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		<Text textformat="02">The study of the causal-noncausal alternation offers a unique window onto how languages represent causal relations and event structure. Among the strategies used to encode this alternation, anticausative markers, that is, markers that overtly signal noncausal situations, have received considerably less attention than causatives, particularly from a typological and a diachronic perspective. This volume addresses this gap by bringing together fourteen original studies that span a wide range of language families and geographical areas, while drawing on diverse methodologies and data sources. The chapters explore how anticausatives are realized across languages, how they interact with competing strategies such as lability and causativization, and how they are historically connected to other voice operations such as reflexives and passives. Several contributions also examine the origins and grammaticalization of anticausative markers, identifying previously overlooked diachronic sources and challenging the widespread view that anticausatives derive primarily from reflexive constructions.</Text>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter opens the volume by offering an introduction to the typology and diachrony of anticausative markers, exploring their structural and semantic properties. We first provide a definition of what cross-linguistically counts as an anticausative marker and discuss how anticausatives may be distinct from other voice markers, including passives and reflexives. In doing so, we single out the crucial difference between autocausative and decausative situations. We also survey the grammaticalization of anticausative markers, showcasing the variety of sources from which they can emerge, which, contrary to a widely shared view, is not limited to reflexivity. Finally, we provide a succinct summary of the chapters featured in this volume.</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   Causal-noncausal alternations are usually described as pairs, e.g. &lt;i&gt;fear/afraid: frighten&lt;/i&gt;. In fact, at least for verb sets with a state component in the semantics there are three forms, with two noncausals, typically one unbounded and one bounded, usually ingressive: &lt;i&gt;fear, be afraid/scared&lt;/i&gt; vs. &lt;i&gt;get scared, take fright.&lt;/i&gt; This chapter proposes that we recognize causal triads as the basic set for causal-noncausal alternations. It offers terminology and a preliminary account of the semantics, derivation, and cross-linguistic distribution of the distinction, as well as criteria for deciding which of the noncausals is base for the other. It also raises some research questions and calls for inclusion of causal triad information in dictionaries.</Text>
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				<PersonName>Simone Mattiola</PersonName>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter explores denominal and deadjectival verb formation strategies (DVFSs), known as verbalizers, as potential diachronic sources of anticausative strategies (ASs). Specifically, it examines whether the anticausative function can serve as a bridgehead through which DVFSs extend into the domain of voice. We analyze synchronic relationships between the two strategies across a balanced sample of languages. We find two types of synchronic connections between DVFSs and anticausatives: (1) occasional anticausatives, where the DVFS applies to a limited set of non-nominal/non-adjectival roots to form intransitive change-of-state verbs that describe spontaneous events, and (2) established anticausatives, where the DVFS is systematically used to derive intransitive verbs. We propose that occasional and established anticausatives represent two diachronic stages in the reinterpretation of DVFSs as ASs.</Text>
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				<PersonName>Guglielmo Inglese</PersonName>
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				<PersonName>Jean-Christophe Verstraete</PersonName>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter explores the encoding of causal-noncausal alternations in Australian languages, with a focus on anticausativization. Using a genetically and geographically representative sample of 60 languages, we identified four major strategies involved in the anticausative pattern: verbalizers, complex verbs, conjugation class change, and verbal intransitivizers. Our survey reveals a range of distributional differences, in terms of base domain, geographic and genetic distribution. We traced diachronic sources and developmental mechanisms, showing that the four strategies may be connected via two main grammaticalization pathways: from reflexives to anticausatives, and possibly from complex verbs to verbalizers and to conjugation class markers (following McGregor 2002). These findings deepen our understanding of transitivity and voice in Australian languages and contribute to the broader diachronic typology of anticausative marking.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 5. The rise and fall of anticausative marking in Aramaic</TitleText>
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				<PersonName>Elena Shvedova</PersonName>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter examines the evolution of anticausative marking (overt marker in noncausal verb) in Aramaic languages over a period of 3000 years. I describe the inventories of detransitivising markers (verbal stems) in Old, Middle and Modern Aramaic and show that the Aramaic material challenges typological assumptions about the stability of (de)transitivising morphemes. The Proto-Semitic anticausative N-stem disappeared early in Proto-Aramaic, while detransitive &lt;i&gt;t&lt;/i&gt;-stems became more productive in pre-modern Aramaic and were then lost in most Modern Aramaic varieties. By studying 31 verb pairs in 10 Aramaic languages from different periods, I show that P-lability is increasingly replacing anticausative marking in all Modern Aramaic languages. This process was found to occur even in Modern Western Aramaic, which has preserved a productive (de)transitivising morphology.</Text>
