n-</i>, plus a <i>ka-</i> which may correspond to an ‘indirect possessive’ formative. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.p3 Section header 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 3. Diachrony of antipassive constructions</TitleText> 10 01 JB code tsl.130.12aud 385 426 42 Chapter 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 12. The antipassive and its relationship to person markers</TitleText> 1 A01 Sandra Auderset Auderset, Sandra Sandra Auderset 20 antipassive 20 diachronic typology 20 language change 20 person marking 01 This paper presents a cross-linguistic study of morphological overlaps between antipassive and person markers and their historical relationships, addressing the question of how frequent developments from antipassive to person marker or vice versa are and whether there are recurrent patterns of change. The results show that historical connections between antipassive and person markers are not confined to a specific macro-area or language family. The development from antipassive to first person plural patient marker is the most frequent pathway in the languages investigated. However, this diachronic pathway does not account for all cases, i.e. other pathways are also possible. While many uncertainties concerning the detailed history of such diachronic connections remain, this study shows that there are tendencies that contribute to the understanding of the history and subsequent development of antipassives. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.13jac 427 446 20 Chapter 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 13. Antipassive derivations in Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan and their sources</TitleText> 1 A01 Guillaume Jacques Jacques, Guillaume Guillaume Jacques CNRS-CRLAO-INALCO 20 antipassive 20 denominal verbs 20 Dulong-Rawang 20 grammaticalization 20 Gyalrongic 20 incorporation 20 Kiranti 20 middle voice 20 nominalization 20 Old Chinese 20 West-Himalayish 01 This paper presents an overview of antipassive constructions in the Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan family. It shows that all of these constructions are relatively recent developments, and originate from three distinct historical sources, including the incorporation of generic nouns, the verbalization of action nominalizations and reflexive/middle markers. All productive antipassive constructions in the family are found in languages with polypersonal indexation and ergative case marking. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.14pay 447 480 34 Chapter 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 14. The profile and development of the Maa (Eastern Nilotic) antipassive</TitleText> 1 A01 Doris L. Payne Payne, Doris L. Doris L. Payne University of Oregon & SIL International 01 Maa (Eastern Nilotic) language varieties have nominative/accusative syntactic patterns, but also an antipassive construction marked by the verb suffix -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i>. This suffix turns an otherwise transitive construction into an intransitive one that can no longer express the P. Semantically the -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> construction focuses on the action of the verb or profiles long-term characteristics or ability of the agent. It is not required in imperfective situations, but most commonly does correlate with them. Interestingly, -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> may occur on some intransitive roots where it appears to highlight imperfectivity. The -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> antipassive construction does not appear to reconstruct to proto-Eastern Nilotic, though a verb root cognate with Maa <i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> ‘give’ does go back to a Proto-Maa-Lotuko-Lopit genetic node (though non-Maa languages within this group may lack the antipassive function). Given similarities between <i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> ‘give’ and the suffix -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i>, the possibility of an antipassive developing from ‘give’ is explored. Potential “drift” or borrowing under Kalenjin (Southern Nilotic) influence is also noted. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.p4 Section header 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 4. Fuzzy boundaries</TitleText> 10 01 JB code tsl.130.15ark 483 514 32 Chapter 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 15. Indirect antipassive in Circassian</TitleText> 1 A01 Peter M. Arkadiev Arkadiev, Peter M. Peter M. Arkadiev Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences / Russian State University for the Humanities 2 A01 Alexander Letuchiy Letuchiy, Alexander Alexander Letuchiy Higher School of Economics / Russian Language Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences 01 The article focuses on antipassive formation in Adyghe and Kabardian (Circassian &#60; West Caucasian), polysynthetic languages with ergative alignment of basic morphosyntax. The Circassian antipassive is typologically unusual in several respects. First, it is derived not only from transitive, but also from intransitive verbs: in these cases, it eliminates the indirect object. Thus, antipassive in Circassian targets an object argument, but not necessarily the direct object, contradicting the general ergative patterning. Second, the Circassian antipassive is expressed by the change of the root-final vowel, which complicates the determination of the direction of the valency change. Third, although the Circassian antipassive mainly fulfils the semantic functions typologically associated with antipassives, sometimes the syntactic type of the argument (i.e. nominal vs. clause) is relevant for the choice of the valency frame as well. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.16com 515 548 34 Chapter 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 16. Antipassives in Nakh-Daghestanian languages</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Exploring the margins of a construction</Subtitle> 1 A01 Bernard Comrie Comrie, Bernard Bernard Comrie University of California 2 A01 Diana Forker Forker, Diana Diana Forker Friedrich Schiller University Jena 3 A01 Zaira Khalilova Khalilova, Zaira Zaira Khalilova Gamzat Tsadasa Institute of Language, Literature and Art 4 A01 Helma van den Berg van den Berg, Helma Helma van den Berg Dagestan Scientific Center, Russian Academy of Sciences 20 aktionsart 20 antipassive 20 canonical typology 20 Nakh-Daghestanian languages 20 transitivity 01 Several Nakh-Daghestanian languages present constructions that are candidate antipassives, in that the construction is intransitive and is (at least sometimes) related to a corresponding transitive construction, with A of the transitive construction appearing as S of the intransitive, and P of the transitive either corresponding to an oblique in the intransitive or being omitted. All Nakh-Daghestanian antipassives are lexically restricted, and their function is typically to shift aspectual value in the direction of durativity, atelicity, iterativity, etc. However, only Dargwa restricts the construction to transitive verbs, while other languages also allow it with intransitive verbs, in which case there is no change in argument structure. We explore the implications of this for the definition of “antipassive” from the perspective of canonical typology. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.17hea 549 578 30 Chapter 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 17. Antipassive and antipassive-like constructions in Mayan languages</TitleText> 1 A01 Raina Heaton Heaton, Raina Raina Heaton University of Oklahoma 01 This chapter details the characteristics of the various constructions found in Mayan languages that exhibit some number of antipassive features (absolutive, incorporating, agent focus, reflexives/reciprocals). Although the label ‘antipassive’ has been applied to many of these structures historically, based on the features presented in this volume as diagnostics for antipassives cross-linguistically, only certain instantiations of the ‘absolutive’ antipassive qualify as antipassives. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.18hem 579 620 42 Chapter 22 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 18. When an antipassive isn’t an antipassive anymore</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Actor Voice construction in Kelabit</Subtitle> 1 A01 Charlotte Hemmings Hemmings, Charlotte Charlotte Hemmings University of Oxford 01 This paper presents the Actor Voice (<sc>av</sc>) construction in Kelabit, a Western Austronesian language spoken in Northern Sarawak, Malaysia. It compares Kelabit <sc>av</sc> with prototypical antipassives and related constructions in the more conservative Western Austronesian languages, using case studies of West Greenlandic and Tagalog. On the basis of morphosyntactic, semantic and discourse diagnostics, the paper demonstrates that Tagalog <sc>av</sc> constructions have the semantic and discourse characteristics of antipassives but are syntactically transitive. In contrast, Kelabit <sc>av</sc>, which is also syntactically transitive, has a mixture of semantic and discourse properties: some antipassive-like but many active-like. This has important implications for Western Austronesian and the theory of alignment shift, as well as the ways in which antipassives vary and change over time. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.19zun 621 640 20 Chapter 23 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 19. Antipassivization in Basque revisited</TitleText> 1 A01 Fernando Zúñiga Zúñiga, Fernando Fernando Zúñiga University of Bern 2 A01 Beatriz Fernández Fernández, Beatriz Beatriz Fernández University of the Basque Country 01 In this paper, we explore three phenomena that have been considered to be antipassives in Basque linguistics. First, we briefly review “ergative displacement” (Laka 1988), related to antipassives as mentioned by Heath (1976). This is not a bona fide instance of the antipassive, since the ergative displacement affects only the agreement pattern (the A argument appears indexed as S in finite verb forms) while the case frame and syntactic status of A and P are as in the default transitive construction; besides, there is no demotion or suppression of the P argument. Second, we review two biclausal constructions, namely the <i>ari-</i>progressive (Hualde &#38; Ortiz de Urbina 1987; Laka 2006) and participial clauses (Ortiz de Urbina &#38; Uribe-Etxebarria 1991). Although regarded as antipassives by Postal (1977) and Coyos (2002), respectively, their biclausality, long argued by some Basque linguists, is incompatible with the antipassive, which is monoclausal by definition. Finally, de Rijk (2003) labels as antipassives some intransitive constructions that alternate with transitive ones. This is the closest to true antipassives that can be found in Basque, but these constructions are lexically constrained and idiosyncratic, and unlike canonical antipassives attested in other languages of the world. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.index 641 645 5 Miscellaneous 24 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02"> Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20210323 2021 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 13 15 9789027208170 01 JB 3 John Benjamins e-Platform 03 jbe-platform.com 09 WORLD 21 01 00 105.00 EUR R 01 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 gen 00 158.00 USD S 330027167 03 01 01 JB John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 JB code TSL 130 Hb 15 9789027208170 13 2020048730 BB 01 TSL 02 0167-7373 Typological Studies in Language 130 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Antipassive</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Typology, diachrony, and related constructions</Subtitle> 01 tsl.130 01 https://benjamins.com 02 https://benjamins.com/catalog/tsl.130 1 B01 Katarzyna Janic Janic, Katarzyna Katarzyna Janic University of Leipzig 2 B01 Alena Witzlack-Makarevich Witzlack-Makarevich, Alena Alena Witzlack-Makarevich Hebrew University of Jerusalem 01 eng 653 vii 645 LAN009060 v.2006 CFK 2 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SEMAN Semantics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.SYNTAX Syntax 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.THEOR Theoretical linguistics 24 JB Subject Scheme LIN.TYP Typology 06 01 This book provides a comprehensive treatment of the morpho-syntactic and semantic aspects of the antipassive construction from synchronic, diachronic, and typological perspectives. The nineteen contributions assembled in this volume address a wide range of aspects pertinent to the antipassive construction, such as lexical semantics, the properties of the antipassive markers, as well as the issue of fuzzy boundaries between the antipassive construction and a range of other formally and functionally similar constructions in genealogically and areally diverse languages. Purely synchronically oriented case studies are supplemented by contributions that shed light on the diachronic development of the antipassive construction and the antipassive markers. The book should be of central interest to many scholars, in particular to those working in the field of language typology, semantics, syntax, and historical linguists, as well as to specialists of the language families discussed in the individual contributions. 04 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475/tsl.130.png 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_jpg/9789027208170.jpg 04 03 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/475_tif/9789027208170.tif 06 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_front/tsl.130.hb.png 07 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/125/tsl.130.png 25 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/1200_back/tsl.130.hb.png 27 09 01 https://benjamins.com/covers/3d_web/tsl.130.hb.png 10 01 JB code tsl.130.01jan 1 40 40 Chapter 1 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 1. The multifaceted nature of the antipassive construction</TitleText> 1 A01 Katarzyna Janic Janic, Katarzyna Katarzyna Janic University of Leipzig 2 A01 Alena Witzlack-Makarevich Witzlack-Makarevich, Alena Alena Witzlack-Makarevich Hebrew University of Jerusalem 01 The present chapter opens the volume by proving an overview of the antipassive construction from the typological perspective. After setting the scene by introducing the major theoretical concepts used in this volume, we consider various aspects of the formal and functional variation of the antipassive construction. First, we show how the antipassive construction varies among languages with respect to the realization of the P argument. We then discuss various aspects of the antipassive marker, including its dedicatedness and obligatoriness, as well as its syncretism with other functions. This chapter also zooms in on various functions performed by the antipassive. In addition to semantic, discourse-pragmatic and syntactic functions commonly recognized in the literature, we also address a less typical stylistic function. Another parameter of variation discussed is the productivity of the antipassive. Finally, this chapter addresses the question of various constructions which formally or functionally overlap with antipassive constructions. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.p1 Section header 2 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 1. Lexical semantics and event representation of antipassive constructions</TitleText> 10 01 JB code tsl.130.02mit 43 64 22 Chapter 3 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 2. Antipassive propensities and alignment</TitleText> 1 A01 Marianne Mithun Mithun, Marianne Marianne Mithun University of California 20 agent/patient patterning 20 Austronesian family 20 definiteness 20 ergativity 20 generics 20 Haida 20 Hiligaynon 20 Lakota 20 Mohawk 20 nominalization 20 Pomoan family 20 question formation 20 relativization; CentralPomo 20 Siouan family 01 Antipassive constructions were once thought to be unique to languages with ergative/absolutive alignment. Subsequent work demonstrated their existence in languages with nominative/accusative alignment as well. Here antipassives are described in languages with a third kind of system, agent/patient patterning. The languages come from four genealogically and areally unrelated families indigenous to North America: Siouan, Haida, Pomoan, and Iroquoian. Antipassives in all three types of systems, ergative, accusative, and agent/patient, serve similar semantic and discourse functions, eliminating less topicworthy participants from the core. But the perception of a special link to ergativity is not unmotivated. Two explanations are given. One is the formal salience of the shift in argument marking resulting from detransitivization in ergative systems. The other is a by-product of syntactic constructions which require absolutive status of one of the arguments. In many cases antipassivization is exploited to meet this requirement. These two factors are illustrated with material from Hiligaynon, a language of the Philippines. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.03sap 65 96 32 Chapter 4 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 3. Antipassive in the Cariban family</TitleText> 1 A01 Racquel-María Sapién Sapién, Racquel-María Racquel-María Sapién University of Oklahoma 2 A01 Natalia Cáceres Arandia Arandia, Natalia Cáceres Natalia Cáceres Arandia University of Oregon 3 A01 Spike Gildea Gildea, Spike Spike Gildea University of Oregon 4 A01 Sérgio Meira Meira, Sérgio Sérgio Meira Universidade Federal de Roraima 01 To date, no published reference grammar of a Cariban language has described an antipassive construction. However, all languages of the family have a cognate verbal morpheme, termed <sc>detransitivizer</sc>, which prefixes to a transitive verb to derive an intransitive verb. While monovalent, the detransitivized verb bears inflectional person morphology that is distinct from that of non-derived intransitive verbs. We collected all available text examples of detransitivized verbs from five Cariban languages (Akawaio, Hixkaryana, Kari’nja, Tiriyó, and Ye’kwana) and categorized them into formal and functional subtypes. Alongside the well-described functions of reflexive/reciprocal/middle, anticausative, and passive, we encountered a substantial number of examples that can only be characterized as antipassive: the S of the detransitivized verb corresponds to the A of the transitive verb from which it is derived and the P of the transitive verb is either absent or expressed in an oblique (locative) PP. <br />This paper has four goals: first, we present the detransitivized construction and explain the methodology by which we identify tokens of the construction functioning as an antipassive. Second, we present the results of our text counts – a significant number of the categorizable detransitivized tokens have the antipassive function – and we discuss why this phenomenon has been overlooked until now. Third, given that the detransitivized construction is semantically polysemous, we explore the conditions under which it has an antipassive reading, identifying one pragmatic and two semantic subtypes: Nontopical P, Semantically Absent P, and Locative P. Finally, we discuss the implications of these patterns for a diachronic typology of antipassive. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.04den 97 148 52 Chapter 5 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 4. Aspect and modality in Pama-Nyungan antipassives</TitleText> 1 A01 Jessica Denniss Denniss, Jessica Jessica Denniss University of Toronto 01 I present data from Pama-Nyungan languages that display aspectual and modal readings in the antipassive construction, and propose that antipassives contain a predicate-internal aspectual morpheme that derives an atelic predicate. Taking a modal approach to aspect unifies the aspectual and modal readings. I detail the striking resemblance between the set of interpretations attested in antipassives and imperfectives more generally, and show how the compositional analysis I propose is able to provide insight into unexpected volitional and “total effect” readings. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.05moy 149 176 28 Chapter 6 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 5. Antipassive constructions in Oceanic languages</TitleText> 1 A01 Claire Moyse-Faurie Moyse-Faurie, Claire Claire Moyse-Faurie UMR 7107 – Lacito CNRS 01 This article will discuss the different constructions which could be relevant for identifying antipassives in Oceanic languages, in spite of the fact that there is no dedicated antipassive marker. Some of these constructions involve the backgrounding of the object, but are associated with different syntactic devices, discursive strategies and semantic functions, giving rise to either incompleteness of the action, low individuation of the patient, or restrictions on its uses. <br />Looking at their semantic and pragmatic specificities, I will investigate what these types of construction have in common and to which extent they can be labelled ‘antipassive’, as has been done inter alia by Cooreman (1994), Dixon (1992) and Janic (2013, 2016). 