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			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 6. The causal-noncausal alternation in Akkadian</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Inherited and innovated strategies</Subtitle>
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				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Iris Tanza-Kamil</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Tanza-Kamil, Iris</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Iris</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Tanza-Kamil</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Hebrew University of Jerusalem</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Akkadian verb</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>argument structure</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>causal-noncausal alternation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>morphosemantics</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>morphosyntax</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Semitic verbal templates</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter provides an overview of the various strategies featured in Akkadian (East-Semitic) for the encoding of the causal-noncausal alternation. Akkadian could mark either the causal, the noncausal, or more rarely both alternants in the alternation. To mark causatives, Akkadian inserted its lexical roots into one of two causative templates, known as D and Š. To mark anticausatives, Akkadian marked verbal forms with the templatic morphemes &lt;i&gt;t&lt;/i&gt;- and &lt;i&gt;n&lt;/i&gt;-. Among inherited strategies to encode the alternation, roots more commonly make use of causative marking than anticausative marking. At least the anticausative markers are inherited from Afroasiatic, while the two causatives can only be reconstructed up to Semitic. Another strategy to mark anticausatives was innovated in Akkadian, however, and involved the productive &lt;i&gt;resultative&lt;/i&gt; conjugation in all template patterns to denote states resulting from events with no specified causer.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.07hol</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>196</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>222</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>27</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>7</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 7. The heterogeneity of anticausatives</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A view from Balto-Slavonic</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Axel Holvoet</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Holvoet, Axel</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Axel</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Holvoet</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Vilnius University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>antipassive</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>converse</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>facilitative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>middle</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>passive</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   The chapter explores anticausatives in Slavonic and Baltic, focusing on subtypes that diverge in different ways from the canonical anticausative. It is often hard to identify their causal counterpart, which renders them hard to classify. Some arguably anticausative verbs could alternatively be viewed as antipassives, others show an agentive entailment that brings them closer to passives. All these verbs seem to constitute the periphery of the anticausative category, which is far from homogeneous. Alternative interpretations arise from a diachronic viewpoint: anticausatives can be defined as the result of lexical extension of an originally reflexive marker so that the verbs thus marked are no longer agents but patients or themes. Synchronically, the transitivity pairs singled out are often epiphenomenal.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.08ang</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>223</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>248</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>26</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>8</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 8. Intensifier or anticausative?</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A contrastive analysis of German  &lt;i&gt;selbst-&lt;/i&gt;  and Italian  &lt;i&gt;auto-&lt;/i&gt;  in synthetic compounds</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Marco Angster</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Angster, Marco</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Marco</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Angster</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Zadar</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Livio Gaeta</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Gaeta, Livio</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Livio</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Gaeta</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Turin</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>contrastive co-reference</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>intensifiers</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>reflexivity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>word-formation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   Contrastive Co-reference (&lt;sub&gt;

        &lt;i&gt;

            &lt;sc&gt;cc&lt;/sc&gt;

        &lt;/i&gt;

    &lt;/sub&gt;) Markers (Angster 2023) are word-formation elements linked either formally or functionally to the class of intensifiers (König &amp;#38; Gast 2006). Their function in word-formation is often interpreted as close to reflexivity — cf. König’s (2011) label &lt;i&gt;reflexive compounds&lt;/i&gt;. In this chapter we will examine &lt;sub&gt;

        &lt;i&gt;

            &lt;sc&gt;cc&lt;/sc&gt;

        &lt;/i&gt;

    &lt;/sub&gt;Constructions — namely German synthetic &lt;i&gt;selbst-&lt;/i&gt;compounds and their closest functional correspondent in Italian, i.e. &lt;i&gt;auto-&lt;/i&gt;formations modified by a prepositional phrase introduced by the preposition &lt;i&gt;di&lt;/i&gt; — in search for a possible anticausative interpretation of &lt;i&gt;selbst-&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;auto-&lt;/i&gt;. We will show that an anticausative interpretation is possible when the verbs underlying a &lt;sub&gt;

        &lt;i&gt;

            &lt;sc&gt;cc&lt;/sc&gt;

        &lt;/i&gt;

    &lt;/sub&gt;Formation display a valency alternation, and in particular when the patient of a transitive verb is promoted to subject, while the subject is completely eclipsed.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.09ben</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>249</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>286</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>38</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>9</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 9. Noncausatives vs. anticausatives</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Towards a comparative analysis of Italian and Spanish</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Delia Bentley</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Bentley, Delia</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Delia</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Bentley</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>The University of Manchester</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>causative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>microvariation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>middle voice</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>noncausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Romance</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   Through comparative analysis of Italian and Spanish, I propose a method to investigate microvariation in the causative alternation in Romance. Taking a lexicalist perspective, I maintain that microvariation cannot be properly understood unless it is assumed that alternating verbs can figure in the intransitive as noncausative or causative verbal stems, the causative stems requiring anticausativization (causer suppression) in this domain. The contrasting behaviour of the scrutinised lemmas depends on the roles of the parameters [±&lt;sc&gt;definite change&lt;/sc&gt;] and [±&lt;sc&gt;direct cause&lt;/sc&gt;] in each language. In Spanish {−&lt;sc&gt;direct cause&lt;/sc&gt;, +&lt;sc&gt;definite change&lt;/sc&gt;} causative stems can anticausativize and figure as SE marked intransitives, while in Italian anticausativization is avoided with the same class. I propose an account of anticausativization in the two languages, highlighting the role of middle voice in the microvariation observed.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.10ing</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>287</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>332</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>46</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>10</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 10. Anticausativization and lability in Romance</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A historical corpus study on Spanish and Italian</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Guglielmo Inglese</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Inglese, Guglielmo</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Guglielmo</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Inglese</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Torino</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Giulia Mazzola</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Mazzola, Giulia</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Giulia</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Mazzola</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Newcastle University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Eugenio Goria</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Goria, Eugenio</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Eugenio</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Goria</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Torino</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>4</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Lorenzo Ferrarotti</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Ferrarotti, Lorenzo</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Lorenzo</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Ferrarotti</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Bergamo</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>5</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Bert Cornillie</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Cornillie, Bert</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Bert</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Cornillie</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>KU Leuven</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Italian</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>lability</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>reflexive</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Spanish</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This comparative diachronic corpus study of Italian and Spanish focuses on the alternation between anticausativization (reflexive marking) and lability as noncausal marking strategies. By using mixed-effects logistic regression on historical data, we demonstrate the relevance of a variety of morphosyntactic, semantic, and cognitive parameters, and assess their stability across time and languages. Our results show that, diachronically, the alternation undergoes a telicity-based polarization and that SE spreads from controlled to non-controlled events. Our comparative findings suggest that the alternation in Italian is more sensitive to contextual factors (telicity), while in Spanish it responds, to a greater extent, to lexical constraints (causalness degree). To conclude, we discuss the interconnection among different factors and their relationship with the restructuring of the tense and voice systems from Latin to Romance.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.11ong</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>333</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>373</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>41</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>11</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 11. Anticausativization and lability in Latin before 200 CE</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">The role of transitivity parameters in the syntax of anticausativization</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Tim A.F. Ongenae</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Ongenae, Tim A.F.</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Tim A.F.