10 01 JB code tsl.130.06say 177 212 36 Chapter 7 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 6. Antipassive and the lexical meaning of verbs</TitleText> 1 A01 Sergey Say Say, Sergey Sergey Say Institute for Linguistic Studies RAS, Laboratory for Typological Study of Languages 01 Descriptions of antipassive constructions in individual languages show that these constructions are often compatible with only a subset of transitive verbs. There are significant typological similarities between the sets of verbs that allow antipassivization. The following properties are typical of these verbs: (1) agentive A, (2) specification of the manner component in the verb meaning, (3) lack of inherent telicity (the transitive use can be compositionally transitive, but this is cancelled under antipassivization), (4) narrow class of potential Ps, and (5) affectedness of A. Verbs with all of the properties in (1)–(5), such as ‘eat’, constitute the core of “natural antipassives”, whereas verbs with only some of these properties are at the periphery of this class. Apart from being especially prone to enter antipassive constructions, the fuzzy class of natural antipassives is relevant for a number of phenomena. First, polyfunctional valency-related markers or constructions tend to yield antipassive reading when applied to natural antipassives. Second, natural antipassives tend to choose the less marked construction in languages with two antipassive constructions. Third, lexicalization of antipassives is more likely for verbs that lack natural antipassive properties, and a typical scenario of lexicalization involves coercion of some of these properties. Ultimately, I conjecture that it is the relevance of the P-argument for the meaning of the verb which accounts for the rarity of lexically unrestricted and semantically uniform antipassive constructions in the world’s languages. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.07bug 213 246 34 Chapter 8 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 7. Unspecified participant</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">A case of antipassive in Ainu</Subtitle> 1 A01 Anna Bugaeva Bugaeva, Anna Anna Bugaeva Tokyo University of Science/NINJAL 01 This paper shows that there are two synchronically distinct <i>i-</i> markers in Ainu, viz. the derivational antipassive <i>i-</i> and inflectional ‘fourth’ person object <i>i-</i> with the functions of first person plural inclusive, second person honorific, and logophoric. The derivational antipassive marker <i>i-</i> ‘person/thing’ can be regarded as an antipassive marker <i>per se</i> based on its syntactic (eliminating a patient/theme/recipient argument), semantic (denoting an unspecified generic participant or lexicalizing it to a single or subset of objects) and discourse (patient-defocusing) properties. Contrary to the accepted view, I adduce the ‘antipassive to 1<sc>pl.incl.o</sc>’ scenario based on extensive cross-linguistic and Ainu-internal evidence. The antipassive <i>i-</i>, in its turn, originated in the incorporation of a generic noun <i>*i</i> ‘thing/place/time’, which is not unusual in languages without overt expression of the demoted O participant in the antipassive. The extended use of the antipassive <i>i-</i> is attested on obligatorily possessed nouns to enable their use without possessive affixes. Finally, my corpus-based study of semantic classes of verbs with a predilection for antipassive derivation revealed that the antipassive in Ainu is most likely to apply to a ‘middle section’ of the semantic transitivity hierarchy since it belongs to the lower individuation of patients (LIP) type, which is assumed to be more typical of antipassives in non-ergative languages. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.p2 Section header 9 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 2. Antipassive marking</TitleText> 10 01 JB code tsl.130.08jan 249 292 44 Chapter 10 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 8. Variation in the verbal marking of antipassive constructions</TitleText> 1 A01 Katarzyna Janic Janic, Katarzyna Katarzyna Janic Leipzig University 20 antipassivizer 20 diachronic sources 20 non-linear morphological coding 20 segmental coding 20 zero coding 01 The coding of antipassive constructions displays crosslinguistically irregular though noteworthy patterns. It commonly involves a phonologically overt form, labeled here <i>antipassivizer</i>. However, this segmental coding is not the only way to signal an antipassive meaning. In some languages, antipassive constructions can also involve a change in a verbal stem. This non-linear morphological type of coding has not, however, attracted much attention among linguists so far. It is the aim of this study to fill this gap. Given also that an antipassivizer may have different origins, another goal is to bridge the synchronic investigation of these markers with their diachronic description in order to provide a survey of the most common forms, which developed into an antipassive function. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.09cre 293 314 22 Chapter 11 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 9. Antipassive derivation in Soninke (West Mande)</TitleText> 1 A01 Denis Creissels Creissels, Denis Denis Creissels Lumière University Lyon 2 01 Soninke, a West Mande language spoken in Mali, Mauritania, Gambia, and Senegal, provides crucial support to the view that accusative languages may have fully productive antipassive derivations. In Soninke, the distinction between transitive and intransitive predication is particularly clearcut. The alignment between transitive and intransitive predication is neutral in indexation, but accusative in flagging, and accusative alignment is found in constituent order too. Soninke has two verbal suffixes that can be involved in antipassivization defined as a morphologically marked alternation by which transitive verbs are converted into intransitive verbs whose sole core argument fulfills the same semantic role as the A argument of the transitive verbs from which they derive. One of these two suffixes is a dedicated antipassive suffix, whereas the other is a multifunction detransitivizing suffix acting as an antipassive marker with a limited number of verbs. In Soninke, there is no interaction between antipassive and aspect, and there is no constraint restricting the use of the antipassive form of transitive verbs to the encoding of habitual events or stereotyped activities either. Antipassive constructions can refer to specific events, provided no specific patient is mentioned. In Soninke, null objects are not allowed, only a tiny minority of transitive verbs can be used intransitively with a subject representing their agentive argument, and the high productivity of antipassive derivation follows from the use of derived intransitive verbs as the preferred strategy for not specifying the patientive argument of transitive verbs. Diachronically, there is evidence that the multipurpose detransitivizing suffix acting as an antipassive marker with a limited number of verbs was originally a reflexive marker, whereas the dedicated antipassive suffix results from the grammaticalization of a verb ‘do’ in a cross-linguistically common type of antipassive periphrasis. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.10jua 315 348 34 Chapter 12 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 10. Explaining the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví (Guaycuruan)</TitleText> 1 A01 Cristian Juárez Juárez, Cristian Cristian Juárez The University of Texas at Austin 2 A01 Albert Álvarez González Álvarez González, Albert Albert Álvarez González Universidad de Sonora 01 Among the polyfunctional valency markers, an antipassive-causative marker is a rather typologically unusual grammatical feature. This paper tries to explain the antipassive-causative syncretism in Mocoví, a Guaycuruan language spoken in northeastern Argentina, by examining the synchronic functions and the diachronic formation of the valency modifier <i>-aɢan</i>. We propose that both <i>-aɢan</i> antipassive and causative concentrate on the subject activity and involve the backgrounding of a core argument. These two functions, which are traceable to the formation of <i>-aɢan</i> from the state/change-of-state nominalizer <i>-aɢa</i> and the transitive verbalizer <i>-n</i>, work in tandem with the syntactic constraint of having only two core arguments per derived and non-derived transitive clauses, which crucially allows for the <i>-aɢan</i> reanalysis from causative to antipassive. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.11vid 349 382 34 Chapter 13 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 11. Polyfunctional <i>vanka-</i> in Nivaĉle and the antipassive category</TitleText> 1 A01 Alejandra Vidal Vidal, Alejandra Alejandra Vidal University of Formosa & CONICET 2 A01 Doris L. Payne Payne, Doris L. Doris L. Payne University of Oregon & SIL International 01 Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) is a non-ergative language of Argentina and Paraguay. It has a voice/valency mechanism that resembles an antipassive. Stell (1989: 310) refers to <i>vanka-</i> as an intransitive marker. Fabre (2015, 2016) glosses <i>vanka-</i> as ‘antipassive’ but does not provide an in-depth analysis. We examine <i>vanka-</i> as an antipassive marker, but also its connection to other functional domains and its use with certain intransitive stems. On intransitive stems, its semantic effects range from strongly agentive to middle meaning. It implies that there is an extra but unexpressible ‘non-specific participant’ in the context. The extra participant implication suggests that <i>vanka</i>- may originate in a third-person marker <i>va-</i> plus a ‘cislocative’ or ‘middle’ <i>n-</i>, plus a <i>ka-</i> which may correspond to an ‘indirect possessive’ formative. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.p3 Section header 14 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 3. Diachrony of antipassive constructions</TitleText> 10 01 JB code tsl.130.12aud 385 426 42 Chapter 15 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 12. The antipassive and its relationship to person markers</TitleText> 1 A01 Sandra Auderset Auderset, Sandra Sandra Auderset 20 antipassive 20 diachronic typology 20 language change 20 person marking 01 This paper presents a cross-linguistic study of morphological overlaps between antipassive and person markers and their historical relationships, addressing the question of how frequent developments from antipassive to person marker or vice versa are and whether there are recurrent patterns of change. The results show that historical connections between antipassive and person markers are not confined to a specific macro-area or language family. The development from antipassive to first person plural patient marker is the most frequent pathway in the languages investigated. However, this diachronic pathway does not account for all cases, i.e. other pathways are also possible. While many uncertainties concerning the detailed history of such diachronic connections remain, this study shows that there are tendencies that contribute to the understanding of the history and subsequent development of antipassives. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.13jac 427 446 20 Chapter 16 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 13. Antipassive derivations in Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan and their sources</TitleText> 1 A01 Guillaume Jacques Jacques, Guillaume Guillaume Jacques CNRS-CRLAO-INALCO 20 antipassive 20 denominal verbs 20 Dulong-Rawang 20 grammaticalization 20 Gyalrongic 20 incorporation 20 Kiranti 20 middle voice 20 nominalization 20 Old Chinese 20 West-Himalayish 01 This paper presents an overview of antipassive constructions in the Sino-Tibetan/Trans-Himalayan family. It shows that all of these constructions are relatively recent developments, and originate from three distinct historical sources, including the incorporation of generic nouns, the verbalization of action nominalizations and reflexive/middle markers. All productive antipassive constructions in the family are found in languages with polypersonal indexation and ergative case marking. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.14pay 447 480 34 Chapter 17 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 14. The profile and development of the Maa (Eastern Nilotic) antipassive</TitleText> 1 A01 Doris L. Payne Payne, Doris L. Doris L. Payne University of Oregon & SIL International 01 Maa (Eastern Nilotic) language varieties have nominative/accusative syntactic patterns, but also an antipassive construction marked by the verb suffix -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i>. This suffix turns an otherwise transitive construction into an intransitive one that can no longer express the P. Semantically the -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> construction focuses on the action of the verb or profiles long-term characteristics or ability of the agent. It is not required in imperfective situations, but most commonly does correlate with them. Interestingly, -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> may occur on some intransitive roots where it appears to highlight imperfectivity. The -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> antipassive construction does not appear to reconstruct to proto-Eastern Nilotic, though a verb root cognate with Maa <i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> ‘give’ does go back to a Proto-Maa-Lotuko-Lopit genetic node (though non-Maa languages within this group may lack the antipassive function). Given similarities between <i>ɪshɔ(r)</i> ‘give’ and the suffix -<i>ɪshɔ(r)</i>, the possibility of an antipassive developing from ‘give’ is explored. Potential “drift” or borrowing under Kalenjin (Southern Nilotic) influence is also noted. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.p4 Section header 18 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Part 4. Fuzzy boundaries</TitleText> 10 01 JB code tsl.130.15ark 483 514 32 Chapter 19 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 15. Indirect antipassive in Circassian</TitleText> 1 A01 Peter M. Arkadiev Arkadiev, Peter M. Peter M. Arkadiev Institute of Slavic Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences / Russian State University for the Humanities 2 A01 Alexander Letuchiy Letuchiy, Alexander Alexander Letuchiy Higher School of Economics / Russian Language Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences 01 The article focuses on antipassive formation in Adyghe and Kabardian (Circassian &#60; West Caucasian), polysynthetic languages with ergative alignment of basic morphosyntax. The Circassian antipassive is typologically unusual in several respects. First, it is derived not only from transitive, but also from intransitive verbs: in these cases, it eliminates the indirect object. Thus, antipassive in Circassian targets an object argument, but not necessarily the direct object, contradicting the general ergative patterning. Second, the Circassian antipassive is expressed by the change of the root-final vowel, which complicates the determination of the direction of the valency change. Third, although the Circassian antipassive mainly fulfils the semantic functions typologically associated with antipassives, sometimes the syntactic type of the argument (i.e. nominal vs. clause) is relevant for the choice of the valency frame as well. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.16com 515 548 34 Chapter 20 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 16. Antipassives in Nakh-Daghestanian languages</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">Exploring the margins of a construction</Subtitle> 1 A01 Bernard Comrie Comrie, Bernard Bernard Comrie University of California 2 A01 Diana Forker Forker, Diana Diana Forker Friedrich Schiller University Jena 3 A01 Zaira Khalilova Khalilova, Zaira Zaira Khalilova Gamzat Tsadasa Institute of Language, Literature and Art 4 A01 Helma van den Berg van den Berg, Helma Helma van den Berg Dagestan Scientific Center, Russian Academy of Sciences 20 aktionsart 20 antipassive 20 canonical typology 20 Nakh-Daghestanian languages 20 transitivity 01 Several Nakh-Daghestanian languages present constructions that are candidate antipassives, in that the construction is intransitive and is (at least sometimes) related to a corresponding transitive construction, with A of the transitive construction appearing as S of the intransitive, and P of the transitive either corresponding to an oblique in the intransitive or being omitted. All Nakh-Daghestanian antipassives are lexically restricted, and their function is typically to shift aspectual value in the direction of durativity, atelicity, iterativity, etc. However, only Dargwa restricts the construction to transitive verbs, while other languages also allow it with intransitive verbs, in which case there is no change in argument structure. We explore the implications of this for the definition of “antipassive” from the perspective of canonical typology. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.17hea 549 578 30 Chapter 21 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 17. Antipassive and antipassive-like constructions in Mayan languages</TitleText> 1 A01 Raina Heaton Heaton, Raina Raina Heaton University of Oklahoma 01 This chapter details the characteristics of the various constructions found in Mayan languages that exhibit some number of antipassive features (absolutive, incorporating, agent focus, reflexives/reciprocals). Although the label ‘antipassive’ has been applied to many of these structures historically, based on the features presented in this volume as diagnostics for antipassives cross-linguistically, only certain instantiations of the ‘absolutive’ antipassive qualify as antipassives. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.18hem 579 620 42 Chapter 22 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 18. When an antipassive isn’t an antipassive anymore</TitleText> <Subtitle textformat="02">The Actor Voice construction in Kelabit</Subtitle> 1 A01 Charlotte Hemmings Hemmings, Charlotte Charlotte Hemmings University of Oxford 01 This paper presents the Actor Voice (<sc>av</sc>) construction in Kelabit, a Western Austronesian language spoken in Northern Sarawak, Malaysia. It compares Kelabit <sc>av</sc> with prototypical antipassives and related constructions in the more conservative Western Austronesian languages, using case studies of West Greenlandic and Tagalog. On the basis of morphosyntactic, semantic and discourse diagnostics, the paper demonstrates that Tagalog <sc>av</sc> constructions have the semantic and discourse characteristics of antipassives but are syntactically transitive. In contrast, Kelabit <sc>av</sc>, which is also syntactically transitive, has a mixture of semantic and discourse properties: some antipassive-like but many active-like. This has important implications for Western Austronesian and the theory of alignment shift, as well as the ways in which antipassives vary and change over time. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.19zun 621 640 20 Chapter 23 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 19. Antipassivization in Basque revisited</TitleText> 1 A01 Fernando Zúñiga Zúñiga, Fernando Fernando Zúñiga University of Bern 2 A01 Beatriz Fernández Fernández, Beatriz Beatriz Fernández University of the Basque Country 01 In this paper, we explore three phenomena that have been considered to be antipassives in Basque linguistics. First, we briefly review “ergative displacement” (Laka 1988), related to antipassives as mentioned by Heath (1976). This is not a bona fide instance of the antipassive, since the ergative displacement affects only the agreement pattern (the A argument appears indexed as S in finite verb forms) while the case frame and syntactic status of A and P are as in the default transitive construction; besides, there is no demotion or suppression of the P argument. Second, we review two biclausal constructions, namely the <i>ari-</i>progressive (Hualde &#38; Ortiz de Urbina 1987; Laka 2006) and participial clauses (Ortiz de Urbina &#38; Uribe-Etxebarria 1991). Although regarded as antipassives by Postal (1977) and Coyos (2002), respectively, their biclausality, long argued by some Basque linguists, is incompatible with the antipassive, which is monoclausal by definition. Finally, de Rijk (2003) labels as antipassives some intransitive constructions that alternate with transitive ones. This is the closest to true antipassives that can be found in Basque, but these constructions are lexically constrained and idiosyncratic, and unlike canonical antipassives attested in other languages of the world. 10 01 JB code tsl.130.index 641 645 5 Miscellaneous 24 <TitleType>01</TitleType> <TitleText textformat="02"> Index</TitleText> 02 JBENJAMINS John Benjamins Publishing Company 01 John Benjamins Publishing Company Amsterdam/Philadelphia NL 04 20210323 2021 John Benjamins B.V. 02 WORLD 08 1285 gr 01 JB 1 John Benjamins Publishing Company +31 20 6304747 +31 20 6739773 bookorder@benjamins.nl 01 https://benjamins.com 01 WORLD US CA MX 21 53 10 01 02 JB 1 00 105.00 EUR R 02 02 JB 1 00 111.30 EUR R 01 JB 10 bebc +44 1202 712 934 +44 1202 712 913 sales@bebc.co.uk 03 GB 21 10 02 02 JB 1 00 88.00 GBP Z 01 JB 2 John Benjamins North America +1 800 562-5666 +1 703 661-1501 benjamins@presswarehouse.com 01 https://benjamins.com 01 US CA MX 21 10 01 gen 02 JB 1 00 158.00 USD