</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Ongenae</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Ghent University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausativization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>lability</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Latin</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>mediopassive</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>reflexivity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter discusses how a corpus-based approach can contribute to a better understanding of the encoding variation in anticausativization and lability in Latin. Latin originally had three strategies to derive a noncausal alternant from a causal predicate (two marked and one unmarked), namely the mediopassive, the reflexive, and the labile strategies. First, I discuss how actionality played a role in the selection of lability over the marked anticausative strategies. Secondly, I discuss the role of control in the selection of the three strategies, especially in the distinction between the mediopassive and reflexive strategies.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.12pet</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>374</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>417</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>44</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>12</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 12. Noncausal events and anticausative marking in Modern Irish</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Synchronic and diachronic aspects</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>John Peterson</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Peterson, John</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>John</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Peterson</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Kiel University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>ambitransitives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>causal vs. noncausal</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>impersonal</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Irish</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>plain vs induced</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   The present study gives a first overview of noncausal events and their marking in Modern Irish. Irish has two primary means of marking noncausal events: the first involves P-preserving labile verbs such as &lt;i&gt;iompaigh&lt;/i&gt; ‘turn over (&lt;sc&gt;intr/tr)&lt;/sc&gt;’. As a large percentage of these verbs end in -&lt;i&gt;(a)igh&lt;/i&gt;, which goes back to a productive suffix in Old Irish, I trace the development of these forms in Old Irish, following Griffith (2010, 2013). The second means of marking noncausality is through impersonal verbal morphology, found with a handful of common predicates. I argue that impersonal marking allows for a reanalysis of it as an anticausative marker when the verb involves a final change-of-state.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.13bel</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>418</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>447</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>30</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>13</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 13. Causal-noncausal alternations in P’urhepecha</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Kate Bellamy</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Bellamy, Kate</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Kate</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Bellamy</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Leiden University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Martha Mendoza</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Mendoza, Martha</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Martha</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Mendoza</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Florida Atlantic University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Calogero Rampello</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Rampello, Calogero</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Calogero</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Rampello</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Leiden University | University of Antwerp</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>4</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Mihai Tomoiaga</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Tomoiaga, Mihai</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Mihai</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Tomoiaga</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Leiden University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>agglutinative languages</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>causal-noncausal alternations</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   In this chapter we present the causal and noncausal coding patterns for 31 verb pairs in P’urhepecha (isolate, western Mexico). We observe a strong preference for an equipollent coding type through contrasting suffixes, and a secondary preference for a suffix-marked causative type. The variety of suffixes used is striking; while &lt;i&gt;-kurhi&lt;/i&gt; functions as the most common noncausal marker, causal meaning is mainly split between the three voice/valency suffixes &lt;i&gt;-ra, -ta&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;-ku&lt;/i&gt;. The suffix &lt;i&gt;-ka&lt;/i&gt; also surfaces in three verb pairs, as do spatial locative and direction suffixes with phoneme-level transitivity alternations. Explanations from previous literature cannot adequately account for these patterns. The presence of such variation suggests that P’urhepecha has undergone a series of diachronic processes of grammaticalisation and replacement.</Text>
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				<PersonName>Gilles Authier</PersonName>
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					<Text textformat="02">   Budugh, a highly endangered language of Azerbaijan, has causal-noncausal verb pairs, which can be analytic and equipollent, or synthetic and directed (causative or anticausative). We present here the synthetic anticausative derivation, available only in the imperfective aspect, and the corresponding labile perfective forms, their formation and usage, as well as semantic shifts associated with this valence change. Semantically regular alternating verbs are verbs of transformation or of controlled movement. More irregular are those belonging to derivational networks employing different spatial preverbs, and the possibility of anticausative derivation appears clearly linked to the overall meaning of the verb rather than to its root. Trends are identified that shed light on the history of the verbal lexicon diachronically, through internal or external comparison.</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter presents a first tentative analysis of transitivity alternations for causal-noncausal verb pairs in Takituduh Bunun (bnn, Austronesian: Taiwan). Takituduh Bunun uses both anticausative and causative grammatical structures for such transitivity alternations. These grammatical structures interact in complex ways with the Austronesian Voice System, although I argue that causativization and anticausativization are used independently to form complex stems upon which the Voice System layered. The distribution of the synthetic and analytic causatives and the anticausative in Takituduh Bunun adhere to the predictions made by the Spontaneity Scale.</Text>
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		<Text textformat="02">The study of the causal-noncausal alternation offers a unique window onto how languages represent causal relations and event structure. Among the strategies used to encode this alternation, anticausative markers, that is, markers that overtly signal noncausal situations, have received considerably less attention than causatives, particularly from a typological and a diachronic perspective. This volume addresses this gap by bringing together fourteen original studies that span a wide range of language families and geographical areas, while drawing on diverse methodologies and data sources. The chapters explore how anticausatives are realized across languages, how they interact with competing strategies such as lability and causativization, and how they are historically connected to other voice operations such as reflexives and passives. Several contributions also examine the origins and grammaticalization of anticausative markers, identifying previously overlooked diachronic sources and challenging the widespread view that anticausatives derive primarily from reflexive constructions.</Text>
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					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter opens the volume by offering an introduction to the typology and diachrony of anticausative markers, exploring their structural and semantic properties. We first provide a definition of what cross-linguistically counts as an anticausative marker and discuss how anticausatives may be distinct from other voice markers, including passives and reflexives. In doing so, we single out the crucial difference between autocausative and decausative situations. We also survey the grammaticalization of anticausative markers, showcasing the variety of sources from which they can emerge, which, contrary to a widely shared view, is not limited to reflexivity. Finally, we provide a succinct summary of the chapters featured in this volume.</Text>
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					<Text textformat="02">   Causal-noncausal alternations are usually described as pairs, e.g. &lt;i&gt;fear/afraid: frighten&lt;/i&gt;. In fact, at least for verb sets with a state component in the semantics there are three forms, with two noncausals, typically one unbounded and one bounded, usually ingressive: &lt;i&gt;fear, be afraid/scared&lt;/i&gt; vs. &lt;i&gt;get scared, take fright.&lt;/i&gt; This chapter proposes that we recognize causal triads as the basic set for causal-noncausal alternations. It offers terminology and a preliminary account of the semantics, derivation, and cross-linguistic distribution of the distinction, as well as criteria for deciding which of the noncausals is base for the other. It also raises some research questions and calls for inclusion of causal triad information in dictionaries.</Text>
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			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 3. Verbalizers as sources of anticausative markers?</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Simone Mattiola</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Mattiola, Simone</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Simone</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Mattiola</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Pavia</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Andrea Sansó</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Sansó, Andrea</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Andrea</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Sansó</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Salerno</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative strategies</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>denominal/deadjectival verb formation strategies</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>diachrony</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>typology</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter explores denominal and deadjectival verb formation strategies (DVFSs), known as verbalizers, as potential diachronic sources of anticausative strategies (ASs). Specifically, it examines whether the anticausative function can serve as a bridgehead through which DVFSs extend into the domain of voice. We analyze synchronic relationships between the two strategies across a balanced sample of languages. We find two types of synchronic connections between DVFSs and anticausatives: (1) occasional anticausatives, where the DVFS applies to a limited set of non-nominal/non-adjectival roots to form intransitive change-of-state verbs that describe spontaneous events, and (2) established anticausatives, where the DVFS is systematically used to derive intransitive verbs. We propose that occasional and established anticausatives represent two diachronic stages in the reinterpretation of DVFSs as ASs.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.04ing</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>73</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>118</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>46</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>4</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 4. Anticausativization patterns in Australian languages</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Guglielmo Inglese</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Inglese, Guglielmo</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Guglielmo</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Inglese</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Torino</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Jean-Christophe Verstraete</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Verstraete, Jean-Christophe</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Jean-Christophe</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Verstraete</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Leuven | Australian National University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative constructions</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Australian languages</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>complex verbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>conjugation class</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>intransitivization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter explores the encoding of causal-noncausal alternations in Australian languages, with a focus on anticausativization. Using a genetically and geographically representative sample of 60 languages, we identified four major strategies involved in the anticausative pattern: verbalizers, complex verbs, conjugation class change, and verbal intransitivizers. Our survey reveals a range of distributional differences, in terms of base domain, geographic and genetic distribution. We traced diachronic sources and developmental mechanisms, showing that the four strategies may be connected via two main grammaticalization pathways: from reflexives to anticausatives, and possibly from complex verbs to verbalizers and to conjugation class markers (following McGregor 2002). These findings deepen our understanding of transitivity and voice in Australian languages and contribute to the broader diachronic typology of anticausative marking.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.05shv</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>119</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>152</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>34</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>5</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 5. The rise and fall of anticausative marking in Aramaic</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Elena Shvedova</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Shvedova, Elena</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Elena</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Shvedova</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>HSE University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Aramaic</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>labile verbs</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Neo-Aramaic</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>spontaneity scale</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter examines the evolution of anticausative marking (overt marker in noncausal verb) in Aramaic languages over a period of 3000 years. I describe the inventories of detransitivising markers (verbal stems) in Old, Middle and Modern Aramaic and show that the Aramaic material challenges typological assumptions about the stability of (de)transitivising morphemes. The Proto-Semitic anticausative N-stem disappeared early in Proto-Aramaic, while detransitive &lt;i&gt;t&lt;/i&gt;-stems became more productive in pre-modern Aramaic and were then lost in most Modern Aramaic varieties. By studying 31 verb pairs in 10 Aramaic languages from different periods, I show that P-lability is increasingly replacing anticausative marking in all Modern Aramaic languages. This process was found to occur even in Modern Western Aramaic, which has preserved a productive (de)transitivising morphology.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.06tan</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>153</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>195</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>43</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>6</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 6. The causal-noncausal alternation in Akkadian</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Inherited and innovated strategies</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Iris Tanza-Kamil</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Tanza-Kamil, Iris</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Iris</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Tanza-Kamil</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Hebrew University of Jerusalem</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Akkadian verb</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>argument structure</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>causal-noncausal alternation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>morphosemantics</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>morphosyntax</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Semitic verbal templates</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter provides an overview of the various strategies featured in Akkadian (East-Semitic) for the encoding of the causal-noncausal alternation. Akkadian could mark either the causal, the noncausal, or more rarely both alternants in the alternation. To mark causatives, Akkadian inserted its lexical roots into one of two causative templates, known as D and Š. To mark anticausatives, Akkadian marked verbal forms with the templatic morphemes &lt;i&gt;t&lt;/i&gt;- and &lt;i&gt;n&lt;/i&gt;-. Among inherited strategies to encode the alternation, roots more commonly make use of causative marking than anticausative marking. At least the anticausative markers are inherited from Afroasiatic, while the two causatives can only be reconstructed up to Semitic. Another strategy to mark anticausatives was innovated in Akkadian, however, and involved the productive &lt;i&gt;resultative&lt;/i&gt; conjugation in all template patterns to denote states resulting from events with no specified causer.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.07hol</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>196</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>222</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>27</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>7</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 7. The heterogeneity of anticausatives</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A view from Balto-Slavonic</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Axel Holvoet</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Holvoet, Axel</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Axel</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Holvoet</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Vilnius University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>antipassive</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>converse</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>facilitative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>middle</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>passive</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   The chapter explores anticausatives in Slavonic and Baltic, focusing on subtypes that diverge in different ways from the canonical anticausative. It is often hard to identify their causal counterpart, which renders them hard to classify. Some arguably anticausative verbs could alternatively be viewed as antipassives, others show an agentive entailment that brings them closer to passives. All these verbs seem to constitute the periphery of the anticausative category, which is far from homogeneous. Alternative interpretations arise from a diachronic viewpoint: anticausatives can be defined as the result of lexical extension of an originally reflexive marker so that the verbs thus marked are no longer agents but patients or themes. Synchronically, the transitivity pairs singled out are often epiphenomenal.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.08ang</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>223</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>248</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>26</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>8</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 8. Intensifier or anticausative?</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A contrastive analysis of German  &lt;i&gt;selbst-&lt;/i&gt;  and Italian  &lt;i&gt;auto-&lt;/i&gt;  in synthetic compounds</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Marco Angster</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Angster, Marco</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Marco</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Angster</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Zadar</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Livio Gaeta</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Gaeta, Livio</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Livio</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Gaeta</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Turin</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>contrastive co-reference</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>intensifiers</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>reflexivity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>word-formation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   Contrastive Co-reference (&lt;sub&gt;

        &lt;i&gt;

            &lt;sc&gt;cc&lt;/sc&gt;

        &lt;/i&gt;

    &lt;/sub&gt;) Markers (Angster 2023) are word-formation elements linked either formally or functionally to the class of intensifiers (König &amp;#38; Gast 2006). Their function in word-formation is often interpreted as close to reflexivity — cf. König’s (2011) label &lt;i&gt;reflexive compounds&lt;/i&gt;. In this chapter we will examine &lt;sub&gt;

        &lt;i&gt;

            &lt;sc&gt;cc&lt;/sc&gt;

        &lt;/i&gt;

    &lt;/sub&gt;Constructions — namely German synthetic &lt;i&gt;selbst-&lt;/i&gt;compounds and their closest functional correspondent in Italian, i.e. &lt;i&gt;auto-&lt;/i&gt;formations modified by a prepositional phrase introduced by the preposition &lt;i&gt;di&lt;/i&gt; — in search for a possible anticausative interpretation of &lt;i&gt;selbst-&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;auto-&lt;/i&gt;. We will show that an anticausative interpretation is possible when the verbs underlying a &lt;sub&gt;

        &lt;i&gt;

            &lt;sc&gt;cc&lt;/sc&gt;

        &lt;/i&gt;

    &lt;/sub&gt;Formation display a valency alternation, and in particular when the patient of a transitive verb is promoted to subject, while the subject is completely eclipsed.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.09ben</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>249</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>286</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>38</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>9</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 9. Noncausatives vs. anticausatives</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Towards a comparative analysis of Italian and Spanish</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Delia Bentley</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Bentley, Delia</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Delia</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Bentley</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>The University of Manchester</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>causative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>microvariation</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>middle voice</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>noncausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Romance</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   Through comparative analysis of Italian and Spanish, I propose a method to investigate microvariation in the causative alternation in Romance. Taking a lexicalist perspective, I maintain that microvariation cannot be properly understood unless it is assumed that alternating verbs can figure in the intransitive as noncausative or causative verbal stems, the causative stems requiring anticausativization (causer suppression) in this domain. The contrasting behaviour of the scrutinised lemmas depends on the roles of the parameters [±&lt;sc&gt;definite change&lt;/sc&gt;] and [±&lt;sc&gt;direct cause&lt;/sc&gt;] in each language. In Spanish {−&lt;sc&gt;direct cause&lt;/sc&gt;, +&lt;sc&gt;definite change&lt;/sc&gt;} causative stems can anticausativize and figure as SE marked intransitives, while in Italian anticausativization is avoided with the same class. I propose an account of anticausativization in the two languages, highlighting the role of middle voice in the microvariation observed.</Text>
				</OtherText>
	</ContentItem>
	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.10ing</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>287</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>332</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>46</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>10</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 10. Anticausativization and lability in Romance</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">A historical corpus study on Spanish and Italian</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Guglielmo Inglese</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Inglese, Guglielmo</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Guglielmo</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Inglese</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Torino</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Giulia Mazzola</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Mazzola, Giulia</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Giulia</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Mazzola</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Newcastle University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Eugenio Goria</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Goria, Eugenio</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Eugenio</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Goria</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Torino</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>4</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Lorenzo Ferrarotti</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Ferrarotti, Lorenzo</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Lorenzo</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Ferrarotti</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>University of Bergamo</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>5</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Bert Cornillie</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Cornillie, Bert</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Bert</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Cornillie</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>KU Leuven</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Italian</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>lability</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>reflexive</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Spanish</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This comparative diachronic corpus study of Italian and Spanish focuses on the alternation between anticausativization (reflexive marking) and lability as noncausal marking strategies. By using mixed-effects logistic regression on historical data, we demonstrate the relevance of a variety of morphosyntactic, semantic, and cognitive parameters, and assess their stability across time and languages. Our results show that, diachronically, the alternation undergoes a telicity-based polarization and that SE spreads from controlled to non-controlled events. Our comparative findings suggest that the alternation in Italian is more sensitive to contextual factors (telicity), while in Spanish it responds, to a greater extent, to lexical constraints (causalness degree). To conclude, we discuss the interconnection among different factors and their relationship with the restructuring of the tense and voice systems from Latin to Romance.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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	<ContentItem>
		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.11ong</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>333</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>373</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>41</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>11</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 11. Anticausativization and lability in Latin before 200 CE</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">The role of transitivity parameters in the syntax of anticausativization</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Tim A.F. Ongenae</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Ongenae, Tim A.F.</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Tim A.F.</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Ongenae</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Ghent University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausativization</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>lability</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Latin</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>mediopassive</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>reflexivity</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter discusses how a corpus-based approach can contribute to a better understanding of the encoding variation in anticausativization and lability in Latin. Latin originally had three strategies to derive a noncausal alternant from a causal predicate (two marked and one unmarked), namely the mediopassive, the reflexive, and the labile strategies. First, I discuss how actionality played a role in the selection of lability over the marked anticausative strategies. Secondly, I discuss the role of control in the selection of the three strategies, especially in the distinction between the mediopassive and reflexive strategies.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.12pet</IDValue>
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				<FirstPageNumber>374</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>417</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>44</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>12</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 12. Noncausal events and anticausative marking in Modern Irish</TitleText>
			<Subtitle textformat="02">Synchronic and diachronic aspects</Subtitle>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>John Peterson</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Peterson, John</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>John</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Peterson</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Kiel University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>ambitransitives</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>causal vs. noncausal</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>impersonal</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Irish</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>plain vs induced</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   The present study gives a first overview of noncausal events and their marking in Modern Irish. Irish has two primary means of marking noncausal events: the first involves P-preserving labile verbs such as &lt;i&gt;iompaigh&lt;/i&gt; ‘turn over (&lt;sc&gt;intr/tr)&lt;/sc&gt;’. As a large percentage of these verbs end in -&lt;i&gt;(a)igh&lt;/i&gt;, which goes back to a productive suffix in Old Irish, I trace the development of these forms in Old Irish, following Griffith (2010, 2013). The second means of marking noncausality is through impersonal verbal morphology, found with a handful of common predicates. I argue that impersonal marking allows for a reanalysis of it as an anticausative marker when the verb involves a final change-of-state.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.13bel</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>418</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>447</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>30</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>13</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 13. Causal-noncausal alternations in P’urhepecha</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Kate Bellamy</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Bellamy, Kate</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Kate</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Bellamy</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Leiden University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>2</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Martha Mendoza</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Mendoza, Martha</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Martha</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Mendoza</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Florida Atlantic University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>3</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Calogero Rampello</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Rampello, Calogero</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Calogero</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Rampello</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Leiden University | University of Antwerp</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>4</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Mihai Tomoiaga</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Tomoiaga, Mihai</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Mihai</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Tomoiaga</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Leiden University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>agglutinative languages</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>causal-noncausal alternations</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Mesoamerican languages</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>P’urhepecha</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>valency-changing suffixes</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   In this chapter we present the causal and noncausal coding patterns for 31 verb pairs in P’urhepecha (isolate, western Mexico). We observe a strong preference for an equipollent coding type through contrasting suffixes, and a secondary preference for a suffix-marked causative type. The variety of suffixes used is striking; while &lt;i&gt;-kurhi&lt;/i&gt; functions as the most common noncausal marker, causal meaning is mainly split between the three voice/valency suffixes &lt;i&gt;-ra, -ta&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;-ku&lt;/i&gt;. The suffix &lt;i&gt;-ka&lt;/i&gt; also surfaces in three verb pairs, as do spatial locative and direction suffixes with phoneme-level transitivity alternations. Explanations from previous literature cannot adequately account for these patterns. The presence of such variation suggests that P’urhepecha has undergone a series of diachronic processes of grammaticalisation and replacement.</Text>
				</OtherText>
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		<TextItem>
			<TextItemType>10</TextItemType>
			<TextItemIdentifier>
				<TextItemIDType>01</TextItemIDType>
				<IDTypeName>JB code</IDTypeName>
				<IDValue>tsl.138.14aut</IDValue>
			</TextItemIdentifier>
				<FirstPageNumber>448</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>487</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>40</NumberOfPages>
		</TextItem>
		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>14</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 14. Anticausative alternation in Budugh simple verbs</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Gilles Authier</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Authier, Gilles</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Gilles</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Authier</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
			</Contributor>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>antipassive</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>deagentive</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>deobjective</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>deponent</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>passive</SubjectHeadingText>
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				<OtherText>
					<TextTypeCode>01</TextTypeCode>
					<Text textformat="02">   Budugh, a highly endangered language of Azerbaijan, has causal-noncausal verb pairs, which can be analytic and equipollent, or synthetic and directed (causative or anticausative). We present here the synthetic anticausative derivation, available only in the imperfective aspect, and the corresponding labile perfective forms, their formation and usage, as well as semantic shifts associated with this valence change. Semantically regular alternating verbs are verbs of transformation or of controlled movement. More irregular are those belonging to derivational networks employing different spatial preverbs, and the possibility of anticausative derivation appears clearly linked to the overall meaning of the verb rather than to its root. Trends are identified that shed light on the history of the verbal lexicon diachronically, through internal or external comparison.</Text>
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				<IDValue>tsl.138.15sve</IDValue>
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				<FirstPageNumber>488</FirstPageNumber>
				<LastPageNumber>514</LastPageNumber>
				<NumberOfPages>27</NumberOfPages>
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		<ComponentTypeName>Chapter</ComponentTypeName>
		<ComponentNumber>15</ComponentNumber>
		<Title>
			<TitleType>01</TitleType>
			<TitleText textformat="02">Chapter 15. Anticausatives in Takituduh Bunun</TitleText>
		</Title>
			<Contributor>
				<SequenceNumber>1</SequenceNumber>
				<ContributorRole>A01</ContributorRole>
				<PersonName>Victor Bogren Svensson</PersonName>
				<PersonNameInverted>Bogren Svensson, Victor</PersonNameInverted>
				<NamesBeforeKey>Victor</NamesBeforeKey>
				<KeyNames>Bogren Svensson</KeyNames>
				<ProfessionalAffiliation>
					<Affiliation>Lund University</Affiliation>
				</ProfessionalAffiliation>
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				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>anticausative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Austronesian</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Bunun</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>causative</SubjectHeadingText>
				</Subject>
				<Subject>
					<SubjectSchemeIdentifier>20</SubjectSchemeIdentifier>
					<SubjectHeadingText>Formosan</SubjectHeadingText>
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					<Text textformat="02">   This chapter presents a first tentative analysis of transitivity alternations for causal-noncausal verb pairs in Takituduh Bunun (bnn, Austronesian: Taiwan). Takituduh Bunun uses both anticausative and causative grammatical structures for such transitivity alternations. These grammatical structures interact in complex ways with the Austronesian Voice System, although I argue that causativization and anticausativization are used independently to form complex stems upon which the Voice System layered. The distribution of the synthetic and analytic causatives and the anticausative in Takituduh Bunun adhere to the predictions made by the Spontaneity Scale.</Text